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Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


HARVARD   ECONOMIC  STUDIES 

PUBLISHED   UNDER  THE   DIRECTION   OF 
THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  ECONOMICS 

VOL.  XIII 


THE 

EVOLUTION  OF  THE  ENGLISH 

CORN  MARKET 

FROM  THE  TWELFTH  TO  THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY 


BY 

NORMAN  SCOTT  BRIEN  GRAS,  Ph.D. 

ASSISTANT  PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY,  CLARK  COLLEGE,  AND 
LECTURER  IN  HISTORY,  CLARK  UNIVERSITY 


AWARDED  THE  DAVID  A.  WELLS  PRIZE  FOR 
THE  YEAR  1912-13,  AND  PUBLISHED  FROM 
THE  INCOME  OF  THE  DAVID  A.  WELLS  FUND 


CAMBRIDGE 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON:  HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
Oxford  University  Press 

1915 


COPYRIGHT,  1915 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SANTA  BARBARA 


TO  MY  MOTHER 


PREFACE 

The  following  essay,  based  upon  a  study  of  printed  materials 
and  manuscript  sources  in  the  English  archives,  had  its  beginning 
in  a  class  thesis  and  in  its  present  form  is  an  expansion  of  a 
doctoral  dissertation  submitted  at  Harvard  University. 

Such  an  extended  treatment  of  the  early  corn  (grain)  trade  of 
England  as  is  here  presented  is  not  to  be  justified  on  the  ground 
of  a  lack  of  general  information  concerning  the  subject.  The 
use,  however,  of  new  manuscript  materials  and  the  adoption  of 
new  points  of  view  seem  to  form  an  adequate  basis  for  a  fresh 
study  of  the  subject. 

The  chief  of  these  manuscript  sources  are  the  communications 
between  London  and  the  central  government  in  the  Tudor  and 
Stuart  periods,  the  account  books  of  various  London  companies, 
and  the  national  customs  accounts  and  port  books.  From  the 
second  and  third  of  these  sets  of  documents  have  been  compiled 
statistics  of  corn  prices  and  of  the  corn  trade,  both  foreign  and 
domestic. 

In  the  compilation  of  these  statistics,  as  indeed  in  other  parts 
of  the  work,  I  have  had  in  mind  both  the  old  interest  in  corn  legis- 
lation, to  which  one  chapter  is  exclusively  devoted,  and  the  new 
interest  in  market  development,  with  which  the  other  chapters 
deal  at  length. 

The  main  contribution  of  this  work  to  the  study  of  the  corn 
laws  is  the  interpretation  of  them  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
actual  condition  of  the  corn  trade  itself.  To  accomplish  this  the 
evidence  of  corn  production,  exchange,  and  consumption  has  been 
examined,  and  detailed  facts  of  exports,  imports,  and  coast  trans- 
portation have  been  worked  out.  Even  in  the  treatment  of  this 
topic,  hitherto  the  chief  object  of  investigation,  the  ulterior  pur- 
pose has  been  to  pave  the  way  for  a  study  of  market  evolution. 

The  marketing  system  of  the  manor  has  been  briefly  sketched 
to  furnish  the  necessary  perspective  to  the  systems  of  exchange 


Vlll  PREFACE 

involved  in  the  rise  of  small  urban  communities  and  of  large 
metropolitan  centers.  Especial  attention  has  been  given  to  the 
development  of  the  metropolitan  market  and  the  chief  result  of 
this  study  has  been  to  emphasize,  in  my  mind,  the  place  of  the 
metropolis  in  the  scheme  of  economic  stages.  Further  investiga- 
tion of  other  aspects  of  the  metropolitan  marketing  system  is 
necessary,  but  it  already  appears  that  in  the  evolution  of  economic 
organization,  metropolitan  economy  should  be  substituted  for  the 
national  stage  as  the  successor  to  town  economy.  I  proffer  the 
suggestion  that  the  conception  of  national  economy,  which  has 
hitherto  been  unchallenged,  owes  its  position  to  the  old  and  in 
many  ways  pardonable  confusion  between  politics  and  economics. 
Even  Biicher  attempting  in  distinction  from  Schmoller,  to  base 
economic  stages  on  a  consideration  of  purely  economic  factors, 
did  not  free  himself  from  the  nationalistic  prepossession. 

To  the  genetic  economist,  if  I  may  use  the  term,  the  rise  of 
towns  and  the  growth  of  metropolitan  centers  are  two  of  the 
most  far-reaching  movements  in  all  history.  This  conclusion  has 
been  strengthened  by  the  investigations  which  have  resulted  in 
this  book,  the  primary  object  of  which  is  to  contribute,  however 
inadequately,  to  a  better  understanding  of  economic  evolution. 

I  am  indebted  for  help  to  many  persons  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic.  First  among  these  should  be  mentioned  Mr.  Hubert 
Hall,  through  whose  assistance  I  gained  access  to  many  docu- 
ments otherwise  not  available;  also,  Mr.  Hilary  Jenkinson  of  the 
Public  Record  Office,  Mr.  Henry  Atton  of  the  London  Customs 
House,  Dr.  R.  R.  Sharpe  of  the  London  Guildhall,  the  authori- 
ties of  the  British  Museum  and  London  Livery  Companies,  as 
well  as  those  of  several  provincial  towns,  especially  Lynn.  It 
was  only  by  the  help  of  Mr.  J.  M.  McEvoy  and  the  late  Lord 
Strathcona  that  I  was  admitted  to  certain  valuable  collections  of 
manuscripts  in  England.  My  work  in  America  has  been  made 
lighter  by  the  cooperation  of  the  officials  of  the  libraries  of  Har- 
vard College  and  Clark  University. 

For  counsel  and  advice  I  am  deeply  indebted  to  Professor  C.  H. 
Haskins,  Professor  R.  B.  Merriman,  Professor  Leo  Wiener,  and 
Professor  H.  L.  Gray,  of  Harvard  University. 


PREFACE  IX 

For  assistance  in  the  final  stages  of  the  manuscript,  I  am  under 
obligations  to  Professor  W.  F.  Tamblyn  of  the  Western  University 
and  Miss  E.  B.  Demarest  of  the  Carnegie  Institute  of  Technology. 

A  good  deal  of  the  burden  of  compilation  and  arrangement  has 
been  shared  by  Miss  E.  G.  Culbert  of  Victoria  University. 

To  Professor  E.  F.  Gay,  however,  I  am  most  deeply  indebted, 
for  it  was  at  his  suggestion  that  this  work  was  undertaken  and 
with  his  help  in  all  the  stages  of  preparation  that  it  has  been 
completed.  To  the  stimulus  of  his  lectures  and  conversation, 
I  owe  more  than  I  know  how  to  acknowledge. 

N.  S.  B.  G. 

Worcester,  Mass., 
August,  1914. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

MANORIAL  MARKETING,   FROM  THE  TWELFTH 
TO  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

SECTION  PAGE 

i.  Inter-Manorial  Organization 3 

2.  Manorial  Price  Statistics n 

3.  Rise  of  Manorial  Marketing 17 

4.  Decay  of  the  Manor 24 

CHAPTER  II 

THE  LOCAL  MARKET  FROM  THE  THIRTEENTH  TO 
THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

i.    The  Nature  of  a  Market      32 

2.  Price  Statistics  and  Method 35 

3.  The  Local  Market  and  Market  Price  Levels 42 

4.  Price  Variation 55 

5.  The  Local  Corn  Trade 59 

CHAPTER  III 
MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  AND  PROVISION,  1250-1700 

1.  The  Corn  Regulations  of  Medieval  London,  i  2 50-1 500  .   .  65 

2.  The  Growth  of  London,  1500-170x5 73 

3.  Corn  Provision:  Municipal,  1514-78 77 

4.  Corn  Provision:  Gild,  1578-1678 82 

5.  The  Significance  of  Municipal  Corn  Regulation  and 

Provision 89 

CHAPTER  IV 

THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH 
AND   SEVENTEENTH  CENTURIES 


The  Conception  of  a  Metropolitan  Market 95 

Foreign  Supply 99 

The  Metropolitan  Market  and  the  Domestic  Trade     .  104 

Exportation no 

Price  Statistics  and  the  Metropolitan  Market   ....  117 

The  Formation  of  the  Metropolitan  Market 122 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  V 

THE  CORN  LAWS  FROM  THE  TWELFTH  TO  THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY 

SECTION  PAG* 

i.  Early  Corn  Laws 130 

2.  Legislation  Regulating  Corn  Exportation     134 

3.  Legislation  Regulating  Corn  Importation      147 

4.  Legislation  Concerning  Corn  Dealers 150 

CHAPTER  VI 

THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  UNDER  THE  LOCAL 
MARKET  SYSTEM  BEFORE  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

1.  Local  Corn  Dealers 157 

2.  Rise  of  the  Corn  Monger 163 

3.  Organization  of  the  Corn  Mongers  in  London     ....  167 

4.  Rise  of  the  Corn  Merchant  under  the  Local  Market 

System 170 

5.  Comparison  of  the  Corn  Dealer  with  other  Middle- 

men   176 

6.  Factors  in  the  Development  of  the  Local  Middleman      180 

CHAPTER  VII 

THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  UNDER  THE  METROPOLITAN 
MARKET  SYSTEM 

1.  Development  of  the  Corn  Monger  and  Corn  Regrator 

in  the  Metropolitan  Period 183 

2.  An  Elizabethan  General  Merchant 189 

3.  Development  of  the  Corn  Merchant  in  the  Metropolitan 

Period 193 

4.  Growth  of  Appreciation  of  Corn  Middleman  Functions    199 

CHAPTER  VIII 

MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  AND  THE  EVOLUTION  OF 
CORN  POLICY 

1.  Nature  of  a  Corn  Policy 2x0 

2.  Manorial  Marketing  and  Corn  Policy 211 

3.  Local  Market  and  Corn  Policy 213 

4.  Inclosures,  1450-1600 218 

5.  First  Phase  of  Metropolitan  Policy  under  the  Tudors  221 

6.  Tudor  Regulation  of  the  Corn  Trade 233 

7.  Second  Phase  of  Metropolitan  Policy,  1600-1660    .   .   .  242 

8.  Third  Phase  of  Metropolitan  Policy,  1 660-1 689  ....  250 


CONTENTS  Xlll 

APPENDICES 

I.  Statistical:  page 

A.  Statistics  of  the  production  and  sale  of  corn  on  the  manors 
of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester  in  the  years,  1208-09,  I299~ 
1300  and  1396-97 261 

B.  Statistics  of  corn  importations,  arranged  according  to 
ports,  1303-1690 271 

C.  Statistics  of  corn  exportations,  arranged  according  to 
ports,  1303-1690 281 

D.  Statistics  of  the  coast  trade  in  corn,  outward  and  in- 
ward, arranged  according  to  ports,  1 549-1690    297 

E.  Statistics  of  corn  prices,  London,  1 53 7-1673 324 

F.  Statistics  of  corn  prices,  general,  1 208-1 669 369 

G.  Statistics  of  corn  bounty  debentures,  1674-89 418 

H.   Statistics  of  assignments  of  money  and  corn  to  be  provided 

by  the  London  companies,  1 520-1662 421 

I.   Statistics   of   corn   provision  by   Grocers   and  Mercers, 

1617-74 427 

IT.  Documentary: 

J.   "  A  speciall  direction  for  divers  trades  "  {temp,  late  Eliz.).  429 

K.   Preface  to  the  Book  of  Rates  of  1608 440 

L.  Miscellaneous  documents,  1482-1650 447 

ELL  Bibliographical: 

M.   Manuscript  sources 465 

Printed  Works: 

N.  Documentary 467 

O.  Narrative 471 

P.  Modern  treatises 473 

INDEX *.     481 


GRAPHIC  ILLUSTRATIONS 

1.  Charts  showing  the  Course  of  Price  Averages  in  Three 

Areas  during  the  Periods  1 281-1300  and  141 1-30    .   .      45 

2.  Map  showing  Local  Price  Areas  for  the  Period  i 259-1 500, 

including   the  places   from  which   the  prices  have 
been  taken  to  make  up  the  averages 47 

3 .  Chart  showing  the  Parallel  Movement  of  Prices,  13 13-3  2       60 

4.  Chart  showing   the  Genesis   of   Corn   Middlemen   in 

England 200 


EVOLUTION   OF  THE  ENGLISH   CORN 
MARKET 


ABBREVIATIONS  IN   FOOTNOTES 

Br.  M British  Museum 

K.  R King's  Remembrancer 

R.  O Record  Office 


EVOLUTION   OF   THE   ENGLISH 
CORN   MARKET 

CHAPTER  I 

MANORIAL  MARKETING,  FROM  THE  TWELFTH  TO  THE 
SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

i.  Inter-Manorial  Organization 

Many  phases  of  the  medieval  manorial  system  have  been  care- 
fully investigated,  such  as  manorial  origins,  the  legal  status  of 
the  various  classes  on  the  manor,  and  the  agricultural  methods  at 
various  times  in  use.  In  the  study  of  such  problems  the  focus 
has  usually  been  upon  the  manor  as  a  unit,  but  here  the  interest 
lies  in  the  manor  in  association  with  other  manors  and  with  the 
town,  for  it  is  in  such  a  relationship  that  we  find  the  earliest 
evidence  of  the  regular  movement  and  exchange  of  corn  within 
England. 

When  the  manor  comes  into  view  for  careful  study  (1000-1300), 
it  is  not  always  an  isolated  community,  but  frequently  a  member 
of  a  group  of  manors  held  together,  not  by  topographical  con- 
tiguity, but  by  subordination  to  a  common  lord. 

At  the  Conquest  and  after,  we  find  this  situation.1    The  king 

1  The  number  of  manors  in  Domesday  has  been  computed  as  follows:  — 

Total 0,250  Roger  of  Busli 174 

King  (ancient  demesne) 1,422  Ilbert  de  Lacy 164 

Earl  of  Mortain 793  Wm.  Peverel 162 

Earl  of  Bretagne 442  Rob.  de  Stadford 150 

Bishop  of  Bayeux 439  Roger  de  Lacy 116 

Bishop  of  Constance 280  Hugh  de  Montford over  100 

Ellis,  Domesday  Book,  i,  pp.  225  f.;  H.  de  B.  Gibbins,  Industry  in  England,  pp.  70  n., 
81  n. 

The  possessions  of  Burton  Abbey  are  said  to  have  numbered  72  manors  before 
the  Conquest  and  32  in  the  early  twelfth  century.  Introduction  to  Burton  Chartu- 
lary,  William  Salt  Archaeological  Society,  v,  pt.  1,  p.  1. 

The  episcopal  estates  of  Winchester  included  nearly  40  manors  in  the  early  thir- 
teenth century.  St.  Paul's  in  the  late  twelfth  century  derived  food-farms  from 
13  manors. 

3 


4  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

was  the  possessor  of  a  large  number  of  manors  in  about  thirty 
different  shires.  These  were  not  unchanging,  for,  while  the 
king  was  constantly  granting  manorial  fiefs  to  his  supporters, 
other  manors  were  constantly  escheating  to  him.  At  the  other 
extremity  was  the  lord  of  one  or  two  manors.  But  most  interest- 
ing and  most  significant  to  us  was  the  group  of  a  dozen,  or  even 
a  score  or  more,  manors  in  the  possession  of  the  lay  or  ecclesiasti- 
cal lord,  and  of  the  religious  foundation,  monastic  or  capitular. 
In  general  these  groups,  though  not  contiguous,  lay  in  one  section 
of  the  country,  in  two  or  three  counties.1 

To  the  mass  of  the  people  and  to  the  central  government  the 
object  of  the  manorial  system  was  protection  and  order.  To  the 
lord  the  great  service  of  the  manor  was  undoubtedly  to  supply 
him  and  his  household  with  food.  To  enjoy  this  food,  however, 
the  lord  had  originally  to  go  to  the  place  of  production.  This, 
as  is  well  known,  was  a  common  custom  among  both  lay 2  and 
ecclesiastical  lords  3  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  doubtless  far 
back  into  the  Anglo-Saxon  period.  The  manor  was,  from  this 
point  of  view,  a  huge  storehouse  for  the  possessor  to  visit  and 
feast  upon.  Here  his  agents,  his  servants,  and  his  dogs  were 
found  sustenance,  and  his  king  made  welcome  and  feasted. 

It  is  obvious  that  such  a  system  often  pre-supposed  conditions 
not  always  existing.     The  lord  might  not  find  his  manors  con- 

1  The  174  manors  of  Roger  of  Busli  are  said  to  have  been  all  in  Nottinghamshire, 
the  164  of  Ilbert  de  Lacy  chiefly  in  Yorkshire,  the  32  of  Burton  Abbey  in  three 
shires,  the  30  odd  of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester  in  at  least  seven  shires. 

*  "  Every  year,  at  Michaelmas,  when  you  know  the  measure  of  your  corn,  then 
arrange  your  sojourn  for  the  whole  of  that  year,  and  for  how  many  weeks  in  each 
place,  according  to  the  seasons  of  the  year,  and  the  advantages  of  the  country  in 
flesh  and  in  fish,  and  do  not  in  any  wise  burden  by  debt  or  long  residence  the  places 
where  you  sojourn,  but  so  arrange  your  sojourns  that  the  place  at  your  departure 
shall  not  remain  in  debt,  but  something  may  remain  on  the  manor,  whereby  the 
manor  can  raise  money  from  increase  of  stock."  Rules  of  St.  Robert  (Grosseteste), 
Walter  of  Henley,  p.  145.     (1240  or  1241.) 

Compare  also  the  inquisition  of  Crovdin,  Wales:  Item  dicunt  quod  quelibus 
Westua  solebat  pascere  dominum  cum  familia  sua  quater  in  anno  et  Weysenteylu 
venatores  cum  canibus  domini  falconarios  cum  avibus  suis  per  suos  adventus  quod 
quidem  servicium  vocatur  Weest  et  extenditur  illud  Weest  in  qualibus  Westua  ad 
quatuor  Marcas  per  annum  solvendas  ad  quatuor  terminos  anni  ut  supra  pro  equali 
porcione.     Summa  xvi  li.     Seebohm,  Tribal  System  in  Wales,  app.  121  (8  Ed.  I). 

*  Cf.  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester,  pp.  3,  31,  45,  59,  75. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  5 

veniently  situated  for  this  perambulatory  feeding,1  or  he  might 
prefer  to  live  at  one  manor  and  to  have  his  supplies  sent  there. 
We  find,  indeed,  the  practice  of  sending  to  one  center  the  corn 
surplus  of  outlying  manors,  partly  rent  and  partly  the  product  of 
the  demesne.  It  seems  probable  that  such  a  practice  should  first 
arise  on  ecclesiastical  estates,  chiefly  on  those  of  conventual 
bodies,  because  in  their  case,  from  the  very  first,  prandial  per- 
ambulation would  have  been  impossible.2  It  might  later,  as 
its  convenience  became  manifest  and  the  transportation  service 
became  organized,  be  extended  to  other  manorial  lords.  But 
the  evidence  illustrates  chiefly  the  monastic  and  capitular 
economy.  At  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  St.  Paul's,  Lon- 
don, received  forty-five  "  food-farms," 3  each  of  thirty-five 
quarters  of  wheat,  barley,  and  oats  from  thirteen  manors  situated 
in  the  nearby  counties  of  Middlesex,  Surrey,  Hertfordshire,  and 
Essex.  In  all,  about  1575  quarters  came  annually  direct  from 
these  manors  in  support  of  the  cathedral  establishment.     The 

1  A  study  of  some  manorial  groups  shows  that  such  was  the  case. 

Professor  Vinogradoff  notes,  however,  an  arrangement  of  manors  in  small 
groups:  "  the  Royal  manors  in  Domesday  are  combined  in  groups,  in  order  to  levy 
the  necessary  quantity  of  victuals,  or  to  pay  a  corresponding  sum  of  money.  In 
Dorset,  Dorchester,  Fortitone,  Sutton,  Gelingeham,  and  Fromme  combine  to  ren- 
der a  farm  of  one  night."     English  Society  in  the  Eleventh  Century,  p.  350. 

2  Miss  Elizabeth  B.  Demarest,  in  an  essay  about  to  be  printed  ("  The  Domesday 
Hundred  ")  presents  an  interesting  thesis  bearing  upon  this  subject.  The  hundred, 
which  was  originally  territorial  (the  land  settled  by,  say,  a  hundred  families),  came 
to  have  a  fiscal  meaning,  first  as  a  unit  supplying  the  royal  farm,  and  later  as  the 
unit  for  the  danegeld,  the  hundred  being  one  hundred  hides.  The  second  stage, 
that  of  the  hundred  as  a  unit  for  the  royal  farm,  is  of  prime  importance  here.  The 
king  as  political  head  drew  food-farms  from  all  manors  not  directly  in  his  hands, 
such  as  those  belonging  to  the  church  and  to  lay  lords,  and  as  landlord  he  collected 
others  from  his  own  manors.  All  the  contributions  to  this  farm  within  the  hundred 
went  to  some  one  royal  manor  within  the  hundred,  the  hundred-manor.  Thus  the 
fiscal  system  of  the  country  was  built  upon  a  primitive  local  unit  and  was  decentra- 
lized since  it  was  focused  in  the  hundred-manors,  to  which  the  king  went  to  enjoy 
and  to  use  his  regular  income.  The  later  danegeld  was  based  upon  the  hundred 
also,  but  its  collection  was  centralized. 

If  this  thesis  be  correct,  then,  there  seems  to  be  no  reason  why  sending  corn  to  a 
central  manor,  a  royal  organization,  should  not  be  almost  as  old  as  the  manor  itself. 
That  is,  this  may  be  as  ancient  as  the  monastic  organization  referred  to  in  the  text. 

1  Domesday  of  St.  Paul,  pp.  xlviii  f.;  Ashley,  English  Economic  History  and  Theory, 
i,  pp.  44-45;  Neilson,  Economic  Conditions  on  the  Manors  of  Ramsey  Abbey,  p.  19. 


6  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

corn  itself  was  consumed,  not  sold,  about  two-thirds  being  used 
for  brewing,  while  the  remaining  third  was  baked  into  bread. 
Such  a  system  involved  the  regular  —  weekly  or  fortnightly  — 
carriage  of  corn  from  outlying  places  to  the  manorial  center. 

Much  information  about  the  general  prevalence  of  the  practice 
of  sending  corn  to  one  center  comes  from  a  study  of  the  services 
provided  for  this  transportation.  Although  millstones,  cloth, 
wool,  wood,  wine,  salt,  fish,  and  provisions  *  were  transported  by 
the  carrying  services  of  tenants,  it  is  only  the  carriage  of  corn  that 
is  of  special  concern  here. 

The  carrying  was  done  by  a  man  on  foot,2  by  cart,3  by  wain,4 
or  by  boat,5  but  by  far  the  most  typical  service  was  by  sumpter 

1  Item,  cariabit  semel  allec  ante  Natale  de  Hamton  apud  Glaston'  et  semel  in 
tempore  XL*.  Item,  debet  cariare  semel  post  Pentecosten  sal  vel  bladum  apud 
Glaston'.  Item  cariabit  lanam  vel  caseum  apud  Winton'  vel  apud  Hamton'  vel  xx 
leucas  in  drcuitu,  et  si  non  cariat,  dabit  obolum.  Rentalia,  etc.,  Somerset  Record 
Society,  v,  p.  108  (ca.  1250). 

Service  of  each  cotter  and  bordar:  cariabit  molam.  Cart.  Abb.  de  Whiteby,  ii, 
pp.  366  f.  (fourteenth  century  ?). 

[Bondus  debet]  facere  ladas  in  itineribus  Episcopi  et  preterea  iii  ladas  per  an- 
num ad  vinum,  allec  et  sal  ferendum.     Bishop  Hatfield's  Survey,  p.  n  (R.  II). 

Drengus  [of  Hutton]  pascit  canem  et  equum,  et  guadrigat  i  tonellum  vini,  et 
lapidem  molendini  apud  Dunelm.     Boldon  Buke,  Surtees  Society,  xxv,  p.  36  (1183). 

2  Et  faciet  averagium  super  dorsum  suum  ad  voluntatem  domini.  Roluli  Hun- 
dredorum,  ii,  pp.  605  f.     (7  Ed.  I). 

Averagium  pedile  est  portare  breve  ballivi  aucas  ova  et  huiusmodi.  Neilson, 
Customary  Rents,  p.  66  n. 

Facit  averagium  pedibus.  MS.,  R.  O.,  Rentals  and  Surveys,  General  Series, 
Roll  465  (Ed.  I  or  II). 

*  Isti  omnes  simul  inveniunt  i  equum  apud  Londoniam  et  auras  [carts]  ubi- 
cunque  jubentur  ad  portandum  cibum  dominii.  Burton  Chartulary,  William  Salt 
Archaeological  Society,  v,  pt.  1,  p.  29  (1100-1113  ?). 

Inveniet  dimidum  carrum  cum  i  homine  ad  carriandum  bladum  ad  curiam 
domini  ad  cibum  domini.     Domesday  of  St.  Paul,  p.  66  (1222). 

Cariagium  cum  domini  carro  ad  voluntatem  domini.  Rentals  and  Surveys, 
General  Series,  Portf.  10,  no.  33  (40  H.  [m]). 

Si  deputatus  fuerit  ad  coriandum  cum  careta  sua  semel  in  hebdomada,  allocabi- 
tur  ei  pro  manuali  opere  unius  dietae.  Cartularium  Monasterii  Gloucestriae,  iii, 
p.  124  (ca.  1300). 

4  Omnes  isti  tenentes  —  debent  carriare  bladum  domini  cum  plaustris  totius 
villate  [of  Tillingham,  Essex,  to  St.  Paul's,  London].  Domesday  of  St.  Paul,  p.  64 
(1222). 

6  Tota  villata  debet  charchiare  bladum  ad  firmas  faciendas  et  firmarius  debet 
invenire  navem  et  rectorem  navis.     Domesday  of  St.  Paid,  p.  68  (1222). 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  7 

horse,  the  medieval  Latin  terms  for  which  are  averia  and  sum- 
marius,  from  which  are  derived  averagium  l  and  summagium.2 

Carrying  was  of  two  kinds,  both  within  the  manor,  cariagium 
ad  grangiam,  or  cariagium  de  grangio  ad  campum,  and  beyond  the 
manor,  averagium  ad  hospitium.3  This  was  the  carrying  service 
from  the  out-manors  to  the  home  manor,  or  central  residence  of 
the  lord.  For  example,  the  manors  of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester 
sent  corn  to  the  palace  of  Wolvesey  in  the  city  of  Winchester. 

Apart  from  this  movement  of  corn  to  a  specific  center,  there  was 
a  constant  transfer  of  corn  from  one  manor  to  another  (not  the 
central  manor),  the  evidence  for  which  is  most  abundant  in  the 
bailiffs'  accounts.  The  carriage  was  done  either  by  the  avera- 
gium, or  by  hired  labor,  the  latter  probably  being  often  paid  for 
by  the  commuted  averagium  payments,  that  is,  aver-silver, 
wayn-silver,  or  ship-silver,  made  by  the  tenant  not  actually  per- 
forming his  service.  The  corn  so  sent  was  either  ad  semen  or  ad 
opus,  for  seed  purposes  or  to  meet  a  deficiency  of  crops  or  supply 
within  an  adjoining  manor  of  the  group.4 

These  services  cannot  be  traced  to  their  origin.  They  were, 
however,  probably  among  the  exploitations  which  arose  and  grew 

Et  faciet  averagium  secundum  turnum  vicinorum  suorum  per  terram  et  aquam. 
MS.,  Br.  M.,  Cott.  Tib.  B  ii  (1277). 

Cf .  also  Rentalia,  Glaston  Som.  Rec.  Soc,  v,  p.  204  (ca.  1 260) ;  Rotuli  Hundredo- 
rum,  ii,  p.  645b  (7  Ed.  I). 

1  A  festo  Sancti  Michaelis  usque  ad  Natale  unum  averagium  faciet  usque  Lon- 
doniam  et  portabit  dimidium  quarterium  frumenti  vel  hordei,  vel  fabarum,  vel  sex 
bussellos  avenae;  et  infra  quindenam  qua  facit  averagium  usque  Londoniam,  non 
faciet  aliud  averagium.     Cartularium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  ii,  p.  17  (ca.  1250). 

Faciet  averagium  bladi,  scilicet  unius  quartern  usque  ad  molendinum  de  Hulmo, 
vel  Burnam,  ad  portum  Brunagge  [Norfolk]  ad  remotius,  quocumque  tempore  ei 
praeceptum  fuerit,  quandiu  Uadum  curiae  duraverit.  Ibid.,  i,  p.  416.  See  also 
Neilson,  Customary  Rents,  pp.  60-67. 

2  Debet  summagiare  apud  Gloucestriam  qualibet  altera  septimana  per  unum 
diem,  et  valet  dieta  tres  denarios  obolum.  .  .  .  Allocabitur  ei  quolibet  summagium 
pro  opere  manuali  duorum  dierum.  Cartulariutn  Monasterii  Gloucestriae,  iii,  p.  199 
Gate  thirteenth  century).      Cf.  also  Carttdarium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  i,  p.  462 

(i255)- 

3  Omnes  praedicti  facient  averagia  ita  longe  ut  possint  eodem  die  quo  facient 
averagium  ad  hospitium  redire  et  si  ulterius  eant  domina  inveniet  eis  omnia  custa 
sua  per  illam  noctem  qua  remaneant  de  hospicio  proprio.  Rotuli  Hundredorum, 
ii,  p.  653b  (7  Ed.  I). 

4  Cf.  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester,  pp.  35,  54. 


8  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

with  certain  classes  of  manors  (monastic  and  capitular),  one  of 
the  obligations  imposed  chiefly  on  customary  tenants,  often  fixed 
or  definite,  if  not  as  to  time,  at  least  as  to  distance.1  Probably 
the  earliest  clear  reference  in  English  documents  belongs  to  the 
pre-Domesday  period,  being  found  in  the  Ely  Inquest,2  or 
perhaps  even  in  the  Recti tudines  of  about  the  year  iooo,3  though 
there  is  no  apparent  reason  why  on  monastic  and  capitular 
estates  these  services  should  not  have  been  as  old  as  corresponding 
services  on  the  Continent,  such  as  those  of  about  the  year  800  on 
the  estates  of  St.  Germain  des  Pres.4  Domesday  Book  seems  to 
give  no  precise  information  on  the  subject.5      In  the  twelfth 

1  [Villanus]  dat  averagium  per  annum  quando  et  ubi  dominus  voluerit  ita  quod 
possit  reverti  eodem  die.     Rotidi  Hundredorum,  ii,  p.  788. 

An  exception  is  found  in  the  following  passage:  Isti  [villani]  omnes  simul  in- 
veniunt  I  equum  apud  Londoniam  et  auras  (carts)  ubicunque  jubentur  ad  portan- 
dum  cibum  dominii.     Burton  Chartulary,  p.  29  (1100-1113  ?). 

*  Averagium  secundum  turnum  vicinorum  suorum  curtum  et  longum.  The 
"  averagium  curtum  "  might  be  a  service  from  the  field  to  the  grange,  but  hardly 
the  "  averagium  longum."  Ely  Inquisition,  quoted  by  Vinogradoff,  Villainage  in 
England,  p.  286  n. 

Sokemen  on  the  manors  of  the  Abbot  of  Ely  in  Suffolk :  Ita  proprie  sunt  abbati 
ut  quotienscunque  ipse  praeceperit  in  anno  arabunt  suam  terram,  pugnabunt  et 
colligent  segetes,  portabunt  victum  monachorum  ad  monasterium,  equos  eorum  in 
suis  necessitatibus  habebit  [abbas].     Round,  Feudal  England,  pp.  32-33. 

*  Vilani  rectum  est  varium  et  multiplex,  secundum  quod  in  terra  statutum  est. 
In  quibusdam  terris  debet  dare  landgablum  .  .  .  vel  averiare  et  summagium 
ducere. 

[The  beo-ceorl],  si  bonam  terram  habeat,  equum  habeat  quem  ad  summagium 
domini  sui  prestare  possit,  vel  ipse  minare  quocunque  dicatur  ei.  Thorpe,  Ancient 
Laws  and  Institutes,  pp.  185-187. 

The  three  northern  surveys  of  about  the  year  1030  give  no  details  of  carrying 
services.  W.  H.  Stevenson,  "  Yorkshire  Surveys,"  English  Historical  Review,  xxvii, 
pp.  1-25. 

4  Faciunt  caropera  propter  vinum  in  Andegavo  cum  duobus  animalibus  de 
manso,  et  dicunt  illud  usque  ad  Sonane  villain.  Et  in  madium  mense  facit  caropera 
Parisius  cum  asciculos,  similiter  cum  duobus  animalibus.  Guerard,  Polyptyque,  ii, 
p.  132. 

8  It  is  very  uncertain  whether  it  contains  a  single  passage  explicitly  referring  to 
an  averagium  or  summagium  ad  hospitium.  Cf.  the  following  passage:  Sed  unus 
quisque  redit  semper  mi  d  in  Keninchala  regis  [Kinninghall,  hundred  of  Guilt- 
cross,  Norfolk]  ex  summagio.  Domesday  Book,  ii,  p.  1 78.  An  editor  of  a  translation 
of  this  passage  says  it  was  a  "  composition  for  the  duty  of  finding  beasts  for  the 
king's  service  exactly  parallel  to  the  averae  of  which  we  read  elsewhere."  Johnson, 
Victoria  History  of  the  Counties  of  England,  Norfolk,  ii,  p.  34. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  9 

century  documents,  the  references  are  more  specific,1  and  in  the 
thirteenth  century  the  evidence  is  as  full  and  abundant  as  could 
be  desired. 

Though  it  has  suited  present  purposes  to  deal  only  or  chiefly 
with  services  connected  with  corn,  the  inter-manorial  organiza- 
tion was  not  limited  either  to  one  set  of  commodities,  or  to  one 
class  of  services,  or  indeed  to  services  to  any  one  seat.  In  the 
surveys  recorded  in  Boldon  Buke  of  the  year  1183,  are  mentioned 
services  which  show  a  manifold  organization  within  the  group; 
for  example,  corn  and  other  goods  were  to  be  carried  to  Durham, 
the  episcopal  seat,2  or  wherever  else  specified,3  and  there  were 
services  entailing  a  journey  to  the  bishop's  hunting  lodge,  or 
attendance  at  the  pleas,  as  well  as  for  general  purposes  of  com- 
munication. Both  the  men  and  the  products  of  the  manors  were 
normally  expected  to  be  sent  to  other  manors  and  places.  And 
this  is  probably  typical  of  most  groups  of  manors  throughout 
England. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  historians  have  confined 
their  attention  almost  wholly  to  the  manor  as  a  unit,  and 
really  neglected  the  group.4    This  has  perhaps  been  owing  to  the 

The  editor  of  the  translation  of  many  passages  containing  averae  services,  calls 
the  avera  a  "  carrying  service  "  distinctive  of  Cambridgeshire  and  Hertfordshire. 
Round,  Victoria  History  of  the  Counties  of  England,  Herts,  i,  pp.  269-271.  See  also 
Vinogradoff,  English  Society  in  the  Eleventh  Century,  pp.  142,  387,  438. 

1  Unusquisque  [villorum  quinque  predictorum]  tenet  11  bovatas  et  operatur  n 
diebus  in  ebdomada  et  invenit  auras  ad  summagium  et  reddit  vn  d.  pro  falda  et  bis 
arat  in  anno  et  ter  secat  in  Augusto  et  facit  braisium  et  vadit  ad  summagium  pro 
sale  et  pro  pisce,  aut  reddit  n  d.  pro  utroque.  Burton  Charttdary,  William  Salt 
Archaeological  Society,  v,  pt.  1,  p.  26  (1100-1132).  The  Liber  Niger  Monasterii  S. 
Petri  de  Bur  go  (H.  I)  does  not  go  into  the  details  of  customary  services.  The  sum- 
magium is  found  in  Boldon  Buke,  Surtees  Society,  xxv,  pp.  18,  19  (1183). 

2  Drengus  [of  Hutton]  pascit  canem  et  equum,  et  quadrigat  1  tonellum  vini,  et 
lapidem  molendini  apud  Dunelm.,  et  vadit  in  magna  caza  cum  n  leporariis  et  v 
cordis,  et  sequitur  placita,  et  vadit  in  legationibus.  Boldon  Buke,  Surtees  So- 
ciety, xxv,  p.  36. 

3  Et  facit  ladas  de  Gatesheued  usque  Dunelm.,  et  de  Gatesheued  usque  Bed- 
lyngton,  et  computantur  in  firma  pro  unoquoque  equo  2  d.     Boldon  Buke,  p.  34. 

Et  villani  .  .  .  faciunt  ladas  usque  ad  Novum  Castellum  et  usque  ad  Fen  wye 
in  propriis  itineribus  Domini  Episcopi.    Ibid.,  p.  38. 

Et  faciunt  ladas  et  radas  dum  Episcopus  in  patria  fuerit.     Ibid.,  p.  41. 

4  Professor  Vinogradoff  {English  Society  in  the  Eleventh  Century,  pp.  348-352). 


IO  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

traditional  view  of  the  manor  as  an  isolated  community.1  A 
study  of  the  carrying  services,  however,  seems  to  compel  some 
revision  of  this  orthodox  view. 

It  is  suggested  that  to  the  study  of  the  evolution  of  the  manor 
out  of  the  free  village  community  or  out  of  the  single  or  "  pri- 
vate" estate,  there  should  be  added  an  investigation  of  the 
accession  of  the  full-fledged  manor  to  a  group  of  many  manors. 
This  would  probably  reveal  three  categories  of  manors.  The 
first  is  the  single  manor  which  never  became  a  member  of  a 
group.  The  second  is  the  monastic  or  capitular  group  of  manors 
which,  from  the  time  they  became  manors,  were  organized  on 
the  basis  of  inter-manorial  dependence,  and  remained  in  such  a 
condition  until  the  break-up  of  bailiff-farming.  The  third  is  the 
lay  or  episcopal  group  which  at  first  went  through  the  stage  of 
prandial  perambulation,  but  later  became  part  of  an  inter- 
manorial  organization.  If  this  analysis  be  correct,  only  two 
classes  of  manorswere  conceivably  isolated,  those  not  belonging  to 
a  group,  and  those  forming  part  of  a  lay  or  episcopal  group  in  the 
period  of  prandial  perambulation.  But  if,  as  seems  likely,  the 
lay  manors  belonging  to  the  king  were  organized  in  local  groups, 
to  the  head  manor  of  which  the  king  (and  retinue)  went  to 
consume  his  income,2  then  the  number  of  manors  in  isolation  is 
reduced.  Such  an  arrangement  may  also  have  been  true  of  the 
other  groups,  those  belonging  to  lay  or  ecclesiastical  lords. 

It  is  perhaps  fair  to  assume  that,  barring  the  earlier  Anglo- 
Saxon  period,  manorial  isolation  was  the  exception  rather  than 
the  rule,  and  that  the  tendency  was,  at  all  times,  constantly 
away  from  isolation  towards  inter-manorial  relations.      This 

has  treated  the  subject,  but  cursorily  and  chiefly  from  the  formal  or  legal  stand- 
point. Mr.  Hubert  Hall  has  also  noted  some  points  of  inter-manorial  organization 
in  his  valuable  introduction  to  the  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester. 

1  In  the  thirteenth  century  "  there  was  the  same  completeness  of  manorial  life, 
the  same  economic  independence  and  isolation,"  as  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  cen- 
turies. "  The  great  value  of  the  Rectitudines  and  Gerefa  is  that  they  show  us  the 
estate  in  a  condition  of  almost  complete  isolation."  C.  M.  Andrews,  The  Old  Eng- 
lish Manor,  p.  240  (1892). 

"  Owing  to  difficulties  of  communication,  every  village  raised  its  own  bread- 
supply."     R.  E.  Prothero,  English  Farming  Past  and  Present,  p.  29  (1912). 
-  *  See  above,  p.  5,  n.  2. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  II 

does  not  have  reference  to  casual  relations,  but  to  a  regularly- 
organized  and  almost  continuous  communication  of  one  manor 
with  another.  How  extensive  and  far-reaching  this  inter- 
manorial  organization  probably  was  will  be  appreciated  when  we 
consider  how  widespread  in  England  was  the  network  of  such 
groups,  whether  in  the  hands  of  prince  or  noble,  monastery  or 
college,  which  were  topographically  interwoven  one  with  another 
—  cross  systems  of  corn  provision  not  based  on  any  system  of 
marketing. 

2.   Manorial  Price  Statistics 

The  study  of  manorial  statistics  serves  a  twofold  purpose.  It 
throws  light  upon  the  development  of  the  manor,  which  is  of 
immediate  concern,  and  it  furnishes  the  earliest  evidence  on 
the  subject  of  the  market,  the  chief  interest  of  this  work  as  a 
whole. 

For  purposes  of  price  comparison  only  one  commodity  has 
been  chosen,  wheat.  And  though  many  kinds  of  evidence  con- 
cerning other  grains  have  been  utilized,  still  wheat  prices  have 
proved  most  precise  and  most  ample.  These  are  found  in  the 
bailiffs'  accounts.  Rogers  has  made  use  of  this  source  from  the 
year  1259  onwards,  but  it  is  possible  to  push  back  to  the  year 
1208,  by  using  for  this  earlier  period  the  pipe  rolls  of  the  bishopric 
of  Winchester,  only  the  first  of  which  has  been  published.  {.This 
additional  half-century  of  evidence  is  of  exceptional  importance 
since  it  apparently  proves  the  existence  of  a  marked  rise  of  prices 
in  the  period  1200  to  1300.  tit  has  been  stated  that  prior  to  1350, 
there  was  no  rise  in  the  price  of  wheat,1  and  Rogers  also  gives  the 
same  impression  since  he  found  no  increase  for  nearly  three 
centuries  following  1259.  The  evidence  for  this  view  is  inade- 
quate or  negative.^  Ruding,  on  the  other  hand,  long  ago  gave 
figures  to  indicate  that  the  price  of  wheat  rose  very  much  in  the 
period  in  question,  but  since  his  sources  are  untrustworthy,  his 
conclusion  has  not  been  accepted.  And  apparently  he  did  not 
regard  the  course  of  wheat  prices  as  typical.    His  view  of  the  rise 

1  Palgrave,  Dictionary  of  Political  Economy,  iii,  p.  192;  see  also  Jacob,  Precious 
Metals,  i,  pp.  344~345- 


12 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


in  the  price  of  wheat  in  England  as  a  whole  apparently,  may  be 
seen  in  the  following  table.1 

1050-1150,  wheat  rose  from    aj  to    4J  d.  per  bushel 
1150-1250,      "        "       "       4$  *  19!  d-    '        " 
1250-1350,      "         ■       "19!"  22jd.    "        * 

For  countries  other  than  England,  the  sources  for  thirteenth 
century  wheat  prices  are  either  non-existent  or  so  slight  as  to  be 
unreliable.2  The  averages  of  Herbert3  and  of  D'Avenel4  for 
France,  however,  inadequate  though  they  be,  are  of  interest,  since 
they  indicate  a  considerable  rise  in  prices  in  parts  of  France. 

The  following  table,  showing  the  course  of  wheat  prices  in 
England  for  the  period  1 208-1300,  is  based  upon  the  sales  of  the 
wheat  of  a  number  of  manors,  varying  from  26  to  44,  belonging  to 
the  bishopric  of  Winchester  in  southern  England. 

1  The  following  table  shows  the  rise  in  prices  of  other  commodities. 


Year 

Horse 

Ox 

Cow 

Sheep 

Hog 

1050 
X150 
X250 
1350 

£.    s.    d. 
x     17    6 
0    12     s 
X     11     0 
0     18    4 

£.    s.    d. 
076 
0     4     8i 
107 
146 

£.    s.     d. 
060 

0     17     0 
0     17     2 

£.    s.    d. 
013 
018 
0     1      7 

027 

£.    s.    d. 
020 
030 

026 

Ruding,  Annals  of  Coinage,  i,  pp.  193,  194. 

Though  Ruding  adduced  many  "  respectable  authorities,"  old  Chronicles,  and 
Historians,  such  as  Fleetwood's  Chronicon  Preliosum,  Combrune's  Prices  of  Wheat, 
1000-1765  (1768),  Adam  Smith,  and  James  Steuart,  we  cannot  take  his  figures 
seriously. 

1  The  price  materials  of  Lamprecht  (Deutsches  Wirtschaftsleben  im  Mittelalter,  ii, 
pp.  554-560,  613)  for  the  Moselle  district  cover  the  period  from  the  ninth  to  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth  century  but  are  too  meagre  to  be  of  value.  They,  however,  in- 
dicate a  general  rise  of  prices  in  the  thirteenth  century. 

*  Essai  sur  la  Police  Gbntorale  des  Grains  (Paris,  ed.  1910),  p.  76. 

4  Price  of  wheat  per  Hectolitre  (Francs  and  Centimes) 


Period 

lie  de  France 

Picardy 
and  Artois 

Normandy 

Champagne 

Languedoc 

1201-1225 
1226-1250 
1251-1275 
1 276-1300 

4.68 

3-41 
4.30 

4-77 
4.12 
11. 17 
9.27 

2.80 
3-37 
4-93 
4  22 

3.48 
3.60 

4-00 

3-53 

5-21 

5-41 
9.12 

Histoire  Economique,  etc.,  ii,  p.  896. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING 

English  Wheat  Prices,  i  208-1 298 l 
(Quinquennial  Periods) 


13 


Period 

Number  of 

Years 
Represented 

Average  Num- 
ber of  Manors 
Per  Annum 

Average  Num- 
ber of  Price 
Entries  ■ 

Yearly  Average 
Price  Per  Qr.» 

1208 

1209-13 

1214-18 

1219-23 

1224-28 

I 
3 
3 
3 
3 
2 
2 
0 

4 

1 

3 

1 

4 
0 
2 
2 
4 
5 
2 

34 
33 
26 

3i 
29 

35 
35 

40 
4i 
39 
44 
39 

41 
4i 
39 
42 
43 

38 
43 
29 
40 

30 
59 
53 

132 
139 
99 
174 
120 

126 
98 
83 
80 
78 

s.     d. 
2     8* 

2  10 

4  3 

3  9* 

5  4 
3  io| 
3     8 

3  9i 

5  ** 

6  of 

4  2 

3  "* 

5  ii 

7  4l 

4  4l 

5  4§ 

6  7i 

1234-38 

1239-43 

1244-48 

1249-53 

1254-58 

1259-63 

1264-68 

1269-73 

1274-78 

1279—83 

1284-88 

1289—93 

1294-98 

The  rise  of  prices  indicated  by  the  table  on  the  next  page 
may  be  further  simplified,  as  follows: 
The  percentage  increase  of 

'  1224-48  over  1208-23  is  23-9 
1224-98  "  1208-23  ■  47.2 
1249-98  "  1208-23  "  57.6 
1216-56  u  1208-15  "  5*«8 
1257-1300"     1208-15  *  108.8 

In  spite  of  the  great  number  of  prices  averaged  to  make  up  these 
totals,  it  is  obvious  that  there  are  difficulties  in  drawing  a  final 

1  For  the  particulars  of  these  averages  see  Statistical  Appendix  F. 

2  Not  the  average  of  all  the  entries,  but  simply  of  those  used  in  compiling  the 
average  price. 

8  Based  upon  all  but  "  mill  "  entries.  The  prices  of  mill  corn  were  used  only 
when  no  other  price  was  given  for  the  year,  so  that  the  contractual  element  would  be 
eliminated  as  far  as  possible.  Out  of  a  total  of  4015  entries,  I  have  used  only  3616 
in  compiling  these  averages. 


14 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


conclusion  as  to  the  percentage  of  the  increase  of  price.  Since 
we  know  practically  nothing  about  prices  in  the  twelfth  century, 
we  cannot  say  what  part  of  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century 
is  the  most  typical  of  early  prices,  what  part  had  best  be  taken  as 
a  basis  of  comparison  with  the  prices  of  the  latter  half  of  the 
century.  The  low  price  period  1208-15,  may  have  had  a  price 
average  nearer  that  of  the  twelfth  century  than  the  higher  price 
period  1208-23.      By  accepting  the  latter,  however,  if  we  err, 

English  Wheat  Prices,  1 208-1300 
(Summary) 


Period 

Number  of 
Years 

Average  Num- 
ber of  Manors 
Per  Annum 

Average  Num- 
ber of  Price 
Entries 

Yearly  Average 
Price  Per  Qr. 

1 208—23 

IO 
II 
24 
35 

30 
35 
41 
39 

37 

77 

100 

93 

s.     d. 

3  4i 

4  2 

5  4i 
5     0 
2    9i 

4  3* 

5  i°i 

1224-48 

1249-98 

1224-98 

1208—15 

1216-56 

1257-1300  1 

we  do  so  on  the  side  of  moderation.  The  first  half  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  then,  saw  a  rise  in  the  price  of  wheat  of  about 
25  %,  and  the  second  half  of  over  50  %. 

Carrying  this  statistical  inquiry  concerning  these  manors  still 
farther,  we  see  that,  while  the  increase  in  the  production  of 
wheat  per  acre  between  1200  and  1300  was  about  150  %  2  and  the 
increase  in  the  percentage  sold  of  that  produced  was  44  %,3  the 

1  Rogers'  figures  for  1 259-1300;  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester  for  1257 
and  1258. 

1  See  below,  p.  214,  n.  I,  and  Appendix  A. 

*  The  following  table  shows  the  percentage  of  corn  produced  that  was  sold  on 
manors  of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester,  at  three  interesting  periods.  The  figures  in 
parentheses  indicate  the  number  of  manors  from  which  the  data  are  taken. 

1208-09       1290-1300       1306-97 

Wheat {30)    48.5  (41)     70.0  (43)     68.0 

Barley (15)    47.9  (34)    39.6  (32)    21.2 

Oats (20)    16.0  (30)    34.3  (36)    36.9 

Total  Average (22)     30.8  (35)     48.0  (37)     42.0 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  1 5 

rise  of  price  was  over  50  %.  *  We  cannot,  of  course,  be  certain 
that  results  based  upon  such  evidence  as  has  been  used,  are  even 
roughly  typical,  but  since  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  this 
region  or  this  manorial  group  was  peculiar  in  any  way,  we  may 
use  these  figures  provisionally  to  establish  the  fact  of  the  only 
considerable  rise  in  corn  prices  during  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  explanation  of  such  a  rise  in  prices,  however,  is  not  obvious. 
So  far  as  is  known,  the  English  coinage  underwent  no  change 
during  this  period,  nor  did  the  units  of  measurement; l  there  was 
apparently  no  considerable  increase  in  the  supply  of  precious 
metals,  certainly  none  comparable  with  that  of  the  Tudor  and 
Stuart  periods,  and  no  absolute  diminution  of  the  supply  of  corn 
but  rather  an  increase.  So  we  are  left  to  conclude  either  that  the 
rise  indicated  was  peculiar  to  wheat,  and,  perhaps,  was  caused  by 
an  increase  in  the  consumption  of  that  cereal  at  the  expense  of 
rye  or  barley,  or  that  the  rise  was  general  and  was  caused  by  a 
growing  demand  for  all  kinds  of  corn  (and  this  is  the  important 
point)  owing  to  a  development  in  the  trade,  both  foreign  and 
domestic.  The  first  alternative  seems  to  be  ruled  out  because 
what  evidence  we  have  is  against  it.2     The  second  seems  to  be 

The  figures  for  1 208-09  are  based  upon  Hall,  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester, 
pp.  xliv-xlv. 

Due  allowance  should  be  made  for  the  fact  that  not  all  the  corn  labelled  "  sold  " 
in  the  bailiffs'  accounts  was  actually  sold  or  bartered;  some  so  charged  of  course 
simply  went  to  another  manor  of  the  group  for  seed,  and  other  purposes,  but  this 
was  quite  the  exception.  The  clearest  evidence  that  sale  meant  sale  upon  the  mar- 
ket (besides  the  occasional  specific  statement  of  the  fact)  is  that  prices  varied  from 
time  to  time  and  normally  rose  as  the  supply  of  the  old  crop  was  consumed,  and  be- 
fore the  new  one  had  come  in.  The  following  examples  are  from  the  year  1 253-54 
(MS.,  R.  O.,  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  Various  24/159291). 

Brightwzix  Morton 

Mill  Com     s.  d.  Mill  Corn     s.  d. 

Mich.-Christma3    I «   qf      4?         Before  Christmas sqrs.      ■« 

1 4$    "         46  After  "  8i    *         2  10 

™   .  .  _.    ^  1 7     "         4    4  Before  Midsummer  Day 9      "        40 

Christmas — Easter J  7  ..^  . 

(  2      "         46  After  ■  ■     11      ■         so 

Easter — Midsummer  Day  . . .    7i    "        54 

Midsummer  Day — Mich.    . . .  I    ,    . 

f  2$    ■         60 

1  Inman  (Domesday  and  Feudal  Statistics,  p.  158)  says:  "  It  is  probable  that  a 
change  in  the  quasi-standard  quarter  occurred  t.  Hen.  Ill  in  which  reign  it  seems 
to  have  had  8  bushels  ";  but  for  this  there  is  no  evidence. 

2  The  percentage  of  wheat  sold  of  that  produced  in  1208-09  was  1.74  times  that 
\ 


i6 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


the  more  probable  explanation,  namely  the  increase  in  the 
volume  of  trade  due  in  part  to  a  growing  foreign  demand  and  more 
especially  to  the  growth  of  the  town  population,  a  subject  bound 
up  with  the  evolution  of  the  local  market. 

Using  the  analogy  of  later  periods  of  rising  prices,  we  may 
suggest  what  was  likely  to  be  the  result  of  an  increase  in  prices 
upon  the  various  social  classes  of  the  thirteenth  century;  final 
conclusions  should  rest  upon  an  investigation  of  all  the  ascer- 
tainable facts.  Wage  earners  in  the  modern  sense  were,  in  rural 
districts,  so  few  in  number  that  the  aggregate  amount  of  their 
discomfort  was  probably  slight.  In  case  the  tenant  had  com- 
muted his  payments  in  kind  for  money  rents,  he  received  an 
unearned  increment,  as  did  the  lord  on.. the  other  hand,  in  case 
payments  in  kind  were  still  due  to  him.xjn  the  town  the  journey- 
man, not  receiving  his  board  as  part  of  his  wages,  would  sutler, 
while  the  master,  then  as  now,  was  without  doubt  able  to  raise 
the  price  of  the  commodities  he  handled  so  as  not  to  suffer  him- 
self. In  the  thirteenth  century,  however,  as  in  the  twentieth,  a 
rise  of  prices  meant  a  boom  to  almost  every  field  of  economic 
life,  so  that  all  engaged  in  economic  pursuits  were  likely  in  the 
long  run  to  be  benefited.     But  on  the  other  hand,  it  did  not  mean 

of  barley,  and  in  1 200-1300,  it  was  1.82  times.  The  figures  for  rye  are  not  so  nu- 
merous, but  they  show  a  result  not  markedly  different,  that  is  1.25  and  1.05.  Aver- 
aging these  two  results,  we  arrive  at  this  conclusion:  that  the  percentage  of  wheat 
sold  of  that  produced  in  1208-09  was  1.50  times  the  mean  of  that  of  barley  and  rye, 
while  in  1 290-1300  it  was  1.45.  In  other  words,  while  the  development  is  not 
marked  nor  important,  it  points  to  a  diminution,  rather  than  an  increase,  in  the 
sale  (and  consumption)  of  wheat  as  far  as  those  manors  are  concerned.  The  fol- 
lowing table,  giving  the  annual  price  averages,  indicates  that  agricultural  commo- 
dities saw  a  general  increase  in  price. 


Year 

Plough  Horses 

Bulls 

Lambs 

Geese 

Hens 

s.      d. 

s.      d. 

s.     d. 

s.     d. 

s.    d. 

X2o8-I200 

5     3 

3     ii 

0    3 

0    2 

0    ij 

I26I-I270 

11     3l 

10    6 

O     4l 

0    2} 

0    it 

1171-1280 

13     iJ 

0    6i 

0     8} 

O      2{ 

0    ii 

I28I-I290 

11     9l 

8       2\ 

0    8| 

O       2| 

0    il 

I2OI-I3OO 

10     6, 

8    8J 

0     Si 

0   3i 

0    ii 

Hall,  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester,  p.  xlviii;   Rogers,  Agriculture  and 
Prices,  i,  pp.  361-363. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  IJ 

in  the  thirteenth  century  what  it  means  in  the  twentieth,  imme- 
diate hardship  on  the  part  of  a  large  class  of  wage  earners. 

The  point  most  noteworthy  and  most  pertinent  to  our  study  is, 
however,  that  the  marketing  of  the  manorial  products  was 
extending,  and  that  the  influence  of  the  market  on  the  manorial 
organization,  ultimately  to  be  the  chief  determining  factor,  was 
now  for  the  first  time  apparent. 

3.  The  Rise  of  Manorial  Marketing 

We  have  suggested  above  that  the  traditional  view  which  re- 
garded the  medieval  manor  as  isolated  can  no  longer  be  accepted 
without  reserve.  This  naturally  raises  the  further  question  as 
to  that  self-sufficiency  of  the  manor  which  has  been  so  generally 
asserted.1 

The  term  "  self-sufficiency "  does  not  mean  absolute  self- 
sufficiency.  From  the  first,  a  few  valuable  skins  and  a  few 
cloths  of  finer  domestic  workmanship  were  probably  exchanged 
for  salt,  fish,  iron,  spices,  and  ornaments.  And  to  its  last  day 
the  manor,  like  the  modern  farm,  retained  a  certain  measure  of 
self-sufficiency.  The  question  of  self-sufficiency  turns  on  the 
extent  and  character  of  the  relation  of  the  manor  to  the  market. 
Our  problem,  then,  is  to  discover  whether  the  manor  regularly 
sold  its  products  on  the  market,  and  therefore  could  be  said  to 
be  organized  for  the  purpose  of  marketing.     And  if  so,  when  ? 

The  evidence  supporting  the  view  here  taken,  that  the  manor 
was  coming  into  close  relation  to  the  market,  is,  in  the  first  place, 

1  "  The  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  manorial  group  [i.  e.,  the  single 
manor],  regarded  from  the  economic  point  of  view,  was  its  self-sufficiency,  its  social 
independence."     Ashley,  English  Economic  History  and  Theory,  pt.  i,  p.  33. 

"  This  self-centred  life,  economically,  judicially,  and  ecclesiastically  so  nearly 
independent  of  other  bodies,  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  change.  It  prohibited  in- 
tercourse beyond  the  manor,  and  opposed  the  growth  of  a  feeling  of  common  na- 
tional life."     Cheyney,  Industrial  and  Social  History  of  England,  p.  52. 

"  The  manor  remained  almost  entirely  self-sufficing,  as  had  been  the  communi- 
ties out  of  which  it  had  arisen."     Meredith,  Economic  History  of  England,  p.  S3- 

"  The  cultivators  of  the  soil  grew  their  produce,  not  for  sale,  but  for  their  own 
consumption.  Each  manor  or  village  was  isolated  and  self-sufficing."  Prothero, 
English  Farming  Past  and  Present,  p.  7.     See  also  p.  12. 

Cf.  Cunningham,  Introduction  to  Walter  of  Henley's  Husbandry  (ed.  E.  La- 
mond),  pp.  xiii-xiv. 


1 8  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

the  fact  of  the  large  and  increasing  sale  of  corn  recorded  through- 
out the  thirteenth  century  in  the  bailiffs'  accounts,  as  has  been 
before  noted.1  These  accounts,  of  course,  involve  only  the  sales 
of  corn  from  the  lord's  demesne. 

^There  is  likewise  the  evidence  that  tenants  were  gradually 
commuting  their  corn-rents  for  money-rents?;  The  most  re- 
markable example  of  this  is  the  case  of  the  royal  tenants  situated 
in  almost  every  county  in  England,  who  as  early  as  the  first  few 
decades  of  the  twelfth  century  entered  into  money  contracts 
with  the  king.  A  passage  in  Dialogus  de  Scaccario,  here  para- 
phrased for  the  sake  of  brevity,  bears  witness  to  this :  Tradition 
has  it  that  after  the  Norman  Conquest,  while  the  realm  was  still 
in  a  primitive  condition,  the  royal  estates  paid  to  the  king  not 
gold  or  silver,  but  victuals  alone,  from  which  the  daily  needs  of 
the  king's  household  were  supplied.  Those  who  were  entrusted 
with  the  business  knew  how  much  each  estate  provided  and  from 
which  counties  corn,  meat,  fodder  for  horses,  and  other  necessities 
were  to  be  procured.  Under  Henry  I,  however,  a  change  was 
made.  That  king,  often  warring  on  the  Continent,  wanted  not 
victuals,  but  money.  Likewise,  the  peasants  in  great  numbers 
complained  of  the  hardship  of  being  compelled  to  supply  provi- 
sions and  of  having  to  carry  them  great  distances  to  court. 
Having  received  the  opinion  of  the  nobles  and  yielded  to  these 
complaints,  the  king  ordered  commissioners  to  fix  a  money 
payment  in  lieu  of  rents  in  kind,  so  that  henceforth  the  farm  of 
the  king's  manors  was  paid  into  the  exchequer  in  hard  cash.2 

General  information  about  the  tenant's  right  to  sell  corn  is  not 
specifically  recorded,  but  may  be  inferred.  Though  a  license  was 
necessary  for  a  customary  tenant  to  sell  an  ox,  a  horse,  cow,  colt, 
or  pig,3  and  a  toll  was  collected  on  malt  brewed  into  beer  for 

1  p.  14,  n.  3.    See  also  Appendices  A  and  F. 

*  Dialogiis  de  Scaccario,  Select  Charters  (ed.  Stubbs),  pp.  193-194. 

3  Inquiry  is  to  be  made  —  an  nativi  custumarii  .  .  .  vendiderint  vitulum  pul- 
lanum  vel  bovem  de  propria  nutritura  sine  licentia  domini.  Domesday  of  St.  Paul, 
p.  157  *  (ca.  1320). 

Si  habeat  equum  pullanum,  bovem  vel  vaccam  ad  vendendum,  dominus  propin- 
quior  erit  omnibus  aliis  et  vendere  non  debent  sine  licentia  domini.  Rochester 
Cartulary  (ed.  Thorpe),  p.  2a.  Quoted  from  Vinogradoff,  Villainage  in  England,  p. 
156  n. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  1 9 

sale,1  still  there  has  been  found  no  restriction  on  the  sale  of 
the  com  of  the  customary  tenant,  to  say  nothing  of  the  free 
tenant.  '* 

The  explanation  of  the  situation  is  as  follows.  The  lord  had 
a  twofold  right  to  prohibit  purchase  and  sale  on  the  part  of  the 
villain,  firstly,  because  of  the  villain's  personal  status  and, 
secondly,  because  of  the  property  relations  between  the  lord  and 
villain.  Not  the  legal  theory,  however,  but  the  custom  in  the 
case  is  of  importance.  The  lord  allowed  the  sale  of  corn  and  re- 
stricted the  sale  of  cattle  and  horses  because,  though  he  had  no 
direct  interest  in  the  former,  in  the  latter  his  interest  was  imme- 
diate, for  the  oxen  and  horses  were  used  to  work  the  lord's  de- 
mesne, and  at  times  turned  into  the  lord's  lands  to  manure  them. 
Clear  evidence  of  this  is  seen  in  the  rule  that  oxen,  horses,  and 
porkers  young  enough  might  be  sold.2  And,  indeed,  it  is  ex- 
pressly stipulated  that  the  tenant  is  free  to  sell  his  horse  and 
young  ox  when  they  are  not  used  in  tillage.3  In  practice,  then, 
the  tenant,  free  and  customary,  it  would  appear,  sold  his  corn 
and  his  beasts  not  used  for  cultivating  the  demesne,  with  little  or 
no  restriction.4 

There  arose,  at  least  as  early  as  the  thirteenth  century,  and 
perhaps  even  in  the  twelfth,  a  class  of  dealers,  called  corn 
mongers,  as  seen  below,5  who  were  villagers,  and  though  in  the 
only  instance  clearly  stated  they  are  called  "  free- tenants," 
some  may  have  been  customary  tenants.  In  other  words,  some 
members  of  the  manor  arose  early  as  marketers  of  corn,  regularly 
employed  in  disposing  of  the  surplus  crop/ 

1  The  customary  tenant  —  si  braciaverit  ad  vendendum,  dabit  duodecim  lagenas 
cervisiae  ad  tonnutum  vel  pretium  earum.  Historic  et  Cartularium  Monaslerii  S. 
Petri  Gloucestriae,  iii,  p.  53  (1266-67). 

2  Hone,  The  Manor  and  Manorial  Records,  p.  230  (ca.  1250). 

3  Item  si  ipse  habeat  pullum  vel  boviculum  et  tunc  laboraverit  cum  illo  non 
potest  vendere  sine  licentia  domini  sed  si  non  laboraverit  licitum  est  ei  vendere 
sine  licentia.     Rotuli  Hundredorum,  ii,  p.  463a. 

4  In  particular  manors  the  custom  might  be  otherwise,  a  fact  recognized  in  the 
following  passage.  Item,  quod  non  permittatur  quod  aliquis  vendat  equum  mas- 
culum  vel  bovem  sibi  vitulatum  sine  licentia,  nisi  consuetudo  se  habeat  in  contra- 
rium.     Historiae  et  Cartularium  Monaslerii  S.  Petri  Gloucestriae,  iii,  p.  218. 

6  P-  163. 


20  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Although  from  the  side  of  market  regulations  there  remains 
but  little  evidence,  and  none  of  a  very  early  date,  bearing  on  the 
sale  of  corn,1  still  there  are  the  regulations  of  the  carrying  services 
of  tenants  on  the  manor,  which  throw  light  upon  the  subject. 

Besides  the  averagium  ad  hospitium  and  the  averagium  de 
manerio  ad  maneriutn,  was  the  averagium  ad  mercatum  et  ad 
forum,  a  service  2  which  is  clearly  seen  in  surveys  and  custumals 
of  the  thirteenth  century.  (fAs  early  as  1248,  the  purchase  of 
sacks  is  recorded  for  carrying  corn  to  the  market.3  The  sale  of 
corn  at  this  period  is  clearly  not  confined  to  church  manors,  but 
is  found  on  those  in  the  hands  of  lay  lords,4  as  well  as  those  in  the 
hands  of  the  king.5  While  at  times  the  carrying  was  to  be  to 
the  nearest  markets  6  or  to  "  all  or  any  of  the  markets  in  the 
shire,"  7  often  the  specific  places  at  some  distance  are  recorded, 
and  thus  in  the  thirteenth  century  for  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  grain  trade,  we  get  considerable  definite  information  of  the 
domestic  trade  in  grain.*S   For  instance,  in  the  custumals  of 

1  For  example:  firmarii  de  Lutturworth  capiunt  tolnetum  de  blado  empto  in 
dictis  mercatis  ad  seminandum  et  comedendum  et  aliis  minutis  rebus  de  quibus 
teoloneum  non  solet  dari.    Roluli  Hundredorutn,  i,  p.  239b  (4  Ed.  I). 

2  [Villanus]  cariabit  bladum  ad  vendendum  ad  quodcumque  forum  dominus 
voluerit  infra  comitatum.  Rotuli  Hundredorutn,  ii,  p.  657b.  Cf.  pp.  628a,  747b, 
761b. 

Item,  debet  carfare  lanam  et  caseum  domini  per  viginti  leucas  in  circuitu  et 
habebit  cibum  suum  de  mercatoribus.  Rentalia  et  custumaria  .  .  .  Glastoniae, 
p.  165  (ca.  1250). 

*  In  vm  saccis  emptis  ad  bladum  cariandum  ad  forum  et  ad  Wintoniam  n  s. 
Baigent,  Crondal,  p.  55. 

*  MS.,  R.  O.,  Rentals  and  Surveys,  General  Series,  roll  684  (Lalleford,  Essex,  19 
Ed.  I). 

6  Ibid.,  roll  589  (Odiham,  Ed.  I). 

6  MS.,  R.  O.,  Rentals  and  Surveys,  General  Series,  roll  589. 

7  Rotuli  Hundredorutn,  ii,  pp.  628a,  657b,  761b. 

8  Ubicunque  fiat  averagium  ad  vendendum  bladum,  totum  averagium  habebit 
unum  denarium. 

A  festo  Purificationis  usque  ad  Gulam  Augusti,  si  bladum  curiae  tam  diu  dura- 
verit,  faciet  singulis  mensibus  unum  averagium  usque  ad  Londoniam,  vel  Rame- 
seiam,  vel  Cantebrigiam,  vel  alibi  in  remotis,  et  habebit  sicut  prius. 

Ita  scilicet,  quod  quamdiu  bladum  duraverit,  singulis  mensibus  faciet  unum 
averagium,  ut  praedictum  est. 

Faciet  etiam  averagia  ad  vicina  mercata,  vel  alibi  prope,  quando  dominus  volue- 
rit, et  computabitur  pro  opere  unius  diei.  Cartularium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  i, 
pp.  476-477  (ca.  1250,  Barton,  Bedfordshire). 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  21 

Ramsey  Abbey '  there  are  mentioned  corn-carrying  services 
from  its  manors  in  Huntingdonshire  and  Bedfordshire  to  the 
following  places  besides  Ramsey  itself:  Huntingdon  and  St.  Ives 
in  Huntingdonshire,  Cambridge,  Reach,  and  Burwell  in  Cam- 
bridgeshire, Ipswich  and  St.  Edmundsbury  in  Suffolk,  Col- 
chester in  Essex,  St.  Albans  in  Hertfordshire,  and  farthest  away 
London  and  Canterbury.  '  In  the  case  of  the  East  Anglian  manors 
of  St.  Edmundsbury,  they  were  to  Ipswich,  Southwold,  Dun- 
wich,  and  Cockfield  in  Suffolk,  Yarmouth  in  Norfolk,  and 
Nayland  and  Colchester  in  Essex,  though  in  these  cases  the 
carrying  services  were  not  restricted  to  corn,  but  were  of  a  general 
nature.2  Similarly  with  the  manor  of  Lawford  (Lalleford) 
belonging  to  Olive  de  Langham  (Leynham),  where  the  services 
were  to  Ipswich,  Harwich,  and  Colchester  as  well  as  to  Langham, 
probably  the  home  manor.3 

We  have,  too,  an  instance  of  one  manor  of  a  group  being  so 
favorably  situated  for  marketing  that  corn  was  regularly  sent 
to  it  for  sale,  that  is,  the  manor  of  Southwark  in  the  manorial 
group  belonging  to  the  bishopric  of  Winchester.  Corn  from  three 
sources  was  there  sold,  that  from  the  demesne,  from  the  mill, 
and  from  other  manors.4  In  one  year,  there  came  from  the  man- 
ors of 

Brightwell 251  quarters  wheat 

Wycombe 318        "  " 

Harwell 45 

and  at  least  290  quarters  are  accounted  for  as  sold  this  same  year.5 
A  few  years  earlier  there  were  sent  from  these  three  manors 
312  quarters  of  wheat,  of  which  141K  were  used  at  Southwark, 
and  168  sold.6"  In  this  instance  as  in  the  former  one  cited,  corn 
is  seen  going  in  directions  other  than  towards  the  home  manor, 
and  for  purposes  other  than  consumption  by  the  lord  and  his 
household. 

1  Ibid.,  pp.  462,  476-477;  iii,  pp.  243,  282,  302.     Cf.  also  ibid.,  i,  p.  45. 

2  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.  3977,  fols.  81,  87b. 

3  MS.,  R.  O.,  Rentals  and  Surveys,  General  Series,  roll  684  (19  Ed.  I). 

4  Cf.  MS.,  R.  O.,  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  Various,  22/159272  (1 213-14). 
6  Ibid. 

6  Ibid.,  22/159271  (1210-11). 


22  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

In  the  early  thirteenth  and  undoubtedly  also  in  the  late 
twelfth  century,  not  only  was  there  a  manorial  organization  for 
the  local  marketing  of  corn  maintained  on  the  part  of  the  lord, 
but  also  for  export  abroad.  The  surplus  corn  of  the  archbishop 
and  of  the  priory  of  Canterbury,1  of  the  manors  of  Ramsey 
Abbey,2  of  the  archdeacon  of  Wells,3  and  of  the  bishopric  of 
Winchester3  is  on  record  as  going  abroad.  In  the  two  last 
cases  it  was  sold  to  merchants!^  It  was  probably  such  sales  of 
corn  that  made  possible  the  not  inconsiderable  export  in  the 
reign  of  King  Henry  II,  elsewhere  noted.4 

The  important  facts  illustrated  by  these  instances  are  that 
markets  for  corn  were  in  existence,  that  the  manorial  organization 
adapted  itself  to  marketing  conditions,  and  that  the  network  of 
corn  currents  to  the  central  or  home  manors  for  the  personal 
needs  of  the  proprietors  was  crossed  by  another  network  of 
currents  evolving  out  of  the  growth  of  a  territorial  marketing 
system.5 

The  probable  succession  in  the  history  of  carrying  services  is  as 
follows:  to  the  grange,  probably  as  old  as  the  manor,  to  the  home 
manor,  and  to  the  market.  It  does  not  follow,  of  course,  that  the 
corn-carrying  services  to  market  rapidly  or  wholly  superseded 
the  others,  but  rather  that  they  long  existed  side  by  side  while  the 
market  organization  was  developing  as  is  seen  in  the  case  of 
St.  Paul's  where  the  earlier  services  lasted,  like  the  later,  until 
the  fourteenth  century.6 

Without  first  having  denned  what  we  mean  by  marketing,  we 
cannot  assign  even  an  approximate  date  to  its  beginning.  Not 
the  mere  sale  and  purchase  of  goods,  but  the  organized  exchange 

1  Rex  omnibus  mercatoribus  et  aliis  ad  quos  etc.  Sciatis  quod  concessimus 
omnibus  qui  blada  emerint  de  bladis  archiepiscopatus  Cantuariensis  vel  prioratus 
Cantuariensis  a  Fulcone  de  Cantilupo  et  Reginaldo  de  Cornhull  quod  libere  et  sine 
impedimento  possint  ea  adducere  in  Flandriam  per  brevia  eorumdem.  Et  Pro- 
hibemus  ne  quis  eos  super  hoc  impediat.  Rotuli  Litterarum  Patenlium,  i,  pt.  I,  p. 
76a  (1207). 

2  Ibid.,  p.  79a  (1208). 

3  Ibid.,  p.  78b  (1208). 

*  Below,  p.  no. 

8  See  below,  pp.  28-29,  and  ch.  2. 

•  Ashley,  English  Economic  History  and  Theory,  i,  p.  45. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  23 

between  town  and  country  is  here  meant.  The  evidence  for  the 
existence  of  such  a  condition  is  scanty.1  But  there  are  some 
facts  which  point  to  the  early  part  of  the  twelfth  century  as 
probably  the  period  when  a  regular  market  organization  was 
first  evolving,  fin  the  first  place,  a  money  economy  was  by  that 
time  well  in  evidence.  The  number  of  coins  in  circulation  and  of 
mints  in  operation  had  greatly  increased  since  the  time  of  Cnut. 
The  well-known  passage  in  the  Dialogus  de  Scaccario,  cited  above,2 
shows  that  Henry  I  had  commuted  payments  in  kind,  due 
from  the  royal  manors,  to  payments  in  money,  a  forceful  recogni- 
tion of  a  new  condition^  In  the  second  place,  we  know  that  at 
this  period  the  merchants  of  the  towns  were  beginning  to  organize 
into  gilds  and  were  securing  trading  privileges  from  the  crown.3 
But  if  we  look,  finally,  for  evidence  as  to  organized  carrying 
services,  which  we  have  found  so  common  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  we  must  take  refuge  in  conjecture.  Carrying  services 
from  the  market  are  recorded  for  the  early  years  of  Henry  I,4 
as  are  certain  obligations  with  respect  to  journeys  to  market 
towns,5  which  were  probably  meant  to  include  sale  as  well  as 
purchase.  There  is,  however,  good  reason  for  the  lack  of  evi- 
dence of  the  existence  of  services  for  carrying  goods  to  market. 
The  practice  was  just  developing,  and  while  some  groups  of 
manors  had  probably  established  market-carrying  services,  such 

1  Specific  instances  of  the  sale  of  corn  came  late,  for  example:  Eodem  anno  [1232] 
distracta  sunt  horrea  Romanorum  per  totam  fere  Angliam,  a  viris  quibusdam  ar- 
matis  et  adhuc  ignotis,  bonis  conditionibus  et  ad  commodum  multorum;  et  opus, 
licet  temerarium,)  in  solennitate  Paschali  inchoantes,  sine  contradictione  et  libere, 
quod  inceperant,  compleverunt.  Largas  eleemosynas  advenientibus  distribuebant 
egenis,  et  quandoque  nummos  inter  pauperes  seminantes  eos  colligere  hortabantur. 
Roger  of  Wendover,  Flores  Historiarum  (Rolls  Series),  iii,  p.  27. 

Rules  with  regard  to  the  sale  of  corn  are  found  in  Walter  of  Henley,  p.  33,  and 
Rides  of  St.  Robert,  ibid.,  p.  143. 

2  Dialogus  de  Scaccario,  Select  Charters  (Stubbs),  pp.  193-194.  See  above, 
p.  18. 

3  Gross,  Gild  Merchant,  i,  pp.  5  f . 

4  [Each  villain  of  Bromley]  facit  braisium  et  vadit  ad  summagium  pro  sale  et  pro 
pisce,  aut  reddit  n  d.  pro  utroque.     Burton  Chartulary,  p.  26  (1100-1113  ?). 

5  Debet  hospitari  honorifice  Abbatem  cum  venerit  in  partes  illas  conducere  et 
reducere  salvo  conductu  monachos  et  clientes  eorum  quando  ibunt  sive  ad  Cestriam 
sive  ad  Wich  pro  aliquo  mercato,  dare  de  suo  competenti  Abbati  quando  requisierit 
cum  Abbas.     Burton  Chartulary,  p.  36. 


24  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

as  the  Ramsey  Abbey  group,  other  groups  probably  did  not  do 
so  until  the  thirteenth  century,  notably  the  manors  belonging 
to  the  bishopric  of  Durham.1  Furthermore,  there  are  few 
manorial  surveys  or  extents  for  the  early  twelfth  century,  and 
these  are  brief  and  general  in  character,  such  as  the  Liber  Niger 
of  Peterborough,  and  the  Burton  Chartvlary. 

The  problem  is  not  to  decide  which  was  the  exception  and 
which  the  rule,  self-sufficiency  or  marketing,  but  to  point  out  that 
marketing  was  coming  to  be  a  normal  form  of  manorial  organ- 
ization from  the  twelfth  century  onwards,  and  that  one  side  of 
manorial  activity  was  production  for  a  local  market.  It  would 
not  be  in  keeping  with  any  known  facts  to  regard  this  trade  as 
very  considerable;  the  point  is  simply  that  the  trade  was  organ- 
ized and  therefore  regular,  not  "  casual."  2 

We  may  hold  therefore,  as  a  working  hypothesis,  that  the 
manor  should  be  regarded  in  many,  if  not  most,  instances  as 
developing  an  integral  relationship  with  a  group  of  manors,  and 
that  after  passing  through  the  stages  of  prandial  perambulation 
(or  of  food  farms)  and  of  carrying  services,  the  manorial  organ- 
ization was  by  the  twelfth  century  entering,  with  money  pay- 
ments, into  the  period  of  market  economy. 

4.  The  Decay  of  the  Manor 

Several  theories  have  been  put  forward  to  explain  the  decay 
of  the  manor.  Prominent  among  these  are  the  Black  Death,3 
the  Peasants' Revolt,4  and  sheep-farming,5  all  three  being  tangible, 
and  the  first  two  dramatic. 

Though  so  many  writers  have  devoted  a  sentence  or  a  para- 
graph to  the  subject  of  the  decline  of  the  manorial  system,  no  one 

1  Boldon  Buke  of  11 83  consists  of  fairly  full  surveys  which  contain  plenty  of 
information  about  inter-manorial  carrying  services,  but  not  about  marketing. 

1  As  held  by  Mr.  Hubert  Hall,  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester,  p.  xvii. 

'  See  for  example  H.  de  B.  Gibbins,  Industry  in  England,  p.  85:  and  Oman,  The 
History  of  England,  13Q9-1485,  p.  27. 

*  Green  (History  of  the  English  People,  i,  p.  486),  says  that  "  serfdom  [and  there- 
fore the  manorial  system]  was  henceforth  [i.  e.  after  1381]  a  doomed  and  perishing 
thing  ";    "  the  end  of  the  rising  was  in  fact  secured." 

8  Price,  English  Commerce  and  Industry,  p.  113. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  2$ 

has  yet  treated  it  as  a  whole.  The  explanation  probably  is 
that  the  senescence  of  institutions  is  not  of  such  general  interest 
as  the  early  history,  especially  the  origin,  and  that  the  full  and 
complete  history  of  the  decay  of  this  institution  is  so  comprehen- 
sive, bound  up  as  it  is  with  most  great  developments  of  the 
period. 

A  full  treatment  of  this  subject  would  embrace  all  manorial 
activities,  such  as  the  legal,  the  ecclesiastical,  the  social,  and 
the  economic.  In  the  broadest  sense,  it  would  be  a  treatise  on  the 
decline  of  local  economy,  and  would  form  but  one  chapter  in  the 
history  of  economic  development.  But  our  interest  here  is 
primarily  economic,  and  the  task  is  not  to  describe  the  pro- 
cess of  decay,  but  to  attempt  an  analysis  of  the  fundamental 
factors  in  that  change  and  to  outline  the  chief  results  follow- 
ing it. 

The  community  which  we  call  the  manor  dissolved  because  its 
economic  basis,  the  practice  of  supporting  an  agricultural  pro- 
prietor by  means  of  services  and  rents  in  kind  came  to  an  end. 
This  meant  a  vital  alteration  in  the  relationship  between  two 
classes,  lords  and  servile  tenants. 

In  the  history  of  labor,  certain  genetic  stages  have  been  dis- 
tinguished. Although  in  the  progress  from  one  of  these  stages  to 
another  the  moving  and  determining  forces  have  not  left  well- 
marked  traces  for  us  to  follow,  it  seems,  however,  that  slavery 
gave  way  to  serfdom,  not  because  of  Christian  preaching  or 
humanitarian  feeling,  but  because  serfdom  was  better  adapted 
to  the  politico-economic  needs  of  the  pre-urban  period;  and 
that  in  modern  times  the  free  contractual  labor  of  the  individual 
'is  giving  way  to  collective  bargaining,  through  the  efforts  of  the 
workers  themselves,  and  in  the  face  of  opposition  from  other 
classes.  Our  interest  in  the  question  here  is,  what  was  the 
leaven  behind  the  development  from  servile  labor  to  the  free 
contractual  basis,  the  second  important  progressive  move  in  the 
history  of  labor  ? 

The  enfranchisement  of  the  serf  is  often  treated  as  if  it  depended 
largely  upon  the  lord's  initiative,  and  as  if  initiative  on  the  part 


26  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

of  the  villain  was  exceptional.1  The  view  here  taken  is  that  the 
servile  tenant  came  to  see  that  his  interest  lay  in  a  contractual 
rather  than  a  customary  relationship,  and  that  the  lord,  though 
on  the  whole  preferring  the  latter  basis,  early  saw  an  advantage 
in  a  partial  cash  arrangement,  and  later  was  forced  to  accept  the 
tenant's  position  almost  without  reserve.  In  the  twelfth  century 
the  lord  found  that  it  served  his  purpose  best  to  lease  parts  of  the 
demesne  for  a  money  payment.2  And  in  the  fifteenth  century  he 
seems  to  have  profited  by  leasing  the  greater  part,  or,  indeed,  all 
of  the  demesne.  The  explanation  of  the  former  is,  in  part,  that 
the  lord  wanted  some  ready  money.  The  explanation  of  the 
latter  is,  that  he  did  not  find  it  profitable  to  continue  bailiff- 
farming. 

To  the  customary  tenant  is  ascribed  a  variety  of  motives  for 
desiring  to  change  his  position.  Some  of  them  are  bound  up  with 
status,  such  as  a  desire  to  enter  orders,  and  freedom  to  marry 
at  will;  whilst  others  are  connected  with  his  tenure,  such  as  his 
preference  for  paying  a  "  fixed  "  due.3  (  The  explanation  here 
suggested  is  that  the  fundamental  reason  for  the  tenant's  desire 
to  get  rid  of  customary  service  was  the  increasing  advantage 
which  he  saw  in  commercial  agriculture.  One  of  the  earliest 
manifestations  of  the  peasant's  desire  to  be  free  of  the  old  services 
(notably  the  carriage  of  corn  and  other  provisions),  and  of  the 
rent  paid  in  kind  and  to  substitute  money  payments  therefor, 
occurred  on  the  royal  estates  in  the  reign  of  Henry  I.4  The 
widely  scattered  manors  of  the  king,  of  course,  presented  a  special 
case;  indeed,  this  commutation  may  be  an  isolated  early  instance 
of  a  movement  which  made  but  little  headway  till  the  thirteenth 
century  when  prices  were  rising  and  when  the  tenant,  no  longer 
satisfied  with  selling  a  mere  surplus  crop,  sought  to  produce  for 
a  market.^  To  this  end  he  increased  his  holding  by  leasing  and 

1  L'on  voit  les  mobiles  divers  qui  incitent  les  seigneurs  a  affranchir  leurs  serfs. 
Mais  il  ne  faudrait  pas  croire  que  l'initiative  vint  toujours  du  maltre.  Tres  sou- 
vent,  les  serfs  sollicitent  eux-mfimes  leur  affranchissement.  H.  See,  Les  classes 
rurales  au  moyen  dge,  p.  255. 

*  Vinogradoff,  Villainage  in  England,  p.  327. 

1  H.  See,  Les  classes  rurales  au  moyen  dge,  pp.  255  f. 

*  See  above,  p.  18. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  2J 

assarting.  In  the  fourteenth  century,  the  peasant  saw  in  the 
devastation  of  the  Black  Death,  and  the  consequent  necessities 
of  the  landlord,  an  opportunity  to  throw  off  the  economic  dis- 
ability of  customary  services  sanctioned  by  the  political  order  and 
enforced  by  the  legal  machinery  of  the  day.  The  result  was  the 
revolt  of  1381,  when  the  chief  demands  of  the  peasants,1  besides 
a  general  amnesty,  were  that  they  should  be  freed  from  bondage, 
should  be  freely  allowed  to  sell  their  products,  as  well  as  to  buy, 
on  the  local  market,2  and  should  not  be  charged  a  rent  of  over  four 
pence  per  acre.  Freed  from  working  the  demesne  (as  well  as  per- 
sonally free),  they  aimed  at  renting  land  cheaply,  and  producing 
for  a  local  market.  The  revolt  of  1381,  so  far  as  the  peasants 
were  concerned,  was  a  general  strike  caused  by  the  increasing 
profit  of  production  for  sale,  a  strike  which  was  more  likely  to 
succeed,  because  of  the  comparative  scarcity  of  labor  in  the 
country,  due  to  the  migration  to  the  towns.  The  fact  that  the 
revolt  was  not  immediately  successful  is  of  minor  importance. 
At  any  rate,  it  shows  the  position  of  the  tenant  opposed  to  the 
old  order  and  the  position  of  the  lord  seeking  to  maintain  it. 
This,  the  only  organized  effort  of  labor,  was  a  failure,  but  the 
manor,  nevertheless,  broke  down  through  the  steady  but  un- 
organized pressure  exerted  by  the  peasant  interest.  A  process 
of  change,  begun  in  the  twelfth  century,  was  thus  practically 
completed  in  the  century  following  the  Peasants'  Revolt. 

The  lord  yielded,  and  the  cardinal  feature  of  the  manor  dis- 
appeared before  the  the  new  force,  the  local  market,  which  grew 
up  around  the  towns.     Towns  made  free  —  made  those  free  who 

1  These  demands  were  granted  and  then  revoked.  Part  of  the  revocation  is  as 
follows:  Quodque  voluimus  quod  iidem,  Ligei  et  Subditi  nostri,  Liberi  essent  ad 
Emendum  et  Vendendum,  in  quibuscumque  Civitatibus,  Burgis,  Villis  Mercatoriis, 
et  aliis  Locis,  infra  Regnum  nostrum  Angliae. 

Et  quod  nulla  Acra  Terra,  in  Comitatibus  praedictis,  quae  in  Bondagio  vel  Ser- 
vitio  tenetur,  altius  quam  ad  Quatuor  Denarios  haberetur,  et,  si  qua  minus  antea 
tenta  fuisset,  imposterum  non  exaltaretur.  Rymer,  Feeder  a,  etc.  (ed.  1709),  vii, 
P-3I7- 

2  The  difficulty  was  that  the  cities  and  towns  were  restricting  by  toll  or  regulation 
the  peasant's  right  to  sell  on  the  town  market,  and  that  the  manorial  regulations 
were  hampering  the  tenant's  sale  of  agricultural  products.  The  former  included 
corn,  the  latter  did  not. 


28  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

escaped  to  them  and  also  those  who  remained  on  the  manor.  To 
those  who  remained  on  the  soil  the  town  growth  was  an  unearned 
increment.  It  brought  a  contractual  advantage  to  the  tenant, 
and  as  appears  below,  an  unplanned  disadvantage  to  the  lord. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  nucleus  of  any  particular  town,  I 
think  we  may  say  that  in  general  it  was  the  desire  for  freedom 
and  betterment  of  position  that  impelled  men  to  congregate  in 
urban  centers.  [  The  town,  discoverer  of  the  power  of  bargaining, 
purchased  from  its  lord  additional  privileges  which  in  turn 
attracted  the  lord's  rural  tenants,  raised  the  price  of  labor,  and 
made  bailiff-farming  unprofitable.  And  to  complete  the  lord's 
misfortune,  prices  rose  in  the  thirteenth  century  after  town 
farms  had  been  fixed,  so  that  his  income  really  diminished. 
Truly,  the  period  from  noo  to  1500  was  as  much  in  his  disfavor 
as  that  from  800  to  11 00  had  been  to  his  advantage; 

The  growth  of  the  town  and  the  local  market  forced  the  lord 
to  give  up  bailiff-farming,  because  it  made  the  tenant  unwilling 
to  labor  for  the  lord.  But  the  latter  had  the  courts  and  the 
political  machinery  with  which  to  enforce  his  rights,  and  he  must 
therefore  have  yielded  only  to  the  inevitable.  It  was  impracti- 
cable and  in  the  long  run  unprofitable  to  force  tenants  to  labor 
who  possessed  and  offered  money  in  lieu  of  labor.  And  also, 
it  was  difficult  to  find  bailiffs  who  had  sufficient  business  ability 
to  maintain  economically  the  two-sided  cash  relationship  of 
hiring  labor  and  selling  produce. 

Still  more,  the  lord's  manorial  marketing  system  was  giving 
way  to  the  organization  of  a  local  territorial  market  slowly  being 
worked  out.  It  was  found  unprofitable  to  cart  corn  long  dis- 
tances to  a  home  manor  for  consumption,  or  to  a  market  center 
within  the  manorial  group,  when  good  market  places  had  to  be 
passed  on  the  way,  and  when,  perhaps,  the  corn  was  finally 
deposited  in  a  district  of  a  large  surplus,  and  therefore  low  price. 
In  other  words,  the  territorial  market  gradually  cut  in  upon  the 
manorial  corn  supply  system,  and  ultimately  supplanted  it. 

This  may  be  expressed  in  another  way.  During  an  earlier 
period,  say  roughly  from  noo  to  1250,  the  lord  sent  his  corn  long 
distances  to  good  markets,  while  the  tenant  sent  his  surplus  to 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  29 

the  nearby  markets,  being  unable  to  cart  it  far  afield  because  of 
lack  of  capital  and  lack  of  knowledge.  In  the  former  case  the 
tendency  was  to  override  the  development  towards  a  territorial 
market;  in  the  latter  case,  on  the  other  hand,  the  tendency  was 
to  create  a  territorial  market,  an  area  over  which  one  price  tended 
to  prevail,  bearing  in  the  long  run  a  close  relation  to  the  cost  of 
production.  In  the  period  from  1250  to  1500  came  the  decline 
of  the  lord's  marketing  system,  while  during  the  same  period  the 
tenant,  impelled  in  the  direction  of  agricultural  production  for  a 
local  market,  pretty  generally  refused  to  give  up  his  time  and 
service  to  his  lord.  Both  of  these  developments  were  favorable 
to  the  creation  of  a  local  market  area.1 

The  growth  of  the  town  and  the  local  market  had,  then,  in  a 
threefold  manner,  an  unfavorable  effect  upon  the  lord;  the 
town  won  a  fixed  money  payment  as  its  farm  to  the  lord,  and 
by  its  own  increase  and  prosperity  raised  prices,2  which  in  turn 
lessened  the  burden  of  its  rent,  and  therefore  diminished  the  lord's 
income.  The  growth  of  the  territorial  market,  or  the  local 
market  area,  made  bailiff-farming  unprofitable,  and  disorganized 
that  part  of  the  manorial  marketing  system  which  the  lord  had 
slowly  evolved  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  and  which 
he  was  forced  to  give  up  just  when  it  would  have  become  prof- 
itable through  the  increasing  demand  of  the  town  for  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  soil. 

In  this  struggle  between  the  lord  and  tenant,  caused  by  the 
rise  of  the  local  market,  external  circumstances  arose,  some 
favoring  the  lord  and  some  the  tenant.  The  latter  have  been 
considered,  the  rise  of  prices  in  the  thirteenth  century  and  the 
Black  Death;  but  one  circumstance  told  strongly  in  the  lord's 
favor,  the  growing  demand  for  English  wool  at  home  and  abroad, 
a  commodity  which  required  less  labor  for  its  production.  Lords 
who  preferred  to  use  their  demesnes  rather  than  rent  them 
found  in  sheep  pasturing  a  profitable  substitute  for  corn  growing, 
that  is,  of  course,  on  lands  suitable  for  the  purpose. 

The  fifteenth  century  thus  witnessed  the  gradual  growth  of 
capitalistic  sheep  farming  on  the  part  of  the  landlords,  and  the 

1  See  pp.  64,  73,  89.  2  p.  15. 


30  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

silent,  but  definite  emergence  of  a  free  peasant  class.  Having 
won  a  large  measure  of  economic  independence,  the  peasant, 
already  aided  in  his  rise  to  freedom  by  that  solvent  of  serfdom, 
the  town,  was  finally  supported  by  the  New  Monarchy,  the 
strong  central  government  which  threw  its  weight  into  the 
balance  on  the  side  of  the  prospective  citizen,  tax-payer,  and 
soldier. 

We  may  tentatively  distinguish  four  periods x  in  the  history 
of  the  manor.  Before  the  twelfth  century  there  seems  to  have 
been  a  pre-market  period  when  the  surplus  of  corn  remained 
unsold.  From  the  twelfth  century  to  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century  the  local  market  was  coming  into  being,  the  needs  of 
which  the  manor  adjusted  itself  to  meet  by  the  sale  of  its  surplus 
corn.  The  following  period  to  the  sixteenth  century  saw  the 
decline  of  the  manor  through  the  cessation  of  baihff-farming 
brought  about  by  the  full  development  of  the  local  market,  the 
needs  of  which  were  met  by  commercial  agriculture  organized 
on  a  territorial  basis.  After  the  sixteenth  century  only  non- 
essentials survived,  important  in  themselves,  but  not  vital  to 
the  manor.  - 

The  results  of  the  decline  of  the  manor  were  numerous  and 
important.  Its  decay  was  part  of  the  break-up  of  the  village 
economy,  with  its  peculiar  social  discipline  and  its  agrarian  co- 
operation, and  the  preparation  for  a  wider  economic  organization. 
Commercial  agriculture,  which  succeeded  subsistence  production, 
meant  for  the  town  unhampered  development  and  specialization 
in  industry  and  trade,  since  the  country  districts,  unhindered  by 
the  rigid  cooperative  system  of  the  older  economy,  could  adapt 
themselves  more  easily  to  the  town  demands  for  food  products, 
and  become  better  customers  for  the  town  industry  and  trade. 
As  has  been  pointed  out,  the  decay  of  the  manor  paved  the  way 
for  the  more  complete  working  out  of  the  local  or  territorial 
marketing  system;  and  it  also  made  possible  the  better  tillage  and 
larger  production  of  the  sixteenth  and  following  centuries,  which 
lay  behind  the  further  extension  of  the  marketing  system,  that  is, 

1  See  also  above,  pp.  10,  24. 


MANORIAL  MARKETING  3  I 

the  development  from  the  local  to  the  metropolitan  market, 
described  at  length  below. 

The  disintegration  of  the  manor  and  the  manorial  group, 
then,  in  the  period  from  1250  to  1500,  was  like  its  highest  develop- 
ment in  the  period  from  1100  to  1250  in  this  respect,  that  both 
stages  of  growth  were  closely  connected  with  the  evolution  of  the 
market. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  LOCAL  MARKET  FROM  THE  THIRTEENTH 
TO  THE   SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

i.  The  Nature  of  a  Market 

The  earliest  trade  of  which  we  have  direct  evidence  was  in  the 
hands  of  itinerant  dealers.  By  the  laws  of  Ine  it  was  decreed: 
"  If  a  chapman  traffic  up  among  the  people,  let  him  do  it  before 
witnesses."  Other  regulations  occur  in  the  laws  of  Hlothaere 
and  Eadric,  and  of  Alfred.1 

Trading  upon  the  market  place  of  the  borough  occurred  at 
least  as  early  as  the  late  ninth  century,  for  at  that  time  a  charter 
was  granted  to  the  see  of  Worcester  which  mentioned  the  "  Ceap- 
stowe  "  or  market  place  of  Worcester.2  In  the  laws  of  the  tenth 
century,  Sunday  marketing  was  prohibited,  while  the  purchase  of 
goods  within  the  town  was  made  obligatory,  except  under  certain 
specified  circumstances,3  and  in  Domesday  Book  town  markets 
dating  back  to  Edward  the  Confessor  are  recorded.4 

There  were  two  kinds  of  market  places,  the  urban  and  the  rural. 
The  former  was  found  in  the  boroughs,  the  latter  in  the  rural 
townships  or  manors.  Although  the  rural  market  is  found  as  far 
back  as  about  960,  in  the  township  of  Oundle  5  in  Northampton- 
shire, it  was  contrary  to  the  letter  of  the  dooms  of  Edward  the 
Elder  and  of  Athelstan,  which  limited  marketing  to  "  ports  "  or 
towns,6  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  laws  of  Edward  the 
Confessor,  which  assumed  that  all  marketing  was  done  in  bor- 
oughs.7 The  laws  of  the  Conqueror  specifically  limited  markets 
to  cities,  boroughs,  castles,  and  "  very  safe  places."  7  Neverthe- 
less, Domesday  Book  records  several  manors  possessing  markets, 

1  First  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  Market  Rights  and  Tolls,  i,  p.  31. 
1  Ibid.,  p.  33.  *  Ibid.,  p.  32. 

4  Ibid.,  i,  p.  36.  6  Ibid.,  p.  12. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  32.  7  Ibid.,  p.  33. 

3» 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  33 

for  example,  Hoxney  in  Suffolk.1  Some  of  these  were  on  the 
way  to  become  boroughs  like  Basingstoke  in  Hampshire,  whilst 
others  like  Yaxley,  have  remained  rural.2  Indeed,  it  seems  that 
the  early  town  proceeded  normally  from  the  manor,  gradually 
acquired  market  rights  and  became  inhabited  in  part  by  men 
called  "  burgesses,"  3  who  probably  commuted  their  agricultural 
services  for  a  money  rent,  and  who  were  specially  associated 
with  the  market; 4  until  finally  we  find  the  full-fledged  borough, 
the  citizens  of  which  had  purchased  special  privileges  and  im- 
munities. 

The  importance  of  these  facts  is  twofold.  Marketing  played 
a  vital  part  in  the  evolution  of  the  town,  and  in  the  eleventh 
century  the  town  was  in  the  stage  of  transition  between  the 
manor  and  the  borough.  It  was  largely  agricultural,  and  many 
remnants  of  an  early  agricultural  period  remained  for  centuries 
attached  to  the  borough.5  In  the  twelfth  century,  for  the  first 
time,  mention  is  made  in  the  records  6  of  industrial  craft  gilds. 
And  while  before  the  twelfth  century  the  trade  upon  the  market 
place,  urban  as  well  as  rural,  probably  included  little  corn,  after 
that  date,  the  manor  began  to  organize  to  supply  the  town  which 
was  gradually  abandoning  agriculture  for  trade  and  industry. 

1  Hoxanam  tenuit  Ailmarus  episcopus  T.  R.  E.  pro  manerio  dc  carucatas  terrae 
...  In  hoc  manerio  erat  unum  mercatum  T.  R.  E.  et  postquam  Willelmus  rex 
advenit;  et  sedebat  in  sabbato  et  Willelmus  malet  fecit  suum  castellum  ad  eiam  et 
eadem  die  qua  erat  mercatum  in  manerio  episcopi  Willelmus  malet  fecit  alium  mer- 
catum in  suo  castello  et  ex  hoc  ita  peioratum  est  mercatum  episcopi :  ut  parum  valeat, 
et  modo  sedet  die  veneris.  Mercatum  autem  de  heia  sedet  die  sabbati.  Domesday 
Book,  ii,  p.  379;  First  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  Market  Rights  and  Tolls,  i, 
p.  36. 

2  First  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  Market  Rights  and  Tolls,  i,  p.  76. 

*  For  example,  Eye,  Suffolk.     Eiam  tenuit  edricus  xn  carucatas  terrae  T.  R.  E. 
.  .  .  Tunc  lxxx  oves,  modo  xc,  et  modo  1  mercatum  et  unus  parcus,  et  in  mercato 

manent  xxv  burgenses.  Domesday  Book,  ii,  p.  319;  First  Report  of  the  Royal  Com- 
mission on  Market  Rights  and  Tolls,  i,  p.  36. 

*  First  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  Market  Rights  and  Tolls,  i,  p.  17  n. 

6  The  English  town  records  afford  numerous  illustrations  of  this  fact.  Paris  in 
the  thirteenth  century  was  partly  supplied  with  corn  from  the  estates  of  its  own  citi- 
zens. Le  Livre  des  Mitiers  d'  Etienne  Boileau  (ed.  Lespinasse  and  Bonnardot),  p. 
258- 

8  Magnum  Rotuli  Scaccarii,  $1  H.  1  (1130),  Index  "  Gilda." 


34  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

The  market  place  was  essential  to  inter-manorial  marketing 
and  to  the  formation  of  the  market  area,  just  as  it  was  helpful  in 
the  earliest  form  of  cosmopolitan  trade.1  It  would  seem  as  if 
there  was  an  early  stage  during  which  the  market  place  was  in 
use,  previous  to  the  formation  of  a  market  area,  a  time  when 
there  were  but  few  articles  entering  into  the  cosmopolitan  trade 
—  a  trade  which  in  itself  was  periodic  and  uncertain  —  a  time, 
indeed,  when  local  trade  was  inconsiderable  in  amount  and  when 
that  trade  was  in  part  prevented  from  becoming  the  basis  of  a 
local  market  area  by  the  fact  that  a  large  part  of  it  was  inter- 
manorial. 

The  market  area  forms  a  more  important  basis  for  the  study 
of  market  evolution  than  the  market  place,  for  the  latter  is  but 
the  standing  ground  where  events  elsewhere  decided  take  place. 

We  may,  perhaps,  define  a  market  as  the  machinery  by  which 
commodities  are  sold  or  bartered,  the  mechanism  by  which  an 
"  equilibrium  in  the  marginal  significance  of  exchangeable  things  " 
is  maintained, 2  and  a  corn  market  as  the  machinery  by  which 
corn  is  exchanged  for  other  commodities. 

Three  sides  of  the  market  lend  themselves  to  study:  prices, 
buyers  and  sellers,  and  general  movements  of  corn.  All  three 
are  of  interest  in  this  work,  but  only  the  first  at  this  stage, 
because  it  is  from  a  study  of  prices,  in  particular  corn  prices, 
that  most  definite  information  is  obtained. 

Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  price,  the  market  is  an  area 
which  has  a  strong  tendency  towards  one  price,  or  a  price  bearing 
a  certain  relation  to  the  price  of  other  areas.  No  definite  area 
can  be  assigned  as  large  enough  or  small  enough  for  a  market. 
A  local  community,  a  city,  a  province,  a  nation,  a  continent,  may 

1  Exchange  of  goods  entering  into  over-sea  trade  along  international  routes,  such 
as  spices,  dried  fruits,  and  rich  cloths  and  jewels  in  return  for  such  articles  as  home- 
spun cloths  and  hides. 

1  Wickstead,  Common  Sense  of  Political  Economy,  p.  213.  Compare  the  defini- 
tion of  Jevons:  a  market  is  a  "  body  of  persons  who  are  in  intimate  business 
relations  and  carry  on  extensive  transactions  in  any  commodity,"  quoted  by 
Marshall,  Principles  of  Economics,  i,  p.  324.  Marshall  himself  observes  that  "  the 
more  nearly  perfect  a  market  is,  the  stronger  is  the  tendency  for  the  same  price  to 
be  paid  for  the  same  thing  at  the  same  time  in  all  parts  of  the  market."  Op.  cit., 
P-  325- 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  35 

be  a  market.  At  times  its  bounds  are  set  off  by  a  stream,  a 
mountain  range,  a  tariff-wall,  or  the  sea.  But  also,  markets 
may  exist  without  such  barriers  to  differentiate  them.  They  are 
none  the  less  real,  while  their  existence  depends  upon  other  and 
subtler  forces. 

The  beginning  of  a  local  market  area  over  which  there  was  a 
strong  tendency  to  a  differential  price  level  cannot  be  more  than 
approximately  indicated.  It  was  not  as  old  as  regular  trading 
upon  the  market  place,  nor  as  old  as  the  boroughs,  though  in 
them  the  chief  exchanges  were  made.  It  arose  only  when  trade 
became  considerable  and  organized.  The  statistical  evidence, 
which  is  the  chief  basis  of  the  detailed  study  of  the  local  market, 
comes  from  the  thirteenth  and  following  centuries,  when  the 
local  market  area  had  already  come  into  being. 

2.  Price  Statistics  and  Method 

The  basis  for  a  study  of  the  early  market  area  is  found  in  the 
materials  collected  by  Rogers  for  the  period  from  1259  to  1500. 
To  this  collection  have  been  added  prices  from  the  Pipe  Rolls  of 
the  Bishopric  of  Winchester  for  the  period  from  1259  to  1300,  so 
that  the  total  number  of  price  entries  available  from  1259  to 
1500  is  about  12,000,  as  the  following  table  indicates.  Many 
Winchester  entries  for  the  period  from  1208  to  1258,  numbering 
about  1782,  have  already  been  in  part  utilized  in  the  previous 

chapter.1 

Medieval  Wheat  Prices  (Materials) 

1259-1300*     1301-1500' 

Total  number  of  entries 3>73o  8,181 

"  u        u  localities Ij3o7  2,582 

Average  number  of  entries  per  locality 2.9  3.2 

"  "       "  annum 88.8  40.9 

"  u        u  localities  per  annum 31. 1  12.9 

Wheat  rather  than  any  other  grain  has  been  chosen,  partly 
because  the  amount  of  price  materials  for  wheat  is  greater  than 
that  for  oats  and  barley  together,  the  grains  next  best  repre- 

1  Above,  p.  13. 

2  Rogers'  figures  and  those  from  the  Pipe  Rolls  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester. 
*  Rogers'  figures  only. 


36  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

sen  ted,1  and  partly  because  wheat  was  the  chief  single  cereal 
entering  into  human  consumption,  the  chief  constituent  of  bread. 

Opinions  as  to  the  composition  of  bread  in  medieval  and  early 
modern  England  have  varied.  Without  doubt,  so  far  as  the 
health  and  fitness  of  Englishmen  were  concerned,  the  importance 
of  the  subject  has  been  exaggerated,2  for  so  many  elements  other 
than  bread  went  to  make  up  the  Englishman's  food.  Although 
we  should  like  to  be  sure  that  the  most  widely  used  cereal  is  the 
basis  for  our  statistical  comparisons,  we  can  draw  no  conclusion 
of  any  degree  of  exactness,  because  of  lack  of  detailed  evidence. 
Some  general  considerations, however,  maybe  briefly  enumerated. 

In  years  of  good  harvest,  it  seems  likely  that  wheat  was  in 
more  general  use  than  the  other  grains  which  were  so  largely 
consumed  in  time  of  scarcity.  During  a  considerable  dearth,  as 
in  1316  and  1317,  the  populace  was  reduced  to  the  consumption 
of  chestnuts,  acorns,  roots,  and  bark  as  well  as  the  poorer  kinds  of 
cereals.  During  dearths  of  even  much  later  dates,  such  as  in  1586 
and  1594,  the  common  bakers  were  ordered  to  bake  bread  of  rye, 
barley,  peas,  and  beans,3  and  in  1622,  the  feeding  of  peas  and 
beans  to  sheep  was  ordered  to  cease,  because  "  in  time  of  dearth 
the  same  may  serve  the  poorer  sort  to  make  bread  of."  4  In 
other  words,  in  times  of  scarcity  the  lack  of  the  usual  bread  corn 
was  met  not  only  by  importations  but  by  the  greater  use  of  the 
other  cereals.  This  was  not  confined  to  the  poor,  but  was  also 
true  of  the  well-to-do.5 

1  The  proportion  of  the  grains  in  Rogers'  figures  is  shown  in  the  following  table 

for  the  period  1250-1582. 

Average  Average  Average 

Entry  Entry  Locality 

Grain  Entries            Localities     Per  Locality  Per  Annum  Per  Annum 

Wheat 13.313       3.786                3.5  41.Z  11.6 

Oats 6,494        2,970                 2.2  20.0  9.2 

Barley 5,172        2,532                2.0  15-9  7-3 

Rogers,  Agriculture  and  Prices,  i,  p.  225;  ibid.,  iv,  p.  280. 

"  Entries  "  are  generally  of  sales  but  occasionally  of  purchases. 

"  Localities  "  are  not  different  localities,  but  the  total  number  of  times  that  the 
various  manors  and  towns  provide  price  materials. 

*  Steffen,  Geschichte  der  Englischen  Lohnarbeiter,  pp.  247-248. 

*  Book  of  Orders,  ed.  1594,  p.  9. 

4  Book  of  Orders  of  1622,  p.  24. 

5  In  Suffolk  in  1631,  "  many  families  of  good  sort "  were  compelled  to  make 
bread  of  buckwheat.     Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Car.  I,  iv,  p.  545. 


THE  LOCAL   MARKET  37 

It  cannot  be  said  that  in  the  period  1 100-1700,  there  was  any 
marked  tendency  displayed,  as  time  went  on,  towards  a  more 
exclusive  use  of  wheat.  Indeed,  rather  less  than  more  wheat 
seems  to  have  been  produced  in  the  fifteenth  century.  Statistics 
of  production  on  the  manors  of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester 
indicate  that  wheat  formed  in  the  year  1208-09,  55.3%  of  the 
total  amount  of  bread  cereals  produced,1  in  1 299-1300,  66.2%, 
and  in  1396-97,  39.9%.  A  similar  development  is  indicated  by 
the  number  of  entries  of  the  various  grains  in  Rogers'  price  lists. 
While  the  number  of  wheat  entries  fell  26.1%  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  the  number  of  entries  of  other  cereals  rose,  barley 
entries,  for  example,  increasing  by  3.8%. 

We  must  differentiate  between  districts,  some  of  which  used 
one  grain,  and  some  another.  Until  the  nineteenth  century,  the 
tendency  was  for  the  grain  most  easily  grown  in  a  locality  to  be 
most  used  there.  Hence,  allowing  for  minor  exceptions,  we  may 
say  that  wheat  predominated  in  the  Thames  valley,  the  south 
and  the  east,  where  the  greater  part  of  the  population  dwelt, 
while  other  grains  tended  to  hold  first  place  in  other  regions. 

The  solution  of  the  problem  is,  indeed,  not  so  simple  as  often 
stated.  Today  one  grain,  wheat,  stands  practically  alone  in  the 
making  of  bread.  In  the  middle  ages  and  early  modern  period, 
mixtures  of  grain  were  popularly  used,  such  as  mistlin  (or  man- 
corn)  and  drags.  This  continued  throughout  the  period  dealt 
with  here,2  though  very  early  the  ideal  of  "  pure  bread  "  was 
held  up  in  the  towns  as  that  made  solely  of  wheat.3 

The  rich  ate  bread  made  exclusively  of  wheaten  flour  to  a 
greater  extent  than  the  poor,  who,  when  servants,  were  given 

1  Wheat,  barley,  rye,  and  mancorn. 

2  For  the  medieval  period,  see  Statistical  Appendix  A. 

In  1662  the  brown  bakers  were  given  a  separate  charter.  It  was  then  stated, 
that  they  "  have  used  to  bake  household  bread  of  wheate  as  it  cometh  from  the  Mill 
without  boulting,  bread  of  mixt  graine,  Bushell  Bread  otherwise  called  wives  bread, 
Rye  bread  and  horse  bread."  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Journals  of  the  Common 
Council,  xxxii,  fol.  34. 

In  1694  Houghton  (Collection,  p.  242,  ed.  of  1727)  said  that  some  make  bread  of 
"  wheat  and  rye  and  call  it  miscellain,"  and  that  "  others  make  it  of  half  wheat  and 
half  barley." 

3  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  K,  p.  146  (1432). 


38  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

mixed  and  inferior  corn  by  their  masters,1  and,  when  not  servants, 
purchased  for  themselves  the  other  cereals,  especially  rye  and 
barley,  because  of  their  lower  price.  This  is  clearly  set  out  in 
the  Book  of  Orders  of  1594  2  and  in  an  excellent  account  of  the 
whole  subject  by  Harrison  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.8 

The  poor  had  no  more  taste  for  rye  or  barley  bread,  to  say 
nothing  of  buckwheat  or  bean  bread,  than  the  rich.  Only 
necessity  induced  them  to  eat  it.  In  the  seventeenth  century, 
the  Grocers  of  London,  who  provided  corn  for  the  poor  of  the  City, 
complained,  (a)  that  the  poor  would  not  receive  barley  or  rye  for 
bread,  (b)  that  they  had  refused  one-third  rye  mixed  with  two- 
thirds  wheat,  and  (c)  that  the  Company  had  their  mixture  of  rye 
and  wheat  on  their  hands,  even  though  wheat  had  been  scarce 
during  the  winter.4 

It  seems  clear  that  in  a  large  part  of  England,  wheat,  either  in 
mixture  or  alone,  was  the  preferred  bread-stuff  and  that  except 
in  periods  of  scarcity  it  was  the  grain  most  generally  consumed. 
We  may,  therefore,  with  a  clear  conscience  use  wheat  prices  as 
the  basis  of  our  statistical  inquiry. 

But  in  turning  now  to  Rogers'  figures  we  discover  that  this 
important  material  must  be  used  with  discrimination.  Professor 
Gay 5  and  later  Mr.  Lutz,6  have  shown  that,  when  we  compare 

1  In  the  bailiff's  accounts  for  Bishop's  Waltham,  Hampshire,  1208-09,  the  con- 
sumption of  the  various  grains  is  interesting;  wheat  was  used  by  the  bishop,  certain 
magistri  and  their  men;  curral,  by  oxherds,  carter,  gardener,  cowherd,  and  dogs; 
vetches,  by  pigs  and  servants.  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester  (ed.  Hall) ,  p.3. 

*  p.  9.     See  also  the  Book  of  Orders  of  1622,  p.  24. 

1  "  The  bread  throughout  the  land  is  made  of  such  grain  as  the  soil  [of  each  par- 
ticular district]  yieldeth;  nevertheless  the  gentility  commonly  provide  themselves 
sufficiently  of  wheat  for  their  own  tables,  whilst  their  household  and  poor  neighbours 
in  some  shires  [not  being  able  to  afford  wheat  bread  commonly],  are  forced  to  con- 
tent themselves  with  rye,  or  barley,  yea,  and  in  time  of  dearth,  many  [of  the  poor] 
with  bread  made  either  of  beans,  peas,  or  oats,  or  of  altogether  and  some  acorns 
among,  of  which  scourge  the  poorest  do  soonest  taste."  Elizabethan  England,  p.  96. 
Cf.  Sir  F.  M.  Eden,  The  State  of  the  Poor,  i,  pp.  510  f.,  and  G.  F.  Steffen,  Geschichte 
der  Englischen  Lohnarbeiter,  pp.  88-91,  232,  242,  243,  247,  248. 

4  Heath,  Company  of  Grocers,  p.  68  (March,  1616). 

*  E.  F.  Gay,  "  The  Inquisitions  of  Depopulation  in  1517,  and  the  Domesday  of 
Inclosures,"  Translations  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society ,  New  Series,  xiv,  pp.  260-261. 

4  H.  L.  Lutz,  "  Inaccuracies  in  Rogers'  History  of  Prices,"  Quarterly  Journal 
of  Economics,  xxiii,  pp.  350-358. 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  39 

Rogers'  price  averages  with  the  materials  upon  which  he  based 
them,  we  find  him  arbitrary  and  inconsistent  in  his  method. 
We  must  not  only  use  Rogers'  averages  critically,  but  his  ma- 
terials as  well.  An  initial  difficulty  in  working  over  the  latter  is 
to  choose  the  normal  and  ehminate  the  irregular.  Rogers,  how- 
ever, has  himself  labelled  some  exceptional  entries  such  as  meal, 
rarer  kinds  of  grain,  and  grain  previously  contracted  for,  and  we 
have  no  alternative  but  to  proceed  on  the  basis  that  he  has 
neglected  few  or  none  such  cases. 

The  variation  in  the  size  of  the  corn  measure  is  a  standing 
difficulty  in  the  way  of  both  Continental  and  English  medieval 
statistics.  But  the  proportion  of  most  of  these  units,  whether 
of  Chester  or  Bridgewater,  Durham  or  Plymouth,  Carlisle  or 
London,  is  fairly  well  known,  and  it  is,  therefore,  possible  to 
reduce  them  to  a  common  denomination.  We  find,  furthermore, 
that  the  prices  as  recorded  were  sometimes  written  down  in 
terms  of  the  standard  measures,  as  in  the  Pipe  Rolls  of  the  Bishop- 
ric of  Winchester,  although  the  actual  sales  may  have  been 
according  to  local  measures. 

Rogers  has  apparently  tried  to  indicate  the  quality  of  the  coin 
in  terms  of  which  his  prices  are  given.  For  example,  he  quotes 
some  wheat  at  Ersham  in  the  year  1 299-1300,  as  of  an  average 
price  of  9  s.  in  pollards,  and  other  wheat  of  an  average  of  4  s.  3  d. 
in  sterling.  For  the  same  year,  the  average  price  of  certain 
wheat  for  Ibstone  is  given  as  7  s.,  for  other  wheat  3  s.  3  d.  sterling. 
Nothing  is  said  about  the  coins  used  in  the  valuation  of  the  7  s. 
wheat,  and  we  are  left  to  conjecture  that  they  were  pollards. 

Another  difficulty  in  Rogers'  figures  is,  in  a  few  instances, 
uncertainty  of  locality.  Little  can  be  done  in  the  majority  of 
such  cases,  except  omit  the  doubtful  entries.  Some  of  Rogers' 
unidentified  places,  however,  have  been  located,  previous  to  the 
compilation  of  the  averages  here  presented. 

One  is  at  once  confronted  with  the  question  whether  the 
weighted  or  the  unweighted  average  should  be  used.  The 
unweighted  average  is  preferable  in  this  case,  because  the  sales 
and  purchases  handed  down  are  but  an  infinitesimal  part  of 
those  that  took  place,  and  therefore  it  is  quite  impossible  to  get 


40  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

an  accurate  weighted  average.  The  price  of  only  one  quarter 
of  corn  for  one  month  may  be  as  typical  as  the  price  of  ioo 
quarters  for  another  month. 

In  order  to  trace  the  trend  of  price  movement,  Rogers  sought  a 
"  general  "  yearly  average.  Of  course  such  a  result  being  based 
upon  materials  from  only  the  district  south  and  east  of  a  line 
from  about  Neath  Abbey  in  Glamorganshire  to  Stourbridge  in 
Worcestershire,  and  then  north  to  Berwick,  is  not  to  be  taken  as 
a  national  average.  The  method  of  finding  even  such  a  narrow 
"  general  "  price  level,  is,  however,  of  importance.  It  would 
seem  that  in  his  two  first  volumes,  Rogers  averaged  the  separate 
price  entries  regardless  of  their  source;  in  the  two  volumes  fol- 
lowing, he  averaged  the  entries  for  each  place,  and  then  struck 
an  average  of  such  results  to  find  the  "  general  "  level.  It  often 
happens  that  there  is  no  difference  between  the  results  arrived  at 
under  these  two  methods.  But  wherever  the  low  price  districts 
are  best  represented,  the  general  average  will  be  low,  and  vice 
versa.  In  other  words,  in  the  first  method  we  run  the  risk  of 
pitting  the  number  of  low  prices  against  the  number  of  high 
prices,  which  obviously  may  not  result  in  a  representative  price. 

But  just  as  the  second  method  is  preferable  to  the  first,  so  a 
further  method  is  preferable  to  the  second.  A  general  average 
is  best  found  not  by  taking  the  averages  of  places  but  of  districts. 
The  differences  in  the  three  methods  may  be  thus  illustrated  for 
the  year  1365-66: 

s.     d. 
Average  by  first  method 6  o\ 

■  ■   second    u      6  3I 

■  ■   third      "     6  si 

If  Rogers'  methods  are  corrected,  the  resultant  averages  are 
often  such  as  to  show  that  even  the  direction  of  price  fluctuation 
from  year  to  year  is  different  from  his  calculation,  for  example, 
from  1311-12  to  1312-13. 

Table  Showing  Differences  in  the  Method  of  Averaging  Prices 

Rogers 

Year                 Average  by  Average  by            Rise  by               Fall  by 

First  Method  Third  Method  First  Method  Third  Method 

s.    d.  s.     d.                  s.  d.                  s.   d. 

13"-" 4     Si  4  I©  

1312-13 4  "1  4     7i  06  02 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET 


41 


For  Rogers'  purposes,  this  would  have  made  considerable 
difference.  But  the  general  movement  of  prices  is  here  not  so 
much  the  concern,  as  the  differential  price  levels  according  to 

Average  Prices  of  Wheat,  1 259-1500 


Areas 

I259-I3OO 

1301-1400 

1401-1500 

1301-1500 

1259-1500 l 

Years 

Price 

Years 

Price 

Years 

Price 

Years 

Price 

Years 

Price 

Low  price  areas: 
Upper  Severn .... 

East  Suffolk 

Upper  Thames . .  . 

Bristol 

12 

20 

39 
26 
29 
27 
30 

24 
4 
22 
36 
12 

5 
n 
16 

s.    d. 

5     7i 
5     55 

4  "5 

5  2 
5    °5 
5     5i 
5     9f 

5     8f 

4  ioi 

5  81 
5     55 
5     2>\ 
5     t\ 

5  9 

6  if 

74 

33 

100 

65 
41 
66 
27 

78 
21 
20 

95 
12 
11 
16 
45 
[23 

s.    d. 

5     7i 

5     6f 
5     8f 
5  I0i 

5  61 

6  35 
6    0 

6     ij 
6    6* 

6     if 

6  3 

7  o£ 
7     4l 
7     8§ 

6  8f 

7  35] 

19 
9 

86 

89 
46 

19 

26 

11 
25 
34 
75 
23 
69 
8 
60 

s.    d. 

4     4f 

4  8 

5  3 
5     1 
5     7 
5     2f 
5     6 

5  "5 

5  Si 

6  i* 
6    4i 
6    0! 
6     2j 

5  9 

6  4i 

93 
42 
186 
154 
87 
85 
53 

89 

46 

54 

170 

35 
80 

24 
i°S 
[23 

s.    d. 

5     0 
5     I* 

5     5s 
5     55 
5     6f 
5    9l 

5  9 

6  oi 
6    oi 
6     ij 
6    35 
6     61 
6  10 
6    8f 

6  61 

7  35] 

l°5 
62 
225 
180 
Il6 
112 
83 

"3 

5° 
76 

206 
47 
8S 
35 

121 

23 

s.    d. 

5     Ij 

5     2 
5     4! 
5     5 
5     5f 
5    81 
5    9* 

5  "I 

6  of2 
6    o§ 

6      2i 

6    3! 
6     61 
6    6f 

6     7l 

Southampton .... 

Norwich 

High  price  areas: 

East  Kent 

Trent 

SouthWest 

Lower  Thames . . . 
York 

Durham 

East  Essex 

Battle.  .  . 

South  Wales 3 . . . . 

Total  average 

Mean 

5     5* 
5     6 

6    3i 

6     1\ 

5     6i 
5     45 

5  "3 
5  " 

5  i°i 
5  i°i 

locality,  a  subject  which,  except  where  he  followed  the  example 
of  Houghton  for  the  period  1691-1702,  Rogers  did  not  consider 
at  all.4 

1  Averages  for  1 259-1500  are  made  up  from  the  averages  of  the  three  periods, 
1 259-1300,  1301-1400,  and  1401-1500,  the  first  being  given  the  weight  of  two,  and 
the  others  of  five  each. 

2  Figures  for  1 259-1300  are  omitted  from  the  averages  as  too  inadequate. 

3  Not  used  in  averages. 

4  Rogers,  however,  analyzed  the  statistics  of  wages  by  districts  in  his  tables  for 
the  period  1259  to  1400,  for  East,  Midland,  South,  West,  and  North.  Agriculture 
and  Prices,  i,  pp.  301-308. 


42 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


3.  The  Local  Market  and  Market  Price  Levels 

An  empirical  study  of  the  price  materials  of  Rogers  indicates 
the  existence  of  local  market  areas,  that  is,  districts  having  a 
strong  tendency  towards  a  differential  price  level.  Besides  the 
comparison  of  prices  prevailing  in  various  districts  of  England, 
what  little  may  be  learned  concerning  medieval  transportation 
and  the  general  productivity  of  the  districts  has  been  used  to 
determine  the  local  market  areas.  At  best  the  methods  and  the 
results  will  be  far  from  satisfactory,  but  it  is  believed  the  study 
will  prove  not  uninstructive. 

I  present  at  the  outset  the  tables  (on  the  preceding  page) 
which  give  the  names  of  the  districts,  the  average  prices  of  wheat, 
and  the  number  of  years  of  each  period  for  which  there  are  figures. 


Table  Showing  the  Relative  Fullness  of  Price  Statistics 


Areas 


Places    Years    Entries 


1301-1500 


Places    Years    Entries 


Places    Years    Entries 


Southampton. . 
Upper  Thames 
Lower  Thames 
Cambridge.  .  .  , 

Bristol 

Norwich 

SouthWest. .. 
East  Kent .... 
East  Suffolk. . 

Battle 

Upper  Severn . 

Durham 

South  Wales .  . 

Trent 

York 

East  Essex 


43 
IS 
10 

4 
6 
11 
3 
4 
7 
4 
4 
2 
o 
3 
4 
3 


27 
39 
36 
26 

29 

30 
22 

24 
20 
16 
12 

5 
o 

4 
12 
11 


1,236 

S69 
506 
227 

247 

317 

190 

96 

148 

49 

38 

8 

o 

17 
27 

3° 


18 

58 
38 
34 
32 
37 
22 
12 
18 
12 
18 
6 
11 

25 

13 
11 


85 

186 

170 

154 

87 

53 

54 

89 

42 

i°5 

93 

80 

23 
46 

35 
24 


121 
537 
342 
266 
177 
78 
76 

137 

70 

112 

121 

106 

76 

52 

39 

24 


57 
63 
42 
35 
38 
4i 
25 
14 
19 
15 
18 
6 
11 
26 
16 
13 


112 
225 
206 
180 
116 

83 

76 

"3 
62 
121 
105 
85 
23 
50 
47 
35 


1.357 
1,106 
848 
493 
424 
395 
266 

233 
218 
161 

159 
114 

76 
69 
66 

54 


From  the  total  number  of  manorial  and  town  entries,  from  the 
total  number  of  years  represented,  and  from  the  number  of  sepa- 
rate places,  we  can  judge  the  value  of  our  figures.  From  these 
lists  it  is  evident  that  the  largest  number  of  figures,  and  therefore 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  43 

the  most  reliable  evidence,  comes  from  the  fertile  belt  extending 
east  to  west  through  the  heart  of  southern  England. 

Owing  in  part  to  the  inadequacy  of  materials  there  is  some 
shifting  in  relative  position  of  the  various  areas  from  one  period  to 
another.  This  is,  however,  not  so  striking  in  the  case  of  those 
best  represented,  for  then  we  find  that  their  order  does  not  vary 
much.  This  is  seen  in  the  following  table  containing  nine  areas 
out  of  the  eleven  best  represented.1 

Table  Showing  Order  of  Areas  in  Lists  of  Average  Prices 

Number  in  the    Number  in  the    Number  in  the 
List  of  List  of  List  of 

Areas  1259-1300  1301-1400  1401-1500 

East  Suffolk 4  2  o  * 

Upper  Thames 1  4  2 

Cambridge 3  5  1 

Bristol 2  1  3 

Southampton 5  8  o  * 

East  Kent 8  6  o* 

South  West 7  oa  4 

Lower  Thames 6  7  7 

Battle 11  9  6 

This  table  shows  that  even  in  the  case  of  districts  well  repre- 
sented there  is  some  variation.  In  three  districts,  Cambridge, 
Upper  Thames,  and  Battle,  these  variations  deserve  special 
study.  Outside  the  Lower  Thames  area,  they  are  the  best  repre- 
sented of  all,  and  therefore  the  most  reliable  upon  which  to  base 
conclusions.  A  comparison  of  the  price  averages  of  these  three 
with  the  average  of  the  Lower  Thames  area,  during  five  long 
periods,  shows  a  significant  result.  Such  a  comparison  is  made  in 
the  table  on  the  next  page. 

This  table  points  to  two  conclusions.  The  Lower  Thames,  or 
London  area,  was  not  at  this  time  the  arbiter  of  prices  for  a 
district  wider  than  the  immediate  vicinity.  This  is  evidenced  by 
the  course  of  prices  of  the  Battle  area,  which  not  only  bore  no 

1  The  Norwich  and  Upper  Severn  areas  are  omitted  because,  though  well  repre- 
sented in  the  aggregate,  in  two  of  the  periods  they  fall  below  what  has  been  taken 
as  the  minimum,  one-third  of  the  total  number  of  years. 

2  These  areas  are  not  counted  in  this  list,  because  they  are  inadequately  repre- 
sented, that  is,  there  are  no  prices  recorded  for  them  for  more  than  one-third  of  the 
total  number  of  years  of  the  period. 


44 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


constant  relation,  higher  or  lower,  to  the  prices  of  the  Lower 
Thames  area,  but  did  not  even  move  in  the  same  direction.  This 
is  particularly  noteworthy  during  the  periods  1359-1400,  and 
1401-58,  during  which  both  are  well  represented.  While  the 
Lower  Thames  area  rose  over  9  d.,  the  Battle  area  fell  over  3  d. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Upper  Thames  and  Cambridge  areas 
were  normally  of  lower  price  than  the  Lower  Thames.     They 

Table  op  Price  Averages 


Areas' 


1*59-1300 


Av.  Price 


1301-58 


Av.  Price 


1350-1400 


Av.  Price 


1401-58 


Av.  Price 


1459-1500 


Av.  Price 


Upper  Thames . 
Cambridge. . . . 
Lower  Thames . 
Battle 


s.     d. 

4  "i 

5  2 
5     Si 
[6     if] 


s.  d. 

5  9* 

5  9i 

6  4* 
[5  Hfl 


s.  d. 

5  7* 
[6  7il 

6  1 
6  7| 


s.  d. 

5  ii 

5  3* 

6  iof 
6  4I 


s.     d. 

5  si 
4  "i 

6  of 
16     311 


remained  so  in  the  fifteenth  century,  but  whereas,  in  the  period 
1259-1358,  the  price  of  corn  in  the  Lower  Thames  area  was  over 
6  d.  higher  than  that  in  the  Upper  Thames,  and  5  d.  higher  than 
that  in  the  Cambridge  area,  in  the  period  1401-1500,  the  excess 
had  reached  nearly  i5d.  and  i6d.  respectively.  This  develop- 
ment is  shown  in  the  accompanying  charts. 

The  explanation,  apart  from  a  possible  slight  increase  of  popu- 
lation, seems  to  be  this.  Up  to  the  fifteenth  century  the  needs 
of  the  Lower  Thames  area  were  in  some  part  supplied  by  the 
manorial  marketing  system,  for  example,  by  the  manors  of  the 
bishopric  of  Winchester  in  the  Upper  Thames  area,  and  of 
Ramsey  Abbey  in  the  Cambridge  area.2  The  tendency  was 
thus  for  the  corn  of  these  low  price  areas,  sent  to  London,  to 
reduce  the  level  of  prices  in  the  London  area.  When  the  man- 
orial system  broke  down,  however,  this  tendency  disappeared, 
and,  consequently,  the  price  average  of  the  local  areas  became 
more  sharply  differentiated  and  was  determined  to  a  larger  extent 
than  before  by  the  local  cost  of  production. 

1  The  figures  in  brackets  are  least  reliable  because  of  the  few  years  represented. 
1  See  above,  pp.  20-21. 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET 


45 


The  course  of  the  development  of  the  local  market  area  was  by 
the  second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century  complete.      For  it  was 


r 

m 

09 

^ 

V 

o 

s 

mi 

M 

1? 

tfc 

o. 

m 

s* 

00 

1281 

\] 

1412 

X. 

1 

1 

\ 

1282 

.•f 

1413 

1 

1283 

// 

1414 

'S 

y 

1284 

"V 

1415 

\   1 
\  / 
H 

/ 

1285 

S 

1286 

> 

r"     ' 

1417 

X" 

y 

1287 

> 

£ 

1418 

1 
1    . 

* 
,«*• 

1288 

^ 

'  *^  s 

1419 

^ 

1289 

\ 

\^ 

1420 

Nn 

^^ 

■^„ 

1290 

1 

y 

1421 

ill 

:ll 

'Charts  sh< 
of  price  a 
areas  dui 
1281  -  1300 

1291 

X 

1422 

\     / 

/ 

1292 

\ 

1423 

>wing  the  course 

verages  in  three 

ing  the  periods 

and    1411-1430 

Lower  Thames  area 
Upper  Thamea  area 
Cambridge  area 

Supplied 

\<. 

"-»». 

1293 

V 

1424 

\ 

/ 
/ 

1294 

1 

' 

1425 

^ 

1295 

.     1 

i  j 

1426 

^"^i 

^ 

129C 

:    \ 
• 

. 

H27 

V 

\ 

1297 

**"*«sfc 

^S^ 

142S 

\N 

\N 

129? 

\ 

1429 

; 

f 

/ 

1299 

/'' 

> 

^ 

1430 

A 

1300 

p 

o> 

»* 

OS 

? 

f 

£■ 

S? 

t 

C* 

S> 

-» 

8P 

? 

Charts  I-TI 


then  that  the  needs  of  the  district  were  catered  to  almost  ex- 
clusively by  the  tenant  farmers  of  the  district  itself,  instead  of  by 
the  older  manorial  marketing  system,  embracing  not  one  area 
but  many. 


46  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

(/The  date  of  the  rise  of  the  local  market  area  cannot  be  fixed, 
for  its  development  was  slow  and  gradual.  Since,  however, 
progress  was  clearly  marked  by  the  period  1 250-1300,  it  is  safe 
to  assign  to  the  twelfth  century  a  large  share  of  its  early  growth. 

The  local  market,  we  take  it,  covered  a  period  of  about  four 
hundred  years.  The  earlier  part,  1 100-1250,  we  have  followed 
from  the  side  of  manorial  marketing;  the  latter  part  1 250-1 500, 
is  best  studied  from  the  side  of  local  price  statistics.  But  while 
there  is  a  change  in  method  of  study,  there  was  no  corresponding 
change  in  market  evolution,  except  the  one  indicated  above,  that 
as  the  manorial  system  declined,  the  local  areas  became  more  and 
more  self-sufficing,  a  fact  indicated  by  the  course  of  price  move- 
ment. 
CThe  local  areas  listed  above  are  shown  in  the  accompanying 
ap.  At  a  glance  we  see  that  only  certain  parts  of  England  are 
represented,  and  that  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  mark  off 
exactly  one  area  from  another.  The  position  and  condition  of 
the  districts  may,  however,  be  described. 

The  Upper  Severn  area  included  the  shires  of  Warwick,  Wor- 
cester, and  northern  Gloucester.  This  was  a  district  for  the  most 
part  fruitful  in  the  products  of  the  soil,  abounding  in  pastures, 
woods,  fruits,  and  cereals.  Corn  was  grown  with  but  little 
labor  as  compared  with  that  needed  in  Kent  and  Essex.  The 
means  of  transportation  were  excellent,  for  the  Severn  and  the 
Avon  drained  the  whole  area. 

The  East  Suffolk  district  occupies  about  one-half  of  Suffolk 
lying  to  the  southeast  of  the  shire.  To  the  east  lay  the  sea; 
to  the  west  extensive  forests.  On  the  north  and  south  was  a 
tract  of  country,  the  price  average  of  which  is  unknown,  and 
beyond  which  we  find  another  price  level.  On  the  whole  this 
area  was  not  very  fertile.  As  western  Suffolk  had  soil  too  stiff, 
a  strong  clay,  so  eastern  Suffolk  had  soil  too  light,  sand,  even 
blowing  sand  in  places.  But  there  were  some  fertile  spots  in  it, 
as  that  just  north  of  Ipswich  and  again  the  land  lying  between  the 
Orwell  and  the  Deben,  and  in  general  along  the  river  banks.  If 
the  soil  was  not  particularly  good  for  corn  growing,  the  cultivators 
tended  to  make  up  the  deficiency  by  agricultural  skill.     As  in 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET 


47 


Kent,  so  in  Suffolk,  the  effect  of  proximity  to  the  Continent  was 
important  in  that  foreign  methods  and  improvements  had  a 
better  chance  of  adoption  than  in  the  more  remote  districts. 


Map  of  England 


What  can  be  said  about  the  coast  of  Suffolk  ?  At  the  present 
day  the  condition  of  the  coast  is  considered  a  great  drawback  to 
commerce,  and  as  forming  an  impossible  landing  place  for  a  hos- 


48  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

tile  fleet.  But  the  Suffolk  coast  was  "  river  pierced,"  and  though 
these  rivers  were  not  deep  they  were  numerous  and  capable  of 
floating  the  hoys  then  used  in  corn  transportation.  There  were, 
perhaps,  a  dozen  ports  in  the  middle  ages  noted  for  their  fishing 
trade,1  and  at  least  four  in  the  fifteenth  century  were  of  consider- 
able importance,  Kirkly  Road,  Dunwich,  Orford,  and  Orwell 
(Ipswich).2  But  no  matter  how  favorable  the  transportation 
facilities,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  considerable  amount  of 
corn  exported.3  Whatever  the  explanation  may  be,  the  fact 
remains  that  eastern  Suffolk  was  beyond  denial  a  very  low  price 
district. 

Oxfordshire,  Buckinghamshire,  and  Berkshire  formed  in  the 
main  the  Upper  Thames  area.  As  elsewhere,  there  was  a  great 
variety  of  soil  within  a  small  area.  Parts  of  Buckinghamshire 
were  barren,  and  eastern  Berkshire  was  wooded,  and  hence  not 
growing  corn  to  any  extent;  but  in  spite  of  such  exceptions,  the 
district  as  a  whole,  like  the  Upper  Severn  and  Cambridge  areas, 
was  very  fertile  and  especially  that  part  along  the  Thames. 
Oxfordshire  itself,  in  addition  to  "  its  fertile  arable  ground,"  was 
"  a  land  of  streams." 4  Many,  if  not  most,  of  the  market  towns 
of  Oxfordshire  were  situated  on  rivers  and  were  in  this  way  linked 
up  with  a  fairly  wide  market.5  South  of  the  Thames  the  numer- 
ous roads,  supplemented  by  bridges,  made  up  for  any  lack  of 
river  navigation.6  Father  Thames  himself  was  the  great  artery 
of  communication  for  the  whole  area. 

The  Cambridge  market  area  took  in  the  counties  of  Cambridge, 
Huntingdon,  Bedford,  northern  Essex,  and  western  Suffolk,  or 
roughly  an  area  of  little  more  than  a  score  of  miles  in  radius. 
Within  this  district  a  great  variety  of  soils  was  found  in  large 
patches  here  and  there:    sand  and  clay  in  the  rich  marches, 

1  Victoria  History  of  the  Counties  of  England,  Suffolk,  ii,  pp.  289  f. 

*  Cf.  a  tract  of  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  attributed  to  Fortescue, 
Works,  i,  p.  549. 

*  See  Appendix  C. 

4  Victoria  History  of  the  Counties  of  England,  Oxfordshire,  ii,  p.  165. 

*  Cf.  Oxford,  Henley,  Witney,  and  Burford.  Harrison  (Description  of  England, 
Bk.  IT,  ch.  xiii)  gave  Oxfordshire  only  ten  market  towns. 

6  Victoria  History,  Berkshire,  ii,  p.  199. 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  49 

black  soil  of  the  fenlands,  the  chalk,  loam,  and  workable  clay  on 
the  uplands.  The  general  character  of  the  district  in  the  middle 
ages  is  clear:  it  was  exceptionally  fertile.  If  any  district  in 
medieval  England  were  able  to  ship  corn  in  a  continuous  stream 
to  feed  the  population  of  other  districts,  it  was  this  Cambridge 
area.  Like  so  many  districts  in  England,  it  was  blessed  by 
natural  water  routes,  the  Cam,  the  Ouse,  the  Nen,  and  the 
Lea.  These  were  supplemented  by  artificial  ways,  "  lades  and 
trenches,"  x  which  are  among  the  earliest  canals  recorded  in 
medieval  England. 

The  Bristol  area,  the  fifth  of  the  low  price  areas,  comprised 
those  parts  of  Gloucestershire,  Wiltshire,  and  Somersetshire 
nearest  to  Bristol,  within  a  radius  of  twenty  to  twenty-five  miles. 
Including  some  very  indifferent  lands  within  its  scope,  the 
Bristol  area,  nevertheless,  took  in  the  fertile  strip  of  arable  land 
in  Wiltshire  just  to  the  east  and  southeast,  and  the  fertile  soils 
lying  along  the  Severn  in  Gloucestershire,  and  immediately  to  the 
east  of  it.  Communication  by  the  Severn,  up  the  Avon,  down 
the  Froom,  and  down  the  upper  Avon  was  good.  It  is  highly 
probable,  however,  that  the  low  price  level  of  the  Bristol  area 
owed  not  a  little  to  the  close  proximity  of  the  Upper  Severn  area 
which  was  almost  6  d.  lower  in  average  price. 

The  district  called  the  Southampton  area  extends  from  Wey- 
mouth to  a  little  beyond  Selsey  Bill  on  the  coast  and  inland  to 
the  Hampshire  Downs  and  Salisbury  Plain,  consisting  in  the 
main  of  Hampshire  and  Dorsetshire.  Medieval  Hampshire  was 
to  a  comparatively  large  extent  forest,  the  southwest  and  the 
extreme  east  being  heavily  wooded.  On  the  other  hand,  those 
parts  not  under  forest  were  of  more  than  average  fertility,  that 
is,  the  district  lying  immediately  around  the  town  of  Southamp- 
ton and  including  the  Isle  of  Wight.  Dorset,  concerning  which 
our  information  as  to  corn  prices  is  rather  scanty,  was  essentially 
agricultural  and  pastoral,2  but  in  parts  it  was  rather  barren  and 
indeed  on  the  whole,  can  never  have  produced  a  regular  corn 
surplus  of  any  great  amount.     The  western  part  of  Sussex,  that 

1  Cartidarium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  i,  p.  175  (1342). 

2  Victoria  History,  Dorsetshire,  ii,  p.  229. 


50  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

part  about  Chichester,  is  included  in  this  area.  The  means  of 
transportation  was  chiefly  by  sea,  along  the  coast. 

The  Norwich  area  comprised  most  of  Norfolk  east  of  the  Ouse 
and  the  northeast  corner  of  Suffolk.  A  "  great  corne  soyle," 
Best  called  it  in  the  seventeenth  century.1  Its  fertility  was  a 
source  of  mirth.2  It  was  to  Norfolk  that  the  privy  council,  at  a 
later  date,  naturally  turned  when  corn  was  to  be  transported,  for 
that  country  could  "  best  spare  "  its  grain.3  There  was,  barring 
some  upland  heaths,  but  little  land  within  the  area  that  was  not 
productive.  The  means  of  transportation  were  ample:  on  the 
west  the  Ouse,  on  the  east  the  Yare  (at  least  from  Norwich 
down),  and  the  seaports  of  Yarmouth,  Blakeney,  and  Wells. 
Our  surprise  is  that  corn  was  higher  in  price  than  in  the  nearby 
districts  of  Cambridge  and  East  Suffolk.4 

The  east  Kent  area  included  the  land  between  the  coast  and 
a  line  drawn  roughly  from  about  Romney  on  the  coast  north- 
west to  Maidstone,  and  thence  north  to  the  Thames.  To  the 
southwest  of  this  was  the  Weald  of  Kent,  and  west  of  it  the 
ancient  Weald,  both  of  which,  even  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
were  more  sparsely  inhabited  and  less  cultivated  than  the  eastern 
part  of  Kent. 

East  Kent  was  one  of  the  very  fertile  districts  in  England 
during  the  middle  ages.  To  the  natural  productivity  of  the  soil 
may  be  added  the  improved  methods  of  agriculture  due  to  the 
proximity  of  the  Continent.6  Kent,  too,  was  famous  for  its 
roads  leading  from  the  coast  towns  to  the  metropolis.  It  was 
well  supplied  with  ports:  Romney,  Hythe,  Dover,  Sandwich, 
Margate,  and  Faversham.  Close  proximity  to  London  and  to 
the  Continent  by  water  routes  completed  the  advantages  pos- 
sessed by  this  district. 

1  Best,  Farming  Book,  p.  ioo. 

1  Rye,  History  of  Norfolk,  p.  95. 

1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xxvi,  p.  269  (1596). 

*  The  act  of  1  Eliz.,  c.  1 1 ,  §  10,  allowing  the  exportation  of  corn  from  Norfolk  and 
Suffolk  when  not  over  certain  specified  rates,  in  the  case  of  wheat  6  s.  8  d.,  was  a 
simple  recognition  of  the  fact  that  prices  in  this  district  were  usually  below  the  level 
of  6  s.  8  d.,  which  had  really  been  set  up  for  all  England  by  the  act  of  1554. 

6  Victoria  History,  Kent,  i,  p.  457. 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  5 1 

Kent  stood  about  midway  between  the  lowest  and  the  highest 
price  district.  Its  general  average  was  only  a  little  higher  than 
that  of  the  Southampton  district  on  the  west,  and  the  Norwich 
area  to  the  north.  Yet  it  had  a  lower  price  level  than  the  areas 
adjoining,  the  Battle,  Lower  Thames,  and  East  Essex  districts. 
Kent,  situated  elsewhere,  would  probably  have  had  a  slightly 
lower  price,  that  is,  if  it  had  not  been  located  between  London  on 
the  west  and  the  Continent  on  the  east.  The  corn  of  Kent  in 
the  early  modern  period  was  held  to  be  of  excellent  quality  and 
"  the  best  able  to  stand  the  sea;  "  l  and  in  consequence  it  was 
much  sought  after,  especially  for  long  distance  transportation. 

The  Trent  area  consisted  of  those  counties  bordering  on,  or 
near  to  the  Trent,  roughly  Lincolnshire,  Nottinghamshire, 
Leicestershire,  Derbyshire,  and  the  southern  corner  of  York- 
shire. Lincolnshire  as  a  corn  county  belonged  in  the  middle 
ages  to  the  Trent  rather  than  to  the  sea.  All  along  the  sea-board, 
from  below  the  Wash  to  the  H  umber,  stretched  fens  of  various 
widths  which,  though  fertile  today  through  drainage,  were 
useless  for  tillage  in  the  middle  ages.  Some  corn,  no  doubt,  was 
sent  from  the  more  fertile  district  to  the  east,  for  example,  down 
the  Witham  to  Boston,  but  this  was  comparatively  unimportant. 
Boston  was  a  fishing  town  and  a  staple  for  wool,  never  in  the 
middle  ages  a  great  corn  depot.  But  western  Lincolnshire,  by 
far  the  larger  part  of  the  county,  consisted  of  fertile  sandy  loam 
and  at  the  mouth  of  the  Trent  of  dark  rich  soil  of  great  fertility. 
Nottinghamshire  was  not  an  agricultural  county,  the  major  part 
of  it,  especially  to  the  east,  being  more  rich  in  minerals  and  in 
limestone  than  in  arable  soil.  Yet  the  lands  along  the  Trent 
itself  were  fertile  enough.  Derbyshire  was  much  like  eastern 
Nottinghamshire,  never  a  great  agricultural  county;  yet  it 
would  be  an  anachronism  to  regard  it  as  an  industrial  and  mining 
center  before  at  least  the  seventeenth  century.  In  spots  agri- 
culture flourished,  for  example,  on  the  banks  of  the  Trent,  the 
Derwent,  the  Wye,  and  the  Dove,  and  somewhat  to  the  south  of 
the  town  of  Derby.2    On  the  whole,  however,  even  in  the  middle 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Venetian,  x,  p.  414. 

2  Victoria  History,  Derby,  ii,  p.  305. 


52  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

ages,  it  was  not  a  county  with  a  great  corn  surplus.  When- 
ever there  was  any  movement  of  corn,  it  was  to  Derbyshire  and 
not  from  it.  Leicestershire  was  fertile,  and  if  it  had  been  pos- 
sessed of  better  communication  and  organization,  might  have  had 
a  yearly  surplus  of  corn.  But  for  centuries  it  was  somewhat 
isolated,  even  more  than  Derbyshire.  In  1620,  it  was  reported 
that  Leicestershire  was  "  remote  from  any  means  of  exporting 
grain,"  and  that  it  grew  "  chiefly  peas  and  barley."  x  There  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  this  was  descriptive  of  medieval  condi- 
tions also.  For  the  whole  Trent  area,  then,  no  great  fertility 
can  be  claimed  except  for  those  parts  named.  The  transporta- 
tion of  corn  was  chiefly  by  land  and  by  the  river  Trent. 

Cornwall,  Devonshire,  and  the  southwestern  parts  of  the 
counties  of  Somerset  and  Dorset  made  up  the  southwest  area, 
corresponding  roughly  to  ancient  West  Wales.  Of  the  agricul- 
tural conditions  in  this  district  in  the  middle  ages  we  have  but 
little  information.  Though  parts  of  the  district  were  almost 
wholly  given  up  to  mining,  and  some  sections,  even  whole 
hundreds,  to  "  woodland  and  forest," 2  yet  other  sections  here 
and  there  might  even  be  called  fertile,  but  in  no  sense  could 
the  district  as  a  whole  be  regarded  as  productive  of  a  regular 
surplus.  Some  of  the  corn  consumed  there  was,  in  the  early 
modern  period,  brought  in  from  elsewhere.  And  except  on  the 
coast  of  Somersetshire,  there  were  plenty  of  good  harbors  for  the 
transportation  of  corn. 

The  Lower  Thames  or  London  area  was  of  great  fertility, 
having  had  practically  no  barren  districts  within  it,  except  some 
commons  very  near  to  London  itself.  It  consisted  of  the  land 
about  London  for  a  radius  of  some  twenty-five  miles,  thus 
embracing  north  and  west  Kent,  northern  Surrey,  Middlesex, 
and  southwestern  Essex.  Both  Essex  and  Kent  were  enriched 
by  the  alluvial  deposits  of  the  river  Thames.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  Middlesex.3  Surrey  was  arable  south  to  the  Weald. 
The  Thames  and  the  Lea  were  the  principal  means  of  water 

1  Calendar  of  Slate  Papers,  Domestic,  Jac.  I,  x,  p.  1 24. 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  578-579  (1623). 

*  Green,  Geography,  pp.  181-182. 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  53 

transportation.  Besides  these  there  were  numerous  land  highways 
converging  in  London.  But  despite  these  favorable  conditions, 
prices  were  high.  The  explanation  of  this  must  be  sought 
in  the  fact  that  the  area's  consumptive  demand  constantly 
tended  to  outstrip  its  productive  powers. 

By  the  York  area  is  meant  the  county  of  York,  north  and  north- 
west of  the  Humber.  A  large  part  of  this  shire,  especially  to  the 
west,  was  not  fertile,  not  corn  growing  primarily.  But  between 
the  Ouse  river  and  the  sea,  the  soil  was  quite  fertile.  Best,  who 
lived  in  this  part  of  Yorkshire,  when  he  wanted  to  praise  Nor- 
folk's fertility  as  a  corn  district,  called  it  "  a  champion  county 
like  unto  Yorkshire."  l  Much  of  the  surplus  of  the  fertile  areas 
within  the  shire  was  consumed  by  the  less  fertile  parts.  The 
water  means  of  communication  consisted  in  a  network  of  rivers, 
of  which  the  Humber  was  the  chief.  To  the  north  of  Yorkshire 
was  Durham,  with  a  higher  price  level,  to  the  south  the  Trent 
area  with  a  much  lower  price.  Further  still  to  the  south  was  the 
Cambridge  area  having  a  still  lower  level.  The  York  average 
was  just  about  a  medium  between  those  prevailing  in  Durham 
and  Trent. 

The  Durham  area  was  made  up  of  the  land  lying  between  the 
Tees  and  the  Tyne.  In  the  west  were  the  lead  mines;  north- 
wards up  to  Cumberland,  coal  was  found;  and  in  the  south  and 
on  the  coast  were  the  agricultural  districts,  as  also  along  the 
rivers,  especially  the  Wear.2  Probably  oats  much  more  than 
wheat  were  grown  in  Durham.  This  is  indicated  by  the  payments 
to  farm  laborers  for  their  service  in  oats  rather  than  in  wheat,3 
and  by  such  shipments  of  corn  from  the  districts,  as  recorded 
about  1352-54,  when  a  cargo  of  "  44  qrs.  of  oats,  2  qrs.  of  corn 
[wheat],  and  2  qrs.  of  hay  and  8  bbls.  of  other  merchandise  " 
was  sent  from  Newcastle  to  London.4  But  this  is  all  that  can  be 
said  for  Durham  as  an  agricultural  district.  In  the  thirteenth 
century,  coal  and  lead  were  worked  and  shipped  to  southern 
England.     At  the  same  time  corn  was  brought  in  from  the  south. 

1  Farming  Book,  p.  100  (1641).  2  Green,  Geography,  p.  118. 

*  Victoria  History,  Durham,  ii,  p.  196. 

*  Calendar  of  Letters  of  London,  p.  42. 


54  THE  EN  GUSH  CORN  MARKET 

Durham,  taken  as  a  whole,  was  by  no  means  a  corn  producing 
area,  and  the  cost  of  what  it  did  produce  was  high. 

East  Essex  included  the  area  along  the  coast  and  inland, 
roughly  as  far  as  the  line  drawn  curving  to  the  inland  from  Har- 
wich to  Southend  forming  a  half-moon.  The  southwest  of  Essex 
formed  part  of  the  London  area,  and  the  northwest  was  part  of 
the  Cambridge  area.  Since  this  eastern  part  of  Essex  had  a  fer- 
tile (if  heavy)  soil,  a  sunny  climate,  and  good  shipping  facilities, 
we  are  at  a  loss  to  explain  its  high  price  level,  except  on  the 
grounds  that  it  was  given  up  to  pasture-farming  rather  than 
tillage. 

The  Battle  area  included  the  district  about  Battle,  to  the  west 
well  into  the  South  Downs,  as  far  north  as  the  Weald,  as  far  west 
in  Kent  as  the  Weald  of  Kent,  and  to  the  coast  on  the  south. 
For  the  Weald  itself,  for  the  South  Downs,  and  for  the  fertile 
coast  lands  of  western  Sussex,  we  have  no  information  as  to  corn 
prices.  The  southwestern  corner  of  Sussex  has  been  included  in 
the  Southampton  area.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  this  area  was  almost 
surrounded  by  the  Weald  and  by  the  sea.  It  was  one  of  the  more 
fertile  districts  of  medieval  Sussex,  but,  since  it  was  rather 
heavily  wooded  and  to  a  great  extent  industrial,  it  was  in  the 
medieval  period  not  a  great  corn-growing  district. 

The  yearly  average  of  wheat  prices  in  the  Battle  area  was 
very  high  in  the  middle  ages.  It  was,  without  exception,  the 
dearest  area  in  southern  and,  perhaps,  in  all  England.  It  paid 
a  higher  price  for  corn  than  Southampton,  East  Kent,  and  the 
Lower  Thames  areas  which  were  adjacent  to  it,  and  more  even 
than  York  and  Durham.  Our  figures,  coming  from  fourteen 
places  and  extending  over  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  years 
out  of  two  hundred  and  forty-two  are  fairly  comprehensive  for 
this  small  area. 

South  Wales,  the  last  of  the  districts  on  our  list,  included 
chiefly  Monmouthshire  and  Glamorganshire.  Transportation, 
at  least  along  the  coast,  was  good,  except  that  it  was  made 
dangerous  by  the  numerous  pirates  of  the  Severn  Sea.  Wales 
itself  was  pastoral  rather  than  arable  throughout  the  middle 
ages  and  the  early  modern  period.     It  was  at  times  necessary  to 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET 


55 


import  English  and  Irish  corn.  Under  such  conditions  a  high 
price  might  be  expected,  but  hardly  such  an  abnormally  high 
price  as  our  average  shows,  especially  when  we  bear  in  mind 
that  the  lowest  price  level  in  England,  as  far  as  known,  was  in  the 
Upper  Severn  within  fifty  miles'  distance. 


4.  Price  Variation 

(a)  Within  the  area.  There  were  price  variations  within  the 
area,  which  so  far  have  been  neglected  in  favor  of  a  study  of  the 
variation  between  the  different  areas.  This  is  shown  by  a  few 
examples  of  the  variations  in  the  price  of  a  quarter  of  wheat  in 
the  same  place  upon  the  same  days. 

Table  of  Price  Variation 

Prices 

place                                                       Date  s.  d.            s.     d. 

Cuxham 24  June,  1314  6  3  and    6    5 

Apuldrum 12  April,  1322  11  .4    "     12    o 

Cuxham 24  June,  1322  16  o    "     17     6 

2  Feb.,  1322-23  10  4    "    10  10 

1  Aug.,  1324  8  6"      94 

The  extremities  of  the  variation  of  prices  within  the  individual 
towns  may  be  seen  in  the  following  table. 

Table  of  Price  Variation 


Town 

Period 

Number 
of  Years 1 

Lowest  Price 

Average 
Price 

Highest 
Price 

Cuxham 

I30I-S7 
1301-88 
1401-54 
1401-79 

5° 
47 
52 
57 

s.     d. 
3     8| 

3  0 

4  4 
3  JI§ 

s.     d. 
6     2 
6     0 
6     9 
6     3 

s.      d. 

15     O 
13     O 

Klh  a  m 

Hornchurch  

Lulling  ton 

For  any  two  towns  in  the  one  area,  it  is  difficult  to  get  figures 
sufficiently  representative,  but  the  following  table  illustrates  the 
variation  between  Oxford  and  Cuxham  which  are  only  about 
twelve  miles  apart,  and  both  in  the  Upper  Thames  area. 

1  The  second  column  gives  the  number  of  years,  within  the  period,  for  which 
prices  are  known. 


56  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Table  of  Price  Variation 


Cuxham 

Oxford 

Time 

Cuxham 

Oxford 

Time 

s.    d. 

s. 

d. 

s. 

d. 

s.    d. 

5    8 

4 

o 

April,    1308 

9 

2 

7     0 

Sept.,  13  2 1 

7     o 

7 

3 

Dec,    1308 

17 

6 

16     0 

June,  1322 

8     o 

7 

2 

Xmas,  1309 

6 

5 

6     2 

"       1330 

8     6 

7 

8 

April,  131 1 

4 

8 

4  10 

2  Feb.,  1332-33 

8    o 

7 

7 

June,    131 1 

4 

0 

4     6 

Nov.,  1333 

6    o 

6 

8 

25  Mar.,   1320-21 

5 

3 

4  10 

7  July,  1334 

7    4 

7 

o 

Aug.,    1321 

4 

6 

3     6 

"       *337 

These  variations  we  must  regard  as  considerable,  especially 
when  we  remember  the  proximity  of  the  two  places.  The 
average  variation  for  the  fifteen  entries  above  noted  was  10  d. 
Since  the  average  price  of  wheat  in  Oxfordshire  in  the  fourteenth 
century  was  about  6  s.,  the  average  variation  in  price  between 
these  two  towns  was,  on  the  dates  mentioned,  about  fourteen 
per  cent.  But  since  the  number  of  exchanges  used  in  this  in- 
stance is  small,  the  probability  is  all  the  greater  that  the  variation 
in  the  quality  of  corn  played  an  important  part  in  the  variation 
of  prices. 

The  figures  show,  as  might  be  expected,  that  within  the  local 
area  no  very  close  approximation  to  one  price  is  to  be  found. 
But  there  was,  nevertheless,  a  strong  tendency  to  a  certain 
regional  level,  which,  differing  from  that  of  another  area,  marked 
the  district  as  a  more  or  less  distinct  market  area. 

(b)  Between  areas.  The  groups  of  years  on  the  next  page 
show  movements  of  price  averages  which  were  not  at  all  un- 
common. 

The  first  group  shows  a  rise  and  then  a  fall  in  price  in  all  these 
market  areas.  The  second  group  shows  a  yearly  decline  in  price, 
and  the  third  a  yearly  rise.  It  would  be  easy  to  adduce  a  large 
number  of  groups  of  years  showing  the  same  parallel  movement 
in  price.  But  only  a  study  of  a  great  number  of  years  can  give  a 
valid  ground  for  generalization. 

The  one  hundred  and  ninety-nine  yearly  variations  in  annual 
price  averages  during  the  period  1301-1500  show  that  during 
ninety-two  years  all  the  market  areas  for  which  there  are  figures 
either  rose  or  fell  in  price  together;    during  forty-one  years 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET 


57 


75  %  of  all  the  market  areas  for  which  there  are  figures  either 
rose  or  fell  together,  the  remaining  25  %  going  in  the  opposite 
direction;  during  seventeen  years  there  were  as  many  market 
areas  advancing  in  yearly  average  price  as  there  were  receding; 
while  during  the  remaining  forty-nine  years  some  areas  rose  and 
others  fell  in  price,  in  varying  proportions.      In  other  words, 

Variation  nsi  Yearly  Price  Averages 


Years 

Lower  Thames 

Upper  Thames 

Cambridge 

Hants 

East  Kent 

s.    d. 

s.    d. 

s.    d. 

s.    d. 

s.    d. 

I34S-46 

3   10* 

3     95 

3     O 

6      2f 

3     3 

1346-47 

7     2 

5     8 

5  11 

9      I 

7    si 

1347-48 

7     of 

6     8* 

6     of 

6  11 

S     7i 

1348-49 

4    si 

4     6i 

3  "i 

3  10I 

4     6 

Years 

Lower 
Thames 

Upper 
Thames 

Cambridge 

Hants 

Battle 

Bristol 

Durham 

1401-02 
1402-03 
1403-04 

s.      d. 

IO     2 
7     8§ 
S    0 

s.    d. 
8     0 
6     7i 

s   3! 

s.      d. 

10  0 
6  8 
3     7* 

s.    d. 
6     1 

S     4 
4     0 

s.    d. 
8     O 
5     4 
4     3l 

s.    d. 
8     of 
6    4i 

4     7 

s.    d. 

11     4f 
6     6 

Years 

Lower 
Thames 

Upper 
Thames 

Cambridge 

Battle 

Bristol 

York 

Trent 

1436-37 
1437-38 
1438-39 

s.     d. 

7     4 
14     8 
20     0 

s.     d. 
4     3 
7     ii 
14     8 

s.     d. 
S     8| 
8     oi 
13     8 

s.     d. 

6     8 

10     0 

s.     d. 
5     9i 

14  iof 

s.     d. 

5     0 
13     2 

13     4 

s.     d. 
6      2\ 

8     2* 
11     0 

ninety-two  years  show  all  the  market  areas  for  which  figures 
exist  either  going  up  or  down  in  price  together,  while  one  hun- 
dred and  seven  show  some  areas  rising  in  price  at  the  same  time 
as  others  were  falling. 

Further  examination  of  these  years  is  necessary.  The  one 
hundred  and  ninety-nine  variations  in  yearly  average  price 
(130 1 -1 500)  show  an  average  yearly  rise  or  fall  of  15!  d.1  The 
ninety-two  years  show  an  average  annual  rise  or  fall  in  the  price 
of  22!  d.;  the  one  hundred  and  seven  years,  9I  d.     Thus  we  see 

1  Based  on  Rogers'  averages. 


58  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

that  the  average  price  variation  for  the  ninety- two  years  is  2.35 
times  greater  than  that  for  the  one  hundred  and  seven  years. 

The  explanation  seems  to  be  this.  The  ninety-two  years,  the 
years  of  sharp  rise  or  fall  in  prices,  saw  excessive  climatic  changes 
by  which  all  parts  of  England  were  similarly  affected,  though 
this  can  be  conclusively  shown  from  external  evidence  only  for  a 
few  of  these  years.  The  relative  position  of  the  market  areas 
was  unchanged;  and  corn  continued  to  flow  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. But  during  the  one  hundred  and  seven  years,  the  years 
of  slight  rise  or  fall  of  prices,  there  were  slight  climatic  or  other 
changes  which  affected  some  areas  more  than  others.  Thus  the 
relative  position  of  the  market  areas  as  regards  supply  and 
demand  was  altered.  The  flow  of  grain  had  to  be  in  many 
cases  readjusted.  The  corn  trade  was  not  mobile  enough  to 
do  this  readily,  and  thus  prices  rising  in  one  place  and  falling 
in  another  (caused  originally  to  a  large  extent  by  variations  in 
climate)  were  accentuated  in  their  movements. 

The  above  tables  show  that  the  most  scattered  districts  as  well 
as  the  districts  adjoining  one  another  were  rising  and  falling  in 
price  in  unison.  The  Durham  and  Battle  areas  as  well  as  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Thames  areas  fell  in  price  in  1402-03 ;  York  and 
Bristol,  Trent  and  the  Upper  Thames  rose  in  1437  and  1438,  as 
well  as  the  Cambridge  and  Lower  Thames  areas.  Here  again  a 
more  careful  analysis  is  necessary.  We  choose  the  seventeen  years 
during  which  as  many  market  areas  rose  as  fell  in  price.  When 
the  sum  of  the  rise  in  one  area  and  the  fall  in  another  area  has 
been  less  than  2  s.  we  may  with  profit  exclude  the  case.  Even 
with  this  exclusion,  there  are  eighteen  distinct  examples  from 
these  seventeen  years,  which  deserve  attention.  (See  table  on 
the  next  page.) 

The  apparent  tendency  was  for  the  prices  of  all  market  areas 
to  go  in  the  one  direction  during  years  of  a  pronounced  change 
in  price,  as  will  be  further  seen  in  the  accompanying  charts;  but 
when  there  was  no  marked  alteration  in  price  levels,  there  was 
a  tendency  for  the  prices  of  those  market  areas  of  slight  acces- 
sibility one  to  another  to  go  even  in  opposite  directions.  This 
latter  tendency  leads  us  to  consider  the  movement  of  corn  in 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  59 

Extent  of 

Areas  Variation  Years 

s.      d. 

i.  Upper  Severn  varied  with  S.  Wales 3     if  1309 

2.  "  "  «         «     London 3     2  1309 

3.  "  ■  "         "     E.Suffolk 2     1*  1336 

4.  "  "  «         «     Cambridge 2    of  1336 

5.  S.Wales  "  "     London 3  8f  1313 

6.  «      ■  "     Upper  Thames 3  4f  1313 

7.  S.  West  ■  *     Cambridge 2  si  1458 

8.  "       "  «  «     Durham 2  si  1458 

9.  "        "  a  a      JJuj-Jjajn 2  ^1  j^gy 

10.  Bristol  "         "     London 2     75       1414 

11.  Battle  *         "     Upper  Thames 2     1        1385 

12.  "  *         m     London 2     8         1414 

13.  Durham  "         "     Upper  Thames 3    3        1467 

14.  "  u         u     London 2     8i      I4g2 

15.  "  "         "     London 2     5        1488 

■  ■         "     S.  West1 2    si       1458 

"  "         "     S.  West1 2    4i      1467 

16.  Cambridge  *         *     London 2    of      1313 

17.  "  "         "     Upper  Thames 2  11 J       1467 

18.  "  "         "     Upper  Thames 2     5^      1482 

the  period  of  the  local  market,  which  partly  explains  the  phenom- 
enon recorded. 

5.  The  Local  Corn  Trade 

(a)  Within  the  area.  One  of  the  great  gaps  in  our  knowledge 
of  the  history  of  commerce  is  the  domestic  trade  of  the  various 
nations.  For  the  study  of  the  internal  trade  of  medieval  England, 
the  direct  evidence  is  very  scanty.  We  are,  therefore,  forced  to 
rely  to  a  large  extent  upon  indirect  information.  Both  direct 
and  indirect  are,  however,  utilized  here. 

Throughout  the  period  with  which  this  work  deals,  the  domestic 
trade  in  corn  was  free,  except  during  some  exceptional,  but 
comparatively  unimportant  periods.  Although  Faber  and 
Naude  have  regarded  the  internal  trade  in  corn  as  restricted, 
especially  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,2  the  evi- 
dence they  have  submitted  is  of  no  value.  The  "  countless  " 
number  of  licenses  to  transport  corn  within  the  realm  on  which 

1  Same  as  numbers  8  and  9,  respectively. 

1  Faber,  Agrarschutz  in  England,  p.  66;  NaudS,  GeireidekandelspolUik  der  Euro- 
pdischen  Staaten,  p.  20. 


6o 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


they  rely,  are  discovered  on  examination  to  be  seven  in  number 
and  none  of  them  prove  their  contention.  One  of  the  documents 
refers  to  the  exportation  of  corn  from  England,1  for  which  a 


Chart  III 


license  was  necessary,  especially  in  time  of  war  and  diplomatic 
embroilment.     Two,  and  perhaps  three,  have  no  connection  with 

1  Rotidi  Litterarum  Patentium,  p.  78a  (1208). 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  6 1 

England  at  all,1  and  three  deal  with  the  coast  trade,  for  example, 
from  Lynn  to  York,  and  from  Lynn  to  Winchelsea.2  None  of 
these  documents  touch  upon  internal  transportation  of  corn  by 
pack,  cart,  or  wain.  Those  that  related  to  the  sea-coast  trade 
were  of  the  years  1205,  1206,  and  12 15,  when  it  was  King  John's 
aim  to  keep  English  corn  from  his  enemies.  This  necessitated  the 
supervision  and  restriction  of  the  corn  trade.  It  was  not  the  last 
time  that  this  practice  was  resorted  to,  and  probably  not  the  first. 
At  any  rate  the  measure  was  temporary  and  does  not  prove  a 
general  restraint  on  the  inland  transportation  of  corn. 

It  is  necessary  to  distinguish  two  kinds  of  restraints  upon  what 
may  be  called  the  internal  trade  in  corn.  There  were,  first,  those 
which  referred  to  the  coast  trade  only,  called  forth  by  the  need  of 
checking  exportation  abroad.  Such  restraints  are  periodically 
found  in  English  history  from  1205 3  down  to  modern  times.  In 
the  thirteenth  century  such  a  restriction  upon  the  coast  trade 
was  caused  by  the  desire  to  keep  corn  from  going  to  enemies  in 
time  of  war,  and  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  to 
prevent  corn  from  being  exported  uncustomed,  under  color  of 
the  coast  trade.  But  this  restriction  was  of  the  nature  of  super- 
vision and  not  of  prohibition.  As  long  as  security  was  given 
that  the  corn  should  not  go  abroad,  there  was  during  this  period 
no  objection  raised  against  the  trade  in  corn  along  the  coast. 

The  second  class  of  restriction  upon  the  domestic  trade  would 
be  a  restraint  which  raised  the  borders  of  the  shire  as  walls, 
beyond  which  no  corn  might  be  carried,  and  which  would  be 
enforced  by  the  sheriff  and  his  bailiffs.  Naude's  instance  from 
the  Danzig  manuscript  refers  to  the  year  13 15,  quite  an  excep- 
tional year,  when  every  effort  was  made  to  keep  corn  from  going 
to  the  Scots.4 

So,  while  there  was  some  supervision  to  prevent  malpractice, 
and  an  occasional  restraint  to  meet  a  momentary  need,  the 
normal  condition  was  free  trade  throughout  the  land,  except 

1  Rotuli  Litlerarum  Patenlium,  pp.  4a,  19b  (1202);  ibid.,  p.  26b  (1303). 

2  Ibid.,  p.  50a  (1205);  ibid.,  p.  60a  (1206);  ibid.,  p.  159a  (1215). 

3  Ibid.,  p.  50a  (1205-06). 

4  Rymer,  Faedera,  etc.,  ii,  pt.  1,  p.  276. 


62  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

in  so  far  as  local  privileges  (not  the  regulations  of  the  central 
government)  limited  that  freedom. 

It  is  just  on  account  of  this  fact  —  that  there  were  no  shire 
boundaries  as  far  as  trade  was  concerned  and  hence  no  direct 
evidence  of  local  corn  movements  —  that  so  little  is  known  of  the 
local  trade  in  corn  within  the  market  area. 

This  lack  of  knowledge  is  particularly  true  of  consuming  areas. 
The  producing  areas  had  centers  through  which  the  surplus  corn 
passed,  chiefly  abroad.  The  amounts  of  corn  exported  from  these 
centers  will  be  seen  in  a  study  of  the  export  of  corn.1  Only  one 
such  producing  area  is  here  at  present  considered,  the  Cambridge 
district  with  Lynn  as  corn  depot. 

Cambridge  was  but  one  of  the  granaries  upon  which  Lynn 
drew,  and  the  Ouse  but  one  of  the  lanes  leading  to  Lynn.  In 
the  fourteenth  century  a  jury  made  a  presentment  that  men 
used  to  go  "  from  the  towns  of  Yaxley,  Holme,  Glatton,  and 
Ramsey  [in  Huntingdonshire]  by  the  water  of  the  Nen,  directly 
to  the  aforesaid  port  of  Lynn,  with  ships  and  boats,  with  corn  and 
other  goods  of  theirs  for  sale."  2  Besides  the  Nen  itself,  there 
seem  to  have  been,  a  few  years  later,  "  divers  lades  and  trenches 
in  the  towns  of  Walton,  Sawtry,  and  Conington  "  [in  Hunting- 
donshire] used  "  for  the  ships  and  boats  of  any  men  wishing  to 
load  and  carry  corn."  3  Northamptonshire  was  also  tapped  by 
the  Nen  for,  as  the  jury  said,  men  who  wanted  to  go  from  Lynn 
to  "  Peterborough  and  elsewhere  to  parts  higher  up  "  (that  is, 
higher  up  the  Nen)  were  of  late  years  forced  to  go  in  a  round- 
about way.4  Crowland,  too,  was  connected  directly  with  Lynn 
by  a  water  route.  This  may  well  be  accounted  for  by  a  change, 
frequent  in  East  Anglia,  in  the  course  of  the  river  Nen,  or  by 
the  presence  of  a  tributary  connecting  it  with  the  Nen.  From 
Crowland,  and  the  neighboring  district,  "  corn  and  other  mer- 
chandise "  were  accustomed  to  be  sent  down  the  Nen  to  Lynn 
by  the  "  common  transit "  of  ships  and  boats.6    The  proximity 

1  See  below,  pp.  no  f. 

*  Corlularium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  iii,  p.  146  (1331). 

*  Ibid.,  i,  p.  1 75  (1342). 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  141-142,  144;  cf.  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  vii,  p.  223  (1565). 
6  Cartularium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  iii,  p.  144. 


THE  LOCAL  MARKET  63 

of  Bedfordshire  and  western  Suffolk  to  the  Ouse  would  seem  to 
justify  our  adding  them  as  contributors  to  Lynn's  corn  supply. 

Through  this  great  channel,  then,  flowed  the  corn  of  a  large 
fertile  area.  The  regular  method  was  first  to  take  the  corn  to  the 
outposts  of  this  web  of  feeders,  such  as  Cambridge,  Huntington, 
Crowland,  and  Peterborough,  then  to  continue  the  journey  down 
the  water  passages  to  the  ample  harbor  of  Lynn,  which  received 
the  water  and  the  corn  of  eight  different  shires. 

Whatever  corn  may  have  been  exported  from  exceptionally 
fertile  producing  areas  under  the  local  system,  it  was  the  local 
trade  itself  that  was  all-important  in  amount  and  still  more  in 
continuity.  Such,  indeed,  was  the  value  of  the  local  market 
in  the  eyes  of  the  unfree  peasants  that  sale  in  the  nearby  cities 
and  market  towns,  as  has  been  seen,  was  one  of  the  cardinal 
demands  of  the  peasants  in  the  revolt  of  1381.1 

(b)  Inter-area  trade.  The  evidence  for  the  trade  between  the 
local  areas  is  found  in  the  records  of  marketing,  in  price  statistics, 
in  the  shipments  of  corn  mentioned  in  the  patent  and  close 
rolls,  and  in  the  general  statements  of  municipal  records  as  to 
the  sources  of  supply  of  towns.  Manorial  marketing  and  price 
statistics  have  been  considered.2  The  third  source  of  evidence  is 
so  scattered  and  meagre  as  in  itself  to  be  inconclusive.  The 
London  documents  utilized  in  a  later  chapter  3  afford  the  best 
example  of  the  fourth  kind  of  evidence. 

As  has  already  been  indicated,  the  inter-area  trade  involved 
in  the  inter-manorial  marketing  organization  tended  to  diminish 
as  the  manor  declined,  and  in  the  fifteenth  century  it  came  to  an 
end,  so  that  the  local  areas  were  then  more  isolated  than  before. 

Although  in  normal  times  the  characteristic  movement  of 
corn  was  within  the  market  area,  there  was  some  inter-area  trade, 
from  producing  to  consuming  areas,  that  is,  from  areas  with  a 
tendency  to  a  surplus  to  those  with  a  tendency  to  a  deficit..  This 
trade  was  of  minor  but  varying  importance,  most  important, 
perhaps,  in  the  case  of  the  coast  trade  from  Lynn  to  Newcastle, 
and  the  river  trade  from  the  Upper  Severn  to  the  Bristol  area, 
and  the  Upper  to  the  Lower  Thames  area,  and  least  important 

1  See  above,  p.  27.  *  pp.  11-24.  s  See  below,  p.  100. 


64  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

between  the  Norwich  and  Lower  Thames  areas,  or  the  South- 
ampton and  the  Lower  Thames  areas. 

Although  it  is  impossible  with  any  degree  of  precision  to  esti- 
mate this  inter-area  trade,  it  can  be  said  that  normally  corn  did 
not  go  from  a  high  to  a  low  price  area,  from  a  consuming  to  a 
producing  area,  that  Essex  sent  no  corn  to  Kent,  Suffolk,  or 
Norfolk,  that  the  Battle  area  did  not  supply  London,  South- 
ampton, or  Cornwall,  and  that  the  corn  of  the  Upper  Thames  did 
not  find  its  way  to  the  Upper  Severn. 

We  have  seen  that  there  is  evidence  for  the  existence  of  local 
differential  price  areas  during  the  period  1 250-1 500.  Such  price 
variation  as  existed  within  the  area  was  of  less  importance  than 
that  between  areas.  Although  from  the  producing  areas  corn 
was  exported  abroad  or  sent  to  consuming  areas  in  England, 
the  typical  trade,  nevertheless,  was  local  and  took  place  within 
the  district  itself.  Towards  the  end  of  the  period  covered,  this 
condition  was  more  marked  than  ever  before,  but,  as  will  appear 
in  subsequent  chapters,  the  locally  restricted  trade  gradually 
gave  way  to  new  market  conditions  called  forth  by  the  phe- 
nomenal development  of  London. 


CHAPTER  III 

MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  AND  PROVISION,  1 250-1 700 

1.  The  Corn  Regulations  of  Medieval  London, 
1 250-1500 

The  regulations  of  the  medieval  town  may  be  roughly  divided 
into  three  classes,  those  dealing  with  the  town  as  a  whole,  that 
is,  its  government  and  its  relation  to  its  own  citizens  and  to 
foreign  towns,  those  having  to  do  with  the  gilds  or  crafts,  and 
those  dealing  with  the  relations  of  citizen  to  citizen.  It  is  the 
third  class  that  is  of  interest  here,  especially  the  regulations 
touching  the  commercial  dealings  of  one  citizen  with  another, 
particularly  in  the  corn  trade.  Although  many  governmental 
functions  of  an  economic  character  were  left  to  the  gilds,  the 
supervision  of  trade  in  corn  and  other  victuals  was  retained  in  the 
hands  of  the  city  magistrates.1 

In  the  London  records  dealing  with  the  corn  trade,  two  dis- 
tinct classes  of  inhabitants  are  differentiated.  One  was  the 
privileged  class  made  up  apparently  of  full  citizens  and  recognized 
dwellers  within  the  city;  the  other  was  the  stranger  class, 
whether  denizen  or  alien,  with  few  privileges  other  than  those 
granted  by  the  king.  Members  of  the  latter  class  were  unable 
to  sell  certain  goods  by  retail,  might  not  keep  hostels  in  the  town, 
and  were  limited  in  regard  to  their  stay,  both  in  respect  to  time 
and  place  of  residence.  In  the  corn  trade,  too,  they  were  subject 
to  special  disabilities;  for  example,  they  were  not  permitted  to 
sell  corn  by  sample,2  nor  might  they  sell  it  to  other  strangers.3 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  medieval  Florence  the  supervision  of  the  local 
corn  trade  was  left  to  an  elected  commission  of  six,  the  sex  de  blado.  These  received 
a  regular  salary  and  had  the  assistance  of  a  notary,  a  keeper  of  sacks  and  measures, 
and  six  messengers.  Their  duties  were  to  provide  for  the  easy  access  of  grain  to  the 
market  and  to  prevent  monopoly  within  the  town.  Statuti  della  Repubblica  Fioren- 
tina  (ed.  R.  Caggese),  i,  pp.  27-31,  34  (1322-25). 

2  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  G,  p.  33  (1354). 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  E,  p.  56  (1315  or  1316). 

6S 


66  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

The  majority  of  town  ordinances  dealing  with  trade  were 
concerned  not  so  much  with  individuals  as  with  the  conditions 
under  which  exchange  might  take  place.  The  most  important 
of  these  regulated  the  place  of  sale.  Corn  was  to  be  sold  only  on 
the  markets  appointed  for  the  purpose.1 

There  were  four  corn  markets  used  in  medieval  London,2  two 
for  corn  coming  by  land  and  two  for  corn  arriving  by  water. 
The  former  were  Gracechurch 3  and  Newgate,  the  latter  Queen- 
hithe  and  Billingsgate. 

At  least  as  early  as  1300,  Gracechurch  was  used  as  a  market  for 
corn.  Since  Gracechurch  street  was  the  direct  approach  to  the 
city  through  Bishopsgate  from  the  counties  immediately  to  the 
north,  it  was  decreed  that  "  those  [who  come]  from  the  counties 
of  Cambridge,  Huntingdon,  and  Bedford,  and  those  who  come 
by  Ware,  are  to  bring  all  the  corn  and  meal  which  they  shall 
bring  into  the  said  city  for  sale,  into  the  market  upon  the  pave- 
ment at  Gracechurch,  .  .  .  and  nowhere  else."  4 

Newgate  was  a  corn  market  at  least  as  early  as  13 16.5  As  in 
the  case  of  Gracechurch,  the  pavement  before  a  religious  founda- 
tion, the  Friars  Minors,  was  the  place  of  assemblage.  Here 
probably  came  the  corn  of  Hertfordshire,  Buckinghamshire,  and 
of  course  Middlesex.  It  was  specifically  stated  that  "  those  who 
come  from  the  parts  towards  the  West  of  the  said  city,  as 
from  Barnet,  and  those  who  have  to  come  by  that  way  and  by 

1  Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  261. 

1  The  existence  of  several  market  places  to  supply  the  larger  towns  was  not  un- 
common. There  were  ten  markets  in  medieval  Niirnberg  in  the  thirteenth  and 
fourteenth  centuries.  Naud6,  Deutsche  stadtische  Getreidehandelspolitik,  p.  n.  An 
early  engraving  of  a  Niirnberg  meal  market  is  reproduced  in  G.  Steinhausen's 
Der  Kaufmann  in  der  deutschen  Vergangenheit,  p.  66. 

In  Paris  in  the  fourteenth  century  there  were  three  markets,  les  Halles,  la  Greve, 
and  Beauce.     Fagniez,  L'industrie  et  la  classe  industrielle,  p.  154. 

*  Stow  {Survey,  ed.  of  1633,  p.  206)  called  Cornhill  a  "  Cornmarket,  time  out  of 
mind,"  and  others  have  followed  him,  but  there  seems  to  be  no  justification  for  this 
view  in  the  early  records. 

Perhaps  Southwark  market  should  be  added,  though  it  was  not  strictly  within 
the  City.  In  1277  it  was  necessary  to  ordain  "  that  no  one  of  the  City  go  to  Suth- 
wark  to  buy  corn,  cattle,  or  other  merchandise  there,  so  as  to  create  a  market  there." 
Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  A,  p.  218. 

4  Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  432.        6  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  E,  p.  56. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  67 

way  of  other  places,  bringing  corn  or  malt  unto  the  said  city  for 
sale,  are  to  bring  the  same  wholly  into  the  Market  on  the  Pave- 
ment before  the  Friars  Minors,  in  Newgate,  ....  and  nowhere 
else."  l 

Along  with  Gracechurch  and  Newgate,  Queenhithe  is  men- 
tioned as  one  of  the  great  corn  markets  in  the  early  fourteenth 
century,2  and,  indeed,  as  early  as  1255  it  was  a  landing  place  for 
corn.3  Its  name  probably  does  not  refer  to  any  queen,4  as  has 
been  thought,  but  means  simply  quern  or  corn  hithe,  that  is, 
corn  wharf.  It  was,  then,  the  corn  wharf  par  excellence,  the 
place  for  unloading  corn,  both  that  coming  down  the  river  and 
that  coming  up  5  from  the  ocean,  the  Lower  Thames,  and  the  Lea. 

Billingsgate,  too,  was  of  some  importance  in  the  medieval  corn 
trade.  In  use  as  a  wharf  as  early  as  the  eleventh  century,6  it 
served  as  a  landing  place  for  corn  as  early  as  1300.7  While 
Queenhithe  was  notably  a  corn  wharf,  Billingsgate  was  used 
more  for  general  traffic. 

Stratford  to  the  east  should  be  mentioned  in  this  connection. 
It  was  not  strictly  a  London  corn  market,  but  rather  the  place 
to  which  the  corn  of  the  east  and  north  was  taken.  Here  after 
having  been  ground  into  flour  it  was  baked  into  bread  and  sent 
to  London  for  sale. 

Besides  the  limitations  as  to  place  of  sale,  it  was  also  decreed 
that  corn  was  not  to  be  forestalled  on  its  way  to  market,8  nor 
might  it  be  taken  to  a  house  or  shop  for  sale,9  nor  might  bargain- 
ing for  corn  which  actually  remained  on  the  market  take  place 
outside  the  market.10    The  prescribed  method  of  selling  corn  in 

1  Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  432.        2  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  E,  p.  56. 

3  Liber  Custumarum,  p.  756. 

4  As  early  as  the  reign  of  John,  Queenhithe  was  called  "  la  rive  de  roine."  Eng- 
ish  Historical  Review,  xvii,  p.  724.  Cf.  Stow's  Survey  of  London  (ed.  Kingsford), 
ii,  p.  7. 

5  Ships  coming  up  the  river  passed  through  the  drawbridge.  Stow's  Survey  of 
London  (ed.  Kingsford),  i,  pp.  25  and  206  (14th  century). 

8  Laws  of  Ethelred,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  (ed.  Thorpe),  i,  p.  300. 

7  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  C,  p.  58  (1 299-1300). 

8  Ibid.,  p.  58  (1290-1300);  ibid.,  vol.  G,  p.  33  (1354). 

9  Ibid.,  vol.  G,  p.  225  (1368);  Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  261. 

10  Memorials  of  London  (ed.  Riley),  p.  317  (1364). 


68  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

medieval  London  was  very  simple.  The  owner,  countryman  or 
urban  dealer,  placed  his  open  sacks  of  grain  upon  the  regular 
corn  markets,  and  standing  before  them,  awaited  a  purchaser, 
either  the  poor  consumer,  or  the  servant  of  the  rich  merchant  or 
industrial  employer.1 

Time  of  day  as  well  as  place  of  sale  was  regulated.  An  early 
London  ordinance  reads  thus:  "  no  retail  dealer  of  corn,  fish, 
poultry  or  victuals  shall  buy  victuals  before  the  hour  of  Prime."  2 
The  purpose  of  such  a  regulation  was  to  prevent  dealers  from 
buying  up  the  supply,  and  to  give  consumers  a  fair  chance  to  buy 
their  goods  directly  from  the  producer. 

The  advantage  of  regulating  the  price  of  victuals  was  early 
perceived  by  the  medieval  town.  Although  the  local  authorities 
fixed  the  price  of  bread  (in  relation  to  the  price  of  corn),*  corn 
itself  was  left  to  find  its  natural  price.  Indeed,  the  market  price 
of  corn  was  accepted  by  the  town  authorities  as  the  basis  both 
of  their  regulations  of  the  weight  of  bread,  and  of  their  deter- 
mination of  the  "  affeering  "  or  enhancing  of  prices  by  a  dealer 
in  corn.4 

The  town's  chief  concern  with  corn  prices,  in  the  middle  ages, 
was  to  prevent  them  from  being  enhanced  by  interested  parties. 
Indeed,  this  was  the  underlying  purpose  in  all  of  the  regulations. 
Special  men  were  sworn  to  see  to  it  that  no  one  sold  corn  at  an 
unfair  price.6  Three  instances  of  the  enforcement  of  the  laws 
against  raising  prices  are  given  here  as  typical  of  many.  In 
1347  John  de  Burstalle  was  accused  of  having  secretly  brought 
two  bushels  of  wheat  into  the  market  of  Gracechurch  and  of 

1  Cf.  Memorials  of  London  (ed.  Riley),  p.  314  (1363). 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  A,  p.  217  (1277). 

*  It  was  the  weight  of  the  standard  loaf  of  fixed  value  that  was  ostensibly  regu- 
lated, but  this  of  course  was  an  indirect  regulation  of  the  price  also. 

4  An  example  of  the  special  treatment  of  corn  at  the  hands  of  the  local  authori- 
ties is  found  in  the  list  of  prices  fixed  in  York  by  the  Lord  Mayor  in  the  year  1393. 
While  the  prices  of  meat  and  fowl  were  fixed  with  great  detail,  the  price  of  bread 
and  beer  was  regulated  by  the  assize,  and  that  of  oats  sold  at  the  inn  was  determined 
by  the  market  price  ("  And  when  oats  are  sold  in  the  market  at  n  d.  per  quarter, 
then  in  the  inn  per  bushel  0.0.4  ")•  The  History  and  Antiquities  of  .  .  .  York 
(York,  1788),  i,  pp.  347-348. 

6  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  C,  p.  58  (1 299-1300). 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  69 

having  offered  it  at  two  pence  above  the  common  price  prevailing 
in  the  market,  with  the  result  that,  prices  having  been  enhanced, 
the  people  were  deceived  and  the  commonalty  damaged  to  the 
extent  of  £1000.  The  accused,  having  been  found  guilty,  was 
ordered  to  prison  for  forty  days,  and  by  way  of  warning  to  others, 
the  pillory  was  held  out  as  the  reward  of  subsequent  offenders.1 

In  1363  William  Cokke,  carrying  a  sample  of  wheat  in  his  hand 
in  Newgate  market,  followed  the  servant  of  a  goldsmith,  sent  to 
buy  wheat,  from  sack  to  sack,  saying  that  such  wheat  as  the 
servant  examined  could  not  be  bought  at  a  lower  price  than  2  id. 
This  statement  of  Cokke  was  said  to  be  untrue,  for  at  that  very 
hour  wheat  could  have  been  bought  for  i8d.  The  accused  was 
found  guilty  of  trying  to  enhance  prices  and  ordered  to  be 
pilloried.2 

In  the  following  year  a  baker,  who  had  corn  of  his  own  on  sale 
at  Newgate  market,  was  accused  of  taking  off  the  market  a  man 
who  also  had  corn  to  sell  and  giving  him,  not  the  market  price 
of  13d.,  but  i5§d.  per  bushel.  The  baker,  it  was  alleged,  having 
then  returned  to  Newgate  market,  told  what  he  paid  for  the 
wheat.  His  offence  was  that  such  an  act  would  tend  to  increase 
prices  and  thereby  bring  distress  to  the  common  people.3 

To  the  national  government  the  standardization  of  measures 
was  a  serious  problem.  London  found  it  necessary  to  prescribe 
by  ordinance  the  use  of  the  ancient  London  quarter  of  malt 
containing,  not  eight,  but  nine  bushels.4  Nevertheless,  the  regu- 
lation of  corn  measures  in  London  was  in  general  a  compara- 
tively simple  matter  because  the  ordinary  London  quarter  of 
eight  bushels  was  taken  as  the  standard  for  the  whole  of  the 
realm,  the  king's  standard  [quarter]  of  the  city  of  London.5 

The  regulation  of  quality,  so  important  in  most  medieval 
trades,  was  not  a  serious  matter  in  the  corn  trade,  because 
the  chances  of  deceit  were  somewhat  limited.  The  mixture 
of  mouldy  corn  with  good,  however,  it  was  found  necessary  to 

1  Memorials  of  London  (ed.  Riley),  p.  235. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  314.  3  Ibid.,  p.  317. 

*  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  E,  p.  74  (1317). 
8  Ibid.,  vol.  F,  p.  101  (1344). 


yo  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

prohibit.1  The  quality  of  bread  made  by  the  baker  came  in  for 
a  good  deal  of  close  watching.  He  had  to  have  his  stamp  put 
upon  his  product,2  which  he  might  not  coat  with  bran,3  nor  sell 
as  "  pure  bread  "  when  made  of  mixed  flour.4 

The  relation  of  the  various  classes  of  men  engaged  in  the  ex- 
change of  corn  was  set  down  among  the  ordinances  of  London. 
The  most  important  of  these,  not  incidentally  referred  to  above, 
dealt  with  corn  porters,  meeters,  and  brokers.  The  corn 
porter  was  not  to  "  sell  nor  measure  corn,  nor  presume  to  enter  a 
churchyard,  house,  or  ship  to  remove  corn,  nor  lay  his  hand  upon 
corn,  until  he  be  called  by  those  who  have  bought  the  corn."  6 
In  other  words,  the  corn  porter  was  not  to  be  a  corn  measurer 
nor  a  corn  dealer,  nor  was  he  to  force  his  services  upon  those  who 
had  just  purchased  a  supply. 

It  was  ordered,  also,  that  not  only  might  a  corn  porter  not  be  a 
corn  meeter,  but  a  corn  meeter  might  not  be  a  broker.6 

The  broker  played  an  important  part  in  the  commercial  deal- 
ings of  the  medieval  town.  He  brought  buyer  and  seller  together 
and  acted  as  a  witness  to  transactions,  collecting  a  fee  for  his 
services.  The  town,  in  order  the  better  to  have  its  ordinances 
enforced,  retained  the  right  to  accept  or  reject  brokers,  while  it  left 
to  the  craft  concerned  the  duty  and  privilege  of  nominating  the 
brokers  of  its  particular  trade.  Rules  governing  their  activities 
were,  however,  drawn  up  by  the  municipal  authority.7  But  the 
case  was  different  with  the  corn  broker.  There  was  no  strong 
corn  mongers'  gild 8  to  demand  the  right  of  nominating  corn 
brokers.  And  there  existed  a  strong  antipathy  to  the  presence 
of  corn  dealers  within  the  city,  such  as  might  make  use  of  a  broker. 
The  theory  was  that  the  dealer  or  producer  who  brought  corn 
into  the  market  should  sell  it  openly,  first  of  all  to  consumers, 
and  then  to  retailers,  but  always  upon  the  open  market,  in  which 
case  the  services  of  a  corn  broker  could  be  easily  dispensed  with. 
Accordingly  it  was  ordered  that  there  should  be  no  corn  brokers 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  C,  p.  58  (1 290-1300). 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  A,  p.  216.  s  Ibid.,  p.  215. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  K,  p.  146  (1432).  6  Ibid.,  vol.  A,  p.  217  (1277). 

•  Ibid.,  vol.  G,  p.  33  (1354). 

7  See  below,  p.  159.  8  See  below,  p.  169. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  J I 

within  the  city.1  How  far  this  ordinance  was  executed  cannot  be 
estimated.  Certainly  in  the  Liber  Albus  of  1419,  corn  brokers 
are  mentioned  as  if  actively  engaged  in  buying  corn.2 

Not  an  exhaustive  analysis  of  these  London  regulations,  but 
the  general  policy  underlying  them  is  the  chief  concern  here. 
It  was  the  interest  of  the  consumer  that  ran  from  first  to  last 
through  all  the  ordinances.  This  is  the  key  to  the  mass  of  local 
legislation  upon  the  subject  of  the  corn  trade.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark  that  no  differentiation  appears  to  have  been  made 
between  the  interests  of  full  citizens  and  mere  city  dwellers, 
except  that  it  was  the  welfare  of  the  poorer  sort  or  common 
people  that  formed  the  ostensible  anxiety  of  the  City  Fathers.3 
Likewise  it  is  not  evident  that  the  town  authorities  ever  had  in 
mind  the  well-ordering  of  the  trade  of  the  corn  middleman. 
They  preferred  to  legislate  it  out  of  existence  entirely,  to  ignore 
it,  or  to  take  no  measures  for  its  welfare.  The  like  was  true,  also, 
of  the  countryman  who  brought  his  corn  to  market,  but  he  was 
not  denied  such  a  price  for  his  corn  as  conditions  of  natural 
supply  and  demand  might  justify. 

In  short,  the  purport  of  the  corn  regulations  of  medieval 
London  was  to  give  to  the  townsman  every  possible  advantage  in 
the  purchase  of  such  corn  as  had  been  brought  into  the  town. 
The  countryman  was  left  to  consult  his  own  interests  whether 
he  should  bring  corn  to  the  town  or  not,  and  the  urban  middle- 
man was  given  no  encouragement  to  continue  his  activities. 
Medieval  London  did  not  concern  itself  with  the  getting  of  a 
corn  supply,  but  with  the  disposal  of  it  when  within  the  walls; 
sale,  not  supply,  was  the  subject  of  anxious  regulation. 

In  this  London  was  not  peculiar.  Such  regulations  as  those 
outlined  above  were  found  also  in  Continental  towns,4  and  to  a 

1  The  brokers  of  divers  trades,  woolmen,  drapers,  corders,  skinners,  and  apothe- 
caries, were  sworn  into  office,  as  "also  were  the  brokers  "  for  the  office  of  "  wines 
and  "  hiring  ships." 

"  And  the  same  day  it  was  agreed  by  the  Warden  [the  king's  agent  acting  as 
Mayor]  and  Aldermen,  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  City  and  of  foreigners  alike, 
that  no  one  in  future  should  meddle  with  brokerage  of  corn  or  malt,  under 
penalty  of  the  statute."     Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  C,  p.  18(1293). 

2  Liber  Albus,  I,  p.  261.      *  Cf.  Memorials  of  London  (ed.  Riley),  p.  317  (1364). 
*  A.  Araskhaniantz  (Die  franzosische  Getreidehandelspolitik  bis  zum  Jahre  1789, 


72  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

less  extent  in  other  English  towns  in  the  middle  ages.1  They 
continued  to  be  enforced  in  the  sixteenth  century,2  and  traces 
of  them  are  found  even  later. 

pp.  12-13)  makes  the  following  analysis  of  the  corn  regulations  of  medieval  and 
early  modern  French  towns. 

(1)  Corn  was  to  be  sold  on  the  market  only. 

(2)  Forestalling  was  prohibited. 

(3)  No  one  was  to  put  his  corn  for  sale  at  a  higher  price  than  he  first  asked  for 

it. 

(4)  The  time  for  selling  corn  on  the  market  was  fixed. 

(5)  The  admission  to  the  market  of  different  classes  of  buyers  was  regulated. 

(6)  The  quality  of  corn  was  regulated. 

(7)  The  quantity  of  corn  was  regulated. 

(8)  The  prices  were  fixed. 

(9)  The  relations  between  producers,  porters,  market,  and  shop  dealers  were 

regulated. 
(10)   The  validity  of  agency  in  the  corn  trade  was  regulated, 
(n)  The  activities  of  the  broker  were  limited. 

(12)  The  right  of  storing  up  corn  was  dealt  with.  See  also  W.  Naud6,  Deutsche 
stddtische  Getreidehandelspolitik  vom  15-17  Jahrhundert,  pp.  7  f. 

1  See  the  regulations  of  Bristol  of  the  fourteenth  century.  (The  Little  Red  Book 
of  Bristol,  ii,  pp.  218-232.) 

No  kind  of  grain  shall  be  sold  by  heap  or  by  cantle  except  oats. 

No  forestaller  is  to  be  allowed  to  remain  in  the  town  if  he  buys  grain,  fish,  or 
other  goods  before  others,  no  matter  whether  these  goods  are  coming  by  land  or 
water. 

No  one  is  to  store  up  grain  from  one  market  to  another  in  order  to  sell  it  at  a 
higher  price,  under  penalty  of  forfeiting  all  the  grain. 

No  one  may  buy  any  grain  in  the  market  in  order  to  carry  it  beyond  sea. 

The  following  regulation  apparently  belongs  to  the  fifteenth  century:  No  bur- 
gess is  to  purchase  grain  in  the  counties  of  Gloucester,  Worcester,  Somerset,  or 
Glamorgan  before  the  feast  of  St.  Michael  next  following,  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
porting it  abroad  or  to  other  parts  within  the  kingdom,  with  this  proviso,  neverthe- 
less, that  any  one  buying  beans  within  twelve  leagues  of  the  town  may  export  them 
to  Ireland.    Ibid.,  p.  64. 

See  also,  for  some  sixteenth  century  regulations  of  York,  The  History  and  Anti- 
quities of  .  .  .  York  (York,  1788),  i,  pp.  294,  296,  300. 

*  A  servant,  appointed  "  for  his  contynuell  attendance  that  he  shall  dayly  do  to 
cause  such  vytaylls  as  cummen  towards  the  Citie  to  be  brought  to  the  open  marketts 
to  be  sold,  shall  have  between  this  and  Michaelmas  next  cumyng  xx  s.  &  a  Cote." 
MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Repertory,  iii,  fol.  209b  (21  May,  1518). 

"  A  byll  .  .  .  touchynge  the  orderynge  layinge  &  puttynge  to  sale  of  wheate 
malte  &  other  graynes  in  the  commen  marketts  after  the  same  marketts  ended." 
MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Letter  Book,  vol.  S,  fol.  13b  (29  Jan.,  1554-55). 

Compare  the  following  passage  of  about  the  year  1618-19:  "  Suggestions  from 
the  Company  of  meere  Poulters  to  the  Lord  Mayor  (Sir  Sebastian  Harvey)  for  the 
prevention  of  forestalling  and  engrossing  of  their  wares  in  the  markets;  for  limiting 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  73 

Bearing  in  mind  the  isolation  of  the  local  market  area  in  the 
late  fifteenth  century,1  we  might  expect  to  find  new  measures 
adopted  as  well  as  the  older  ones  better  enforced.  But,  apart 
from  an  ephemeral  granary  system,2  the  archives  of  London  give 
no  indication  of  special  activities;  on  the  contrary,  they  indicate 
on  the  whole  an  unusual  laxity,  and  in  this  case  negative  evidence 
is  almost  conclusive.  On  the  other  hand,  positive  evidence 
indicates  that  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  city 
had  adopted  the  extraordinary  practice  of  fixing  the  maximum 
price  of  corn,  and  of  enforcing  it  even  in  years  of  more  than 
average  price,3  thereby  indicating  complete  confidence  in  the 
sufficiency  of  the  local  supply.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  deficit 
caused  by  the  decay  of  the  manorial  marketing  organization  was 
made  up  by  an  increase  in  the  amount  of  corn  marketed  by  the 
tenant  farmers  who  supplanted  the  manorial  system. 

The  growth  of  London,  however,  produced  by  the  first  half  of 
the  sixteenth  century  a  new  situation  which  had  to  be  met  by 
special  measures  for  securing  a  supply  of  grain. 

2.  The  Growth  of  London,  i  500-1 700 

The  table  of  customs  revenue  on  the  next  page  shows  roughly 
the  direction  and  extent  of  the  development  of  London's  trade. 

Two  striking  facts  stand  out  from  these  figures.4  In  the  six- 
teenth century  London's  trade  increased  tenfold,  and  in  the 
seventeenth  century  only  a  little  less.    While  there  was  no 

the  times  within  which  such  wares  should  be  sold  therein;  for  preventing  their  sale 
by  haglers,  carriers,  and  chapmen  in  shops,  inns  or  hostelries;  and  for  punishing 
such  as  maintained  haglers,  etc.,  without  entering  them  according  to  Acts  of  Com- 
mon Council  and  their  own  Orders."     Remembrancia,  1579-1664,  p.  402. 

1  Cf.  above,  p.  64. 

2  Cf.  below,  pp.  79-80. 

*  Under  the  date  4  Nov.,  1478,  the  oath  of  the  London  corn  measurers  was  set 
down.     It  included  the  following  points: 

(a)  No  corn,  coming  by  land  or  water,  was  to  be  measured  until  the  Lord  Mayor 
had  set  a  price  upon  it. 

(b)  The  measurers  were  to  buy  no  corn,  except  for  their  own  households. 

(c)  They  were  to  inform  the  Lord  Mayor  if  any  one  sell  at  a  higher  rate  than  that 
fixed  by  him.     Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  viii,  fol.  182b. 

4  The  development  in  the  period  from  John  to  Edward  II  is  also  remarkable,  if 
typical  of  general  growth. 


74  THE  EN  GUSH  CORN  MARKET 

relative  growth  of  the  city's  trade  during  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries,  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries 
the  trade  of  the  metropolis  increased  from  forty  to  eighty  per 
cent  of  that  of  the  whole  country. 

Closely  bound  up  with  this  great  activity  in  trade  is  the  growth 
of  population.      Previous  to  the  census  of  1801,  there  was  no 

Table  of  Customs  Duties 

London's  Percentage 
Period  London  Outports  of  the  Whole 

1203-06 £837  £4,122 l  17.O 

1307-26 2 5>28o  7,42i8  41.6 

1506-09* 12,029  14,986*  44.5 

1516-18* 15,771  H,S846  57-7 

1536-37 16,970  6,442  •  72.3 

[21,970]  [7,442]  [80.0] 

1581-82 35,I°7  4,9°5 7  87.5 

1604-05 150,000  40,548 8  79-o 

1676-77 597,704  229,694 9  72.2 

1711 1,268,095  340,081 10  78.8 

satisfactory  enumeration  made  of  the  people  living  in  London, 
but  many  estimates  have  been  based  on  fairly  sound  principles; 
and  to  Graunt,  Petty,  King,  Rickman,  and  Dr.  Charles  Creighton, 

1  MS.,  R.  O.,  Pipe  Roll,  L.  T.  R.,  no.  50  (memb.  16b).  Returns  for  quindecima. 
Time  about  28  months  (5-7  John). 

*  Yearly  average. 

*  Ramsay,  English  Historical  Review,  xxiv,  pp.  97-108. 

*  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  1878,  fols.  26-28.  Totals  for  London  and  fourteen  outports 
(22-24  H.  VII). 

6  Ibid.  (7-8  H.  VIII). 

6  MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Customs,  164/4  (28  H.  VIII).  The  bracketed  figure  is  an 
estimate  of  the  total  customs  paid  on  goods  entering  and  leaving  London.  It  adds 
£5000  of  the  duty  collected  at  the  Staple  of  Calais  for  the  year.  In  28  H.  VIII,  the 
Staple  duty  was  £6231  (K.  R.  Customs,  164/4).  In  25  H.  VIII,  the  London  to 
Calais  Staple  trade  duty  was  £5325  (Harl.,  1878,  fol.  32).  About  £1000  should  be 
added  to  the  figure  for  the  outports  also. 

7  Harl.,  1878,  fols.  45-50  (23  Eliz.).     Av.  for  outports  20-25  Eliz.  is  £5519. 

8  Ibid.,  fols.  79-80. 

*  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Add.,  36,785,  fols.  50-60.  Forty-eight  ports  and  members  named 
as  also  "  Foreign  plantations."     Latter  here  omitted.     Cf.  Stowe,  324,  fols.  19-20. 

10  Noorthouck,  History  of  London,  p.  300.  The  remarkable  growth  of  London's 
trade  between  167 1  and  1688  is  indicated  by  the  gradual  increase  in  the  number  of 
ships  entered  at  the  Customs  House,  that  had  tidesmen  on  board,  in  1671-78, 1055, 
1679-88,  1709.     Stowe,  324,  fol.  13. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  75 

we  owe  what  we  have  of  value.      The  following  table  is,  of 
course,  given  only  as  an  approximation. 

Table  of  Population 

London's  Percentage 
Period  England  London  of  the  Whole 

1200-1500 [2,000,000     40,000  to  50,000 x  2.0 

to  3,000,000] 

1534 [3,000,000]  60,000  2.0 

1605 [4,000,000]  224,275  5.6 

1634 [4,500,000]  339.824  7.6 

1661 [5,000,000]  460,000  9.2 

1696 [5,500,000]  530)000  2  9-6 

1801 [8,300,000] 3  865,000 4  10.4 

1911 [34,000,000]  7,250,000 B  21.3 

It  appears  that  there  were  two  periods  of  slow  growth,  1200- 
1534  and  1 696-1 7  50,  and  two  periods  of  rapid  increase,  1534- 
1696  6  and  1750  to  the  present.  The  first  half  of  the  period 
1 534-1 696  saw  a  threefold  increase,  while  the  seventeenth 
century  witnessed  a  growth  of  less  than  half  that  amount. 

Likewise  it  is  apparent  that  while  the  proportion  of  London's 
population  to  the  total  in  the  period  1 200-1 534  was  about  two 
per  cent,  it  rose  to  between  seven  and  eight  per  cent  in  the  century 
1 534-1634,  and  by  1696  was  nearly  ten  per  cent  of  the  whole. 

The  causes  of  this  phenomenal  and  unprecedented  develop- 
ment do  not  concern  us  at  this  point,  but  it  ought  to  be  noted  in 
passing  that  inclosures,  the  suppression  of  the  monasteries,  and 
the  decay  of  provincial  towns,  were  movements  which  went 
hand  in  hand  with  the  metropolitan  growth.  The  relation  of 
cause  and  effect  is  examined  elsewhere. 

The  need  of  such  a  growing  community  for  the  provision  of 
larger  supplies  of  corn  is  obvious.    And  at  the  risk  of  anticipation, 

1  Dr.  Charles  Creighton,  Blackwood's  Edinburgh  Magazine,  cxlix,  p.  495  (1891). 

2  Gregory  King,  Harl.,  1898,  fol.  76.  John  Rickman,  the  census  enumerator,  in 
his  report  of  1831  (The  Population  Returns  of  i8ji,  p.  21)  placed  the  population  of 
London  in  1700  at  674,000  while  he  accepted  Gregory  King's  estimate  for  the  whole 
country. 

3  The  Population  Returns  of  1S31,  p.  42. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  25.  5  "  Greater  London." 

8  In  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII  Clement  Armstrong  remarked  that  while  the  realm 
was  decaying,  London  was  always  increasing.  MS.,  R.  O.,  Exchequer,  T.  R.,  Misc. 
Books,  cxcvii,  fol.  147.     (Transcripts  of  Professor  Gay  used). 


?6  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

we  may  in  part  measure  this  development  by  examining  the 
amounts  of  corn  ordered  to  be  provided  by  the  City  Fathers  to 
supplement  corn  brought  in  by  the  usual  paths  of  trade.  Ap- 
proximate figures  for  such  provisions  are  given  in  the  following 
table. 

Table  of  Corn  Stored  up  in  London 

Year  Amt.  in  qrs.  Year  Amt.  in  qrs. 

I520 2,300 x  1574 6,700* 

1546 4,200  *  1587 10,000  5 

1560 5,000  J  1688 10,000  • 

It  is,  perhaps,  not  impossible  to  estimate  roughly  the  total 
corn  demand  of  London.     (See  table,  page  77.) 

The  London  of  1600  demanded  three  times  the  corn  that  the 
London  of  1500  required,  and  the  London  of  1700  three  times  that 
of  1600. 

Inadequate  as  are  the  statistics  of  London's  growth,  they 
indicate  clearly  a  remarkable  development  in  trade,  population, 
and  consumption. 

1  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Letter  Book,  vol.  N,  fol.  142  (1  H.  VIII).  £1037  to 
be  levied  on  the  companies,  which  at  9  s.  per  qr.  would  purchase  about  2300  qrs. 

1  Ibid.,  vol.  Q,  fol.  174.  £1757  to  be  levied  on  companies  at  8  s.  per  qr.  would 
buy  about  4200  qrs. 

J  Repertory,  xiv,  fol.  350b.     £3750  at  15  s.  per  qr. 

4  Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fol.  318.  £5037  at  15  s.  per  qr.  In  1578  a  committee 
reported  in  favor  of  storing  5000  qrs.  yearly.  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Journal  of 
the  Common  Council,  xx,  pt.  2,  fol.  438.  In  1579  at  least  £4000  yearly  were 
considered  necessary.  Letter  Book,  vol.  Y,  fol.  255.  In  1586,  6000-7000  qrs.  were 
to  be  provided.    Journal  of  the  Common  Council,  xxii,  fol.  64. 

6  Journal  of  the  Common  Council,  xxii,  fols.  126b,  130;  Letter  Book,  vol.  "  Etc.," 
fol.  158b;  Repertory,  xxi,  fol.  463.  This  was  the  normal  amount  throughout  this 
and  the  next  century,  Letter  Book,  vol.  BB,  fol.  14  (1599);  Repertory,  xxv,  fol.  64b 
(1600);  Journal  of  the  Common  Council,  xxvi,  fol.  145  (1603);  Repertory,  xxvi,  pt. 
2,  fol.  103b  (1604-05);  Letter  Book,  vol.  CC,  fol.  294  (1608);  Journal  of  the  Com- 
mon Council,  xxviii,  fol.  113  (1610);  ibid.,  xxxv,  fols.  346,  375  (1631);  ibid.,  xxxvi, 
fol.  50b  (1632-33);  ibid.,  xxxvii,  fols.  128-129  (I035)'>  ibid.,  xxxviii,  fol.  160  (1639). 
In  1590  6000  qrs.  were  to  be  provided.  Journal  of  the  Common  Council,  xxii,  fols. 
434-435;  and  in  1591,  8000  qrs.,  ibid.,  xxiii,  fol.  52. 

•  Companies  were  ordered  to  contribute  their  share  of  the  10,000  qrs.,  e.  g., 
Haberdashers,  Court  Assistant,  ii,  fol.  323. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION 


77 


Table  of  London's  Yearly  Corn  Consumption  in  Quarters  (Estimated) 


Year 

Bread  and  Drink 
Corn  Consumed  • 

Ship's  Provision, 

Horses,  Fodder, 

and  Corn  in  Beer 

Exported 2 

Corn  Exported  3 

Total 

1534 

150,000 

15,000 

165,000 

1605 

500,000* 

50,000 

550,000  6 

1661 

1,150,000 

115,000 

1,265,000 

1676 

1,275,000 

127,500 

74,775 

1,477,000 

1696 

1,325,000 

132,500 

10,500 

1,468,000 

3.   Corn  Provision:   Municipal,  15 14-1578 

With  the  growth  of  the  metropolis,  the  distinctive  feature  of 
the  early  modern  period,  came  the  increasing  anxiety  concerning 
the  corn  supply  and  the  actual  municipal  participation  in  the 
provision  of  corn.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII,  the  minute 
books  of  the  city  began  to  record  both  the  careful  account  kept 
by  the  Lord  Mayor  of  all  corn  brought  into  the  city  6  and  his 
frequent  efforts  to  get  corn.  Whereas  up  to  the  late  fifteenth 
century  prices  were  kept  down,7  in  the  sixteenth  a  good  and  suffi- 
cient price  was  often  held  out  as  inducement,8  and  London  bakers 

1  The  yearly  requirements  per  head  for  drink  and  bread  are  taken  at  2%  qrs.  Cf. 
Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic,  iv,  pt.  2,  §  3665  (1528).  The  figures  in 
this  column  are  arrived  at  by  multiplying  the  population  of  London,  as  given  above, 
P-  75,  by  2*. 

2  Estimated  at  one-tenth  the  former. 
8  See  Appendix  C. 

4  In  1 63 1  it  was  estimated,  however,  that  the  amount  of  bread  corn  alone  for 
the  City,  suburbs  and  adjacent  parts,  consumed  every  year  was  only  between  130,- 
000  and  140,000  qrs.    Remembrancia,  1570-1664,  p.  345. 

B  In  1574,  however,  the  official  estimate  put  the  consumption  of  corn  by  bakers, 
brewers,  and  the  poor  alone  at  only  about  200,000  (about  100,000  for  6  months). 
Repertory,  xviii,  fol.  182. 

4  It  was  ordered,  14  Sept.,  1546,  that  no  meal  should  be  brought  into  the  city 
by  day  or  by  night  unless  the  Lord  Mayor  had  knowledge  thereof.  Repertory,  xi, 
fol.  234b. 

7  See  above,  p.  73,  n.  3. 

8  A  proclamation  was  issued  that  if  any  one  "  will  bring  to  London  sweat  and 
clean  wheat,  he  shall  have  10  s.  and  for  rye  6  s.  8  d.  untill  All  Saints."  Repertory,  ii, 
fol.  140  (2  Sept.,  15 1 2).  This  price  for  wheat  is  more  than  10  d.  higher  than  Rogers' 
yearly  average  and  over  3  s.  3  d.  higher  than  his  decennial  average. 

On  13  Sept.,  15 1 2,  a  proclamation  of  the  London  magistrates  ordered  that 


78  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

were  to  be  forced  to  pay  that  price.1  The  King's  Council  was 
petitioned  not  to  allow  corn  going  to  London  to  be  stopped  for 
the  king's  use.2  Proclamations  were  issued  to  attract  corn.3 
Town  tolls  on  corn  brought  into  the  city  were  to  be  removed,  as 
were  the  disabilities  of  non-citizens.4  Foreign  merchants  were 
encouraged  to  import  corn.6      Millers  6  and  bakers 7  were  put 

"  Whatsoever  persone  that  Will  bryng  whete  or  Rye  good  swote  [swetej  and  mer- 
chain  table  to  this  Citie  to  be  sold  shall  have  for  every  quarter  of  Whete  x  s.  and  for 
every  quarter  of  Rye  6  s.  8  d.     Letter  Book,  vol.  M,  pt.  i,  fol.  195b. 

Men  were  appointed  to  see  that  Anthony  Vivolde  who  was  bringing  in  wheat 
"  shall  have  a  reesonabill  gaynage  therein."     Repertory,  ii,  fol.  150b  (13  Jan.,  1512- 

13). 

"  Because  wheate  by  a  great  quantytie  ys  not  brought  unto  thys  Cytie  as  it  hath 
been,"  the  Lord  Mayor  puts  the  price  at  10  s.  per  quarter.     Repertory,  x,  fol.  152b. 

Cf.  also  Repertory,  v,  fol.  133  (30  Jan.,  1520-21);  ibid.,  x,  fol.  152b  (9  Dec., 
1539);  ibid.,  xiii,  pt.  ii,  fol.  345  (19  Nov.,  1555). 

1  The  Lord  Mayor,  for  the  well-being  of  the  citizens,  decreed  that  "  whatsoever 
person  that  wolle  bryng  whete  good  swete  drie  and  merchauntable  to  this  Citie  to 
be  sold  shall  have  "  8  s.  per  quarter  from  5  Nov.  to  Christmas,  and  the  bakers  are  to 
be  forced  to  take  it  at  that  price.  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xi,  fol.  143b 
(5  Nov.,  1511). 

2  Repertory,  ii,  fol.  150b  (13  Jan.,  1512-13).       *  Ibid.,  v,  fol.  267  (Feb.,  1521-22). 
*  Those  bringing  in  good  corn  for  sale  may  do  so  "  without  eny  tolle  or  eny  other 

exacon  to  be  taken  therefore  by  lande  or  by  water  and  they  shall  not  be  enforced  of 
their  price  for  the  same.  But  shall  be  at  their  liberties  to  make  the  best  they  can 
therof." 

Those  foreign  to  the  city  may  sell  as  they  will  in  the  city  "  without  interrupcon 
or  lett."     Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xii,  fol.  370  (25  Jan.,  1526-27). 

Scavage  on  imported  corn  was  in  161 7  to  be  cut  in  half  "  for  the  better  encorage- 
ment  of  Merchants  in  bring[ing]  Corne  to  this  Cittie  in  this  Tyme  of  Scarcitie." 
Repertory,  xxxiii,  fol.  139b  (20  July). 

'  Repertory,  vii,  fol.  247  (16  Mar.,  1527-28). 

6  Millers  were  ordered  to  bring  their  toll  meal  weekly  for  sale  upon  the  London 
markets  at  prices  fixed  by  the  Lord  Mayor.  Letter  Book,  vol.  P,  fol.  101  (n  July, 
I536)- 

7  In  1526  amounts  of  corn  in  the  hands  of  four  bakers  were  40  or  50  qrs.,  45  qrs., 
50  qrs.,  and  100  qrs.,  respectively.     Repertory,  vii,  fol.  124b. 

In  1534  and  1535  the  bakers  had  to  report  their  share  of  corn.  At  the  former 
date,  thirty-seven  bakers  of  London  had  1094  qrs.  of  wheat  and  meal,  those  of 
Stratford  375  qrs.     Repertory,  ix,  fol.  74b..    Cf.  also  fols.  108  and  116b. 

On  10  April,  1544,  the  bakers  were  ordered  to  be  ready  by  the  following  Good 
Friday  to  take  up  and  to  provide  1500  qrs.,  to  pay  13  s.  4  d.  per  qr.  and  to  pay  only 
cash.     Repertory,  xi,  fol.  56. 

On  6  Aug.,  1549,  the  bakers,  having  only  1310  qrs.  of  wheat  and  meal  in  store, 
were  ordered  to  make  further  provision  for  a  month,  or  at  least  for  twenty  days. 
Repertory,  xii,  pt.  i,  fol.  125. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  79 

under  special  orders  and  supervision;  and  strict  inquiry  was  made 
of  the  amount  of  corn  in  the  hands  of  the  former.  This  unusual 
activity  was  the  immediate  result  of  a  series  of  dearths  recurring 
at  frequent  intervals  during  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
but  it  denoted  a  changed  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  London 
authorities.1 

The  establishment  of  public  granaries  furnishes  the  most 
tangible  evidence  of  this  solicitude  for  the  metropolitan  corn 
provision.  Of  the  several  granaries,  Leadenhall,  the  Bridge- 
house,  Queenhithe,  Winchester  House,  the  Halls  of  the  Com- 
panies, and  Bridewell,  only  the  two  first  have  a  long  and 
practically  continuous  history. 

The  history  of  Leadenhall  is  known  from  the  thirteenth 
century.  In  141 1  it  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  city.2 
And  some  forty  years  later,3  when  there  was  temporary  anxiety 
about  the  corn  supply,  it  was  chosen  as  a  suitable  repository. 
During  this  decade  generous  magistrates  came  forward  to 
further  the  plan.  In  1443,  John  Hatherly  purchased  a  royal 
license  to  rebuild  a  granary,4  and  John  Rainwell,  formerly 
mayor,  bequeathed  money  for  laying  up  corn.5  It  was  probably 
in  1445  that  the  granary  at  Leadenhall  was  erected  by  Simon 
Eyre,6  also  Mayor  of  London. 

We  should  expect  to  find  the  city  erecting  granaries  almost  as 
soon  as  it  began  to  purchase  corn.  At  least  as  early  as  1390 
London  tried  the  plan  of  meeting  a  dearth  by  the  municipal 
purchase  of  corn.  On  that  occasion  the  money  of  certain  London 
orphans  was  used  to  buy  corn  for  the  use  of  the  commonalty.7 
In  1429  the  Common  Council  of  the  city  ordained  "  that  persons 

1  See  above,  pp.  77-78. 

2  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  I,  p.  92. 

8  It  was  probably  in  1438  that  Nicholas  Yeo,  draper,  promised  that  if  the  places 
for  the  laying  up  corn  to  the  extent  of  1000  marks  were  insufficient,  he  would  pro- 
vide £20  for  that  year.  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  iii,  fol.  22b  (22  Sept., 
Brown,  Mayor).     It  is  not  known  whether  this  referred  to  Leadenhall. 

4  Stow,  Survey  of  London  (Kingsford)  i,  p.  153. 

B  Ibid.,  p.  208. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  153 ;  the  year  1419  is  also  given  by  Stow,  p.  154.  Cf.  Sharpe,  Calendar 
of  Wills,  ii,  p.  601  n.,  and  Noorthouck,  History  of  London,  p.  90. 

7  Calendar  of  Letter  Books,  vol.  H,  p.  362. 


80  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

should  be  sent  abroad  to  buy  corn,  at  the  city's  risk  of  any  loss 
by  sea  or  otherwise."  1 

How  far  this  early  granary  system  met  a  real  need,  and  how 
far  it  was  an  imitation  of  the  practices  of  Continental  towns,2 
is  unknown.  The  latter  suggestion,  that  it  was  an  imitation, 
seems  to  be  borne  out  by  the  case  of  Bristol,  which,  though 
situated  in  a  district  having  plenty  of  cheap  corn  easily  accessible, 
seems  to  have  had  at  least  a  transitory  ambition  for  a  granary 
system,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  which,  once  provided  for,3 
seems  to  have  been  neglected.  '  Making  fullest  concession, 
however,  to  the  real  need  of  such  a  scheme  at  this  early  date,  we 
cannot  regard  the  Leadenhall  phase  of  the  granary  system  as 
otherwise  than  temporary,  since  it  came  to  an  end  before  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century.4 

As  late  as  the  early  years  of  Henry  VIII,  London  had  no 
regular  corn  granary  and  made  use  of  the  cellars  of  the  bakers.6 
But  in  1 5 14  a  "  Garner  "  was  ordered  to  be  prepared  at  the 
ancient  Bridgehouse.6      This  is  an  important  date,  since  the 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books,  vol.  K,  p.  92. 

2  For  specific  instances  of  this  in  the  Tudor  period,  see  Cunningham,  Growth  of 
English  Industry  and  Commerce,  ii,  p.  97,  n.  2. 

s  An  entry  of  9  April,  1434,  in  the  Little  Red  Book  of  Bristol  (vol.  i,  pp.  174  f.) 
records  the  following  provision  for  a  municipal  supply  of  corn.  Mark  William,  late 
burgess  and  merchant,  formerly  sheriff  and  mayor  of  Bristol,  bequeathed  to  that 
town  100  marks  sterling  so  "  that  when  there  shall  have  arisen  a  scarcity  of  corn  then 
with  that  sum  or  part  thereof  a  certain  quantity  of  corn,  as  shall  be  fit  and  necessary 
in  the  discretion  of  the  mayor  of  the  town  of  Bristol,  and  the  good  men  of  the  Com- 
mon Council  of  the  town  for  the  time  being,  ought  to  be  provided  and  purchased  in 
those  parts  where  there  is  very  great  abundance,  and  where  it  is  of  moderate  and 
less  price,  for  the  use  of  the  Commonalty  of  the  said  town." 

Isolated  instances  of  the  municipal  provision  of  corn  in  the  sixteenth  century 
have  been  collected  by  Ashley,  English  Economic  History  and  Theory,  pt.  ii,  pp.  37, 62. 

4  The  "  garners  "  of  Leadenhall,  however,  may,  as  Ashley  (op.  cit.,  p.  36)  points 
out,  have  existed  for  a  long  period,  but  not  the  system. 

6  "  At  this  Court  it  was  agreed  that  when  wheat  arrivyth  to  this  Citie,  if  the 
bakers  will  not  take  it  up  that  than  it  shall  be  taken  up  by  the  Citie  &  if  any  of  the 
solers  [cellars]  of  the  bakers  at  the  waterside  be  emptie  than  seid  solers  shall  be 
taken  for  the  Citie  &  the  Whete  shall  be  taken  up  &  led  therin  &  the  Citie  to  paie 
for  the  ferm  of  the  seid  solers  after  the  rate  for  the  tyme  that  the  Whete  shall  be 
therin."     Repertory,  ii,  fol.  149b  (13  Dec.,  1512). 

•  "  A  Garner  for  Wheet  shall  be  made  at  the  Briggehous  ...  as  hastily  as  it 
convently  may  be  don."     Repertory,  ii,  fol.  174b  (28  Mar.,  1514).  * 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  8 1 

Bridgehouse  became  the  chief  center  of  the  whole  Tudor  and 
Stuart  granary  system.  The  order  of  15 14  was  soon  carried  into 
execution,  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  Bridgehouse  was  re- 
garded as  the  great  repository  of  the  city's  corn  supply.  A 
bequest  was  made  in  1520  or  152 1  for  the  yearly  purchase  of 
corn  to  be  stored  in  the  Bridgehouse,1  and  in  the  next  year  the 
Bridgemasters  were  instructed  to  buy  corn  at  the  city's  risk.2 
While  the  Bridgehouse  was  at  first  used  by  the  private  citizens 
to  store  their  corn,  and  was  even  sought  by  the  king  for  the 
storage  of  his  wheat,3  it  was  only  in  1559  that  it  was  given  over 
wholly  to  the  housing  of  municipal  grain.4 

Although  the  bequest  of  1520  provided  for  "yearly"  pur- 
chases, it  was  not  until  about  the  middle  of  the  century,  however, 
that  we  may  probably  date  the  beginning  of  regular  annual 
provision  of  grain.  We  find  the  Court  of  Aldermen  was  voting 
in  1565,  that  they  "  shall  henceforth  yearly  provide  &  bye  "  a 
store  of  corn,6  and  the  Corn  Book  shows  that  at  least  from 
1568  corn  was  regularly  bought  and  sold  on  behalf  of  the 
city.6 

1  "  Received  of  Sir  Stephen  Genyns  Knight  late  alderman  of  the  City  of  London 
of  his  good  and  charitable  mynde  towards  the  mayntenyng  supporting  and  coulyne- 
waunce  of  a  stock  of  Whele  to  be  bought  and  purviede  yerely  by  the  Mayre  and  Alder- 
man for  the  tyme  beyng  and  theyre  sufficient  deputies  in  that  behalf  and  to  be  laide 
within  the  Garnardes  of  late  new  buylded  withyn  the  Brigghows  of  London  for  the 
profite  and  advauntage  of  the  Communaty  of  the  saide  Cytye  for  evyr.  Summa 
lxii  li  xiii  s.  iiii  d."  Accounts  of  the  Bridgehouse,  in  possesson  of  Mr.  Charles  Welch, 
(Mich.,  1520-Mich.,  1521). 

2  The  "  Derthe  of  Whete  Rye  and  other  Graynes  that  is  lykely  to  ensue  in  this 
yere  "  induces  the  City  authorities  to  order  the  Bridgehouse  masters  to  "  make 
provision  for  Whete  Rye  &  other  Grayne  for  the  Store  &  Common  Weale  of  this 
Citie.  And  that  such  Whete  Rye  and  other  Come  as  they  shall  happen  to  bye  to 
and  for  the  same  as  well  within  this  Realme  as  in  eny  other  place  shalbe  at  alle 
tymes  brought  and  conveyed  at  the  adventure  &  jeopardie  &  perielle  of  the  Citie 
and  not  of  eny  of  the  owners  of  the  saide  Corne."     Letter  Book,  vol.  N,  fol.  190b. 

3  Repertory,  vii,  fols.  140X  (1526  and  1527). 

4  Letter  Book,  vol.  DD,  fol.  243  (20  Jan.,  1559). 
6  Repertory,  xv,  fol.  472  (25  Sept.). 

6  "  This  Booke  made  for  all  such  Corne  as  shall  be  Browghte  ...  for  the  Cittis 
accompte  and  Layed  up  into  the  Brindge  House,"  in  charge  of  the  Bridgehouse 
Committee  in  the  Guildhall. 


82  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

But  the  London  municipal  records  yield  evidence,  herewith 
tabulated,  as  to  the  continuous  execution  of  this  policy. 

London's  Corn  Provision1 

Decade  Years  of  Recorded  Provision 

1520-29 1520,  1521,  1527,  1528. 

IS30-39 1534.  I53°>  1537- 

1540-49 1543,  1544,  I545>  1546,  1549- 

IS50-S9 I550,  I55i,  1552,  1553,  1554,  I555>  I556.  1557. 

1560-65 1560,  1561,  1562,  1563,  1564,  1565. 

In  the  twenty- three  years  between  1520  and  1543,  there  are 
recorded  purchases  for  only  seven  years,  but  from  1543  to  1565, 
twenty-two  years,  at  least  nineteen  years  saw  great  efforts  made 
to  supply  the  citizens  with  corn.  So  we  may  say  that  the  year 
1543  is  the  dividing  line,  as  nearly  as  there  can  be  one,  separating 
the  earlier  irregular  practice  from  the  almost  yearly  provision. 

4.  Corn  Provision:    Gild,  1578-1678 

It  is  in  connection  with  the  city  gilds  that  London's  granary 
system  reached  its  height.  Herbert  has  given  us  a  long,  though 
unreliable,  account  of  this  gild  activity.  Here  only  the  outline 
of  the  story  is  attempted. 

In  1495-96,  the  Lord  Mayor  advised  the  wardens  of  the  fellow- 
ships, along  with  the  aldermen,  to  lay  in  a  store  for  their  own 
households.2  And  in  1520,  apparently,  began  the  system  of 
"  prest  and  loone  "  by  which  the  various  mysteries  and  crafts 
were  to  contribute  £1000  to  the  provision  of  corn.3    In  1536  the 

1  For  the  materials  on  which  this  table  is  based,  see  Appendices. 

1  Repertory,  i,  fol.  12b  (28  Feb.). 

*  "  Forasmoch  as  great  Derth  &  Scarcite  of  Whete  hath  nowe  lately  been  & 
more  lyke  tensue  yf  good  &  politique  provision  Were  not  Shortly  made  &  had  Wher- 
for  in  avoydyng  therof  god  grauntyng  yt  is  nowe  by  Auctorite  of  this  Commen 
Counseill  fully  agreed  &  graunted  that  in  all  goodly  hast  oon  Thousand  pound  of 
money  shalbe  levyed  &  payed  by  the  Felishippes  of  Sondry  Misteres  &  Crafts  of 
this  Citie  by  Way  of  a  prest  &  loone  And  that  the  Mayer  &  Aldermen  by  their  dis- 
crecons  shall  name  &  appoynt  What  Sums  shalbe  levyed  of  every  of  the  seid  Feli- 
sheppes."  Letter  Book,  vol.  N,  fols.  142  f.  Cf.  Journals  of  the  Common  Council, 
xii,  fol.  74  (25  Sept.,  12  H.  VIII);  cf.  Repertory,  xi,  fol.  60  (25  Apr.,  1544);  ibid., 
fol.  176b  (11  June,  1545)- 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  83 

masters  and  wardens  of  every  company  were  asked  to  send  in 
names  of  those  willing  to  provide  money  for  corn.1  In  1546  a 
long  schedule  was  drawn  up  of  the  contributions  of  twenty- 
eight  companies  "  towards  the  payment  of  certayn  wheate  and 
rye  provyded  beyonde  the  See  for  the  Cytie."  2  And  in  1560  a 
similar  list  of  twenty-eight  companies  is  found,  but  with  readjust- 
ments of  contributions,  and  a  general  increase.3 

Such  contributions  continued  to  be  levied  for  some  time.4 
But  the  corporations  soon  found  that  their  losses  in  the  provision 
of  corn  were  considerable,  in  1575  estimated  at  £2ioo.5     Later 

1  Repertory,  ix,  fol.  171  (9  May). 

2  Letter  Book,  vol.  I,  fol.  174  (29  May);  cf.  Repertory,  xiii,  pt.  2,  fol.  273  (3 
Mar.,  1555-56). 

3  Repertory,  xiv,  fol.  350b  (4  July). 

4  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xviii,  fol.  394  (Mar.,  1566,  37  companies 
included);  Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fol.  194b  (29  Jan.,  1572-73);  ibid.,  fol.  218b  (21 
May,  1573);  ibid.,  fol.  264  (15  Dec,  1573,  44  companies);  Brewers'  Hall, 
Accounts,  vol.  1562-81,  (1573-74);  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxii,  fol.  70 
(Sept.,  29  Eliz.);  Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fol.  318  ([June],  1574,  44  companies). 
Sometimes  companies  combined  to  make  their  payments.  See  below,  pp.  421, 422. 
Cf.  contributions  of  Stationers,  1560, 1562,  1563,  1566,  1573,  1574,  Stationers  Hall, 
Liber  A,  fols.  6b,  7,  9,  21,  22a. 

5  Letter  Book,  vol.  Y,  fol.  46b  (24  Nov.).  One  entry  on  this  page  reads  £2001, 
but  the  reading  here  adopted  is  confirmed  by  fol.  57. 

The  losses  of  the  city  are  further  illustrated  by  the  following  corn  account  of  the 
city  covering  apparently  the  years  1568-73,  and  seemingly  made  up  at  Michaelmas, 
1581. 
The  Discharge:  £         s.     d. 

Paid  to  companies  for  back  corn  debts 3.418      7      4 

Debts  of  bakers,  brewers,  etc.,  to  the  Bridgehouse 1,230    13      8 

"  Losse  of  the  Danske  come  " 134    16      3 

"  Loosse  of  the  come  receyved  from  factors  " 42     10      4 

"  Loss  in  Servinge  the  markets  of  London  to  kepe  downe  the  prices  in 

fower  yeares  " 455     18      6 

"  Suytes  in  the  lawe  " 7      7      o 

5.289    13      1 
Sum  on  hand 17      9      9 

5,307  2    10 
The  Charge: 

Decayed  com  and  debts  for  [up  to  ?]  the  year  of  the  Mayorality  of  Ryvers 

li573-74l 5.oi5  9      7 

Other  debts  of  the  Bridgehouse 194  14      4 

Etc etc. 

5,307      2    10 
[Note  5  continued  on  next  page.] 


84  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

the  city  companies  were  consulted  as  to  how  the  loss  was  to  be 
borne.1  On  17  October,  1578,  a  committee  reported  a  large 
deficit  and  pointed  out  that  a  sum  of  £4000  yearly  was  necessary.2 

A  few  days  later,  4  November,  1578,  it  was  decided  that  "  the 
former  provisions  have  not  onelye  bene  troublesome  to  my  L. 
Maior  for  the  tyme  beinge  and  his  worshippfull  bretheren  the 
aldermen  whoe  are  otherwise  muche  occupied  with  manifolde 
greate  affaieres  but  also  have  bene  manye  waies  incomodious  to 
the  whole  estate  of  the  Cyttye.  For  remedie  whereof  if  it  may 
be  liked  by  my  L.  Maior  and  Aldermen  and  Comen  Counsell  they 
think  good  that  this  prevision  be  made  by  the  XII  Companies 
proportionablie  in  Forme  followinge."  3  This  scheme  was  tenta- 
tive, being  but "  for  this  yere  to  come,"  yet  it  proved  in  reality  to 
be  lasting. 

The  reason  for  the  change  in  the  method  of  providing  corn  is  of 
some  interest,  as  it  throws  light  upon  past  methods.  When  the 
committee,  appointed  to  consider  the  ways  and  means  of  corn 
supply,  reported  that  the  companies  might  either  leave  the  money 
they  had  already  loaned  to  the  city,  or  be  repaid  and  provide  the 
corn  themselves,  the  companies  replied  that  they  had  already 
waited  three  years  for  repayment,  that  the  city  had  lost  money 
in  its  provision,  and  suggested  that  the  companies  should  hence- 
forth take  over  that  duty.4     The  masters  and  wardens,  familiar 

The  cost  of  providing  wheat  in  Sussex  and  marketing  it  in  London  is  given  thus 

(Corn  Book,  15  Oct.,  1571-3°  Aug->  1572):  — 

£  s.  d. 

1547  qrs.  wheat  cost 1.594  1 2  9 

Carriage  at  lid.  per  qr 9  13  4$ 

Metage    "     J  d.    "     "    2  16  2 

Filling      "3d.      *    20  qrs o  19  4$ 

Grinding "  16  d.    «     "    3»  6  8 

Sale  and  waste  of  485  qrs.  on  the  markets 24  5  o 

Horse  and  carriage  of  corn  from  Sussex 4  7  8 

20  corn  sacks  at  22  d.  each 1  16  8 

Turning  the  corn 20  9  4 

1,691      7    o 
Corn  Book,  15  Oct,  1571-30  Aug.,  1572. 

1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xx,  pt.  2,  fol.  255  (24  Nov.,  18  Eliz.). 
*  Letter  Book,  vol.  Y,  fol.  255. 

1  Ibid.,  fols.  272-273.  This  was  the  report  of  a  committee  of  aldermen  (cf.  fol. 
235b),  accepted  by  the  City  Fathers. 

4  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xx,  pt.  2,  fol.  434  (16  Sept.,  1578). 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  85 

with  the  methods  of  the  corporation,  were  in  a  good  position  to 
judge  accurately  the  efficiency  of  municipal  business  dealings. 
The  companies  themselves  were  later  to  learn,  however,  that 
although  they  sometimes  gained,  they  also,  generally  lost. 

For  the  purpose  of  rating  the  companies  according  to  their 
abilities,  they  were  divided  into  classes  which  varied  from  time 
to  time.  The  twelve  greater  companies  always  bore  the  greater 
part  of  the  burden,  76.5%  in  1573, l  and  81.1%  in  1590.2  The 
inferior  companies  were  sometimes  further  divided  into  classes; 
in  1587,  for  instance,  there  were  four  sets  of  lesser  companies,3 
and  in  1590  five  sets,  the  last  consisting  of  six  poor  companies 
contributing  nominally  20  quarters  in  all,  but  on  this  occasion  it 
was  thought  necessary  not  to  charge  them  with  any  provision 
at  all. 

This  organization  of  the  companies  for  corn  provision  led  the 
way  to  their  further  utilization  by  both  city  and  Crown.  The 
city  gilds  were  asked  to  supply  soldiers  on  the  basis  of  their  corn 
contributions,  to  pay  £4300  towards  the  expenses  of  the  royal 
coronation,  and  to  contribute  to  the  plantation  enterprise  in 
Ireland. 

It  may  be  said  that  at  about  the  period  1565-95  the  system 
was  at  its  height,  but  by  the  close  of  the  century  the  earlier 
enthusiasm  of  the  companies  had  waned.  It  was  to  be  expected 
that  the  gilds  in  years  of  plenty  would  tend  to  diminish  their 
purchases  of  corn,  and  especially  would  this  be  true  after  a  suc- 
cession of  good  crops,  or  the  farther  away  they  got  from  years  of 
dearth  when  municipal  pressure  was  great.  And  this  is  clearly 
seen  in  the  corn  accounts  of  the  companies  in  the  last  few  years  of 
Elizabeth  and  in  the  first  part  of  the  reign  of  her  successor.  So 
far  had  this  gone  by  161 9  that  it  could  be  said  that  the  companies 
of  the  City  of  London  have  "  formerlie  exercised  the  laudable 
custome  to  maintaine  magazins  of   twentie  [ten]  thousand  or 

1  Ibid.,  xxii,  fols.  70  f. 

2  Ibid.,  fols.  434-435- 

3  The  first  class  consisted  of  12  companies  providing  1025  qrs.,  the  second  of 
12,  providing  442  qrs.,  the  third  of  11,  with  233  qrs.,  and  the  fourth  of  8  with  212 
qrs.,  ibid.,  fol.  130. 


86  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

more  quarters  of  wheate  l  which  is  now  of  late  omitted." 2 
Although  on  17  July,  162 1,  the  Common  Council  ordered  that 
"  the  full  quantitie  "  of  10,000  quarters  was  to  be  provided,8  it  is 
easy  to  show  that  this  order  was  not  obeyed,  for  the  early  Eliza- 
bethan system  was  moribund;  and  while  some  companies  pro- 
vided no  corn  at  all,4  others  depended  upon  chandlers  or  bakers  to 
supply  the  little  they  did  lay  up.5  The  Ironmongers'  Company 
even  went  so  far  in  162 1  or  1622  as  to  rent  its  granary  at  the 
Bridgehouse  to  a  baker,  as  if  it  had  no  more  use  for  it.6 

But  a  revival  of  faith  in  the  old  system  and,  indeed,  of  its 
necessity  arose  through  the  scarcity  of  1630  and  1631.  The  City 
Fathers  showed  no  mercy  to  those  companies  which  were  caught 
without  sufficient  supply; 7  and  for  five  years  the  gilds  were 
forced  to  do  the  work  they  no  longer  relished. 

1  In  1587  it  was  considered  that  a  minimum  of  10,000  quarters  should  be  pro- 
vided, though  this  amount  was  in  practice  rarely  reached.  An  exception  occurs 
in  Nov.,  1594,  when  between  11,000  and  12,000  qrs.  were  laid  up.  MS.,  Br.  M., 
Harl.,  6850,  fol.  266. 

*  MS.,  Treasury  Office,  Council  Register,  Jac.  I,  iv,  fol.  435. 

*  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxxi,  fol.  324b. 

4  For  example,  the  Mercers  made  purchases  as  follows: 

1619-20 170  qrs.  1621-22 none 

1620-21 none  1622-23 180  qrs. 

MS.,  Mercers'  Hall,  Second  Wardens  Accounts,  vol.  1617-1629. 

6  The  companies  were  ordered  not  to  depend  upon  the  "  Chaundlors  Bakers 
or  anie  others  to  make  the  same  provision."  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxxi, 
fol.  324b  (17  July,  1 621). 

John  Clifton,  baker,  presented  to  the  Cutlers'  Company  a  bill  "  for  the  deliverie 
of  wheate,"  and  money  was  "  lent  him  by  Mr.  Reynolds  Greene  for  provision  of 
wheate."  MS.,  Cutlers'  Hall,  Cutlers  Company  Accounts,  vol.  1586-1621,  fols. 
400,  414  (1612-13). 

Five  shillings  were  paid  "  to  a  baker  for  his  paines  in  buying  "  wheat  for  the 
Skinners'  Company.  MS.,  Skinners'  Hall,  Receipts  and  Payments,  vol.  1617-46 
(1620-21). 

4  "  Rec'd  of  Marshall  the  baker  for  rent  of  the  warehouse  at  the  bridgehouse  for 
J  yeare  —  2.0.0."  MS.,  Ironmongers'  Hall,  Company's  Register,  vol.  1616-34 
(year  1621-22). 

7  "  Paid  unto  the  Wardes  of  Cheape  Cripplegate  without  and  within  when  there 
was  no  come  and  should  have  bin  xlviii  li.  yet  cleared  with  xii  li.  xii  s."  (1630  & 
1631).     MS.,  Mercers'  Hall,  Second  Wardens  Accounts,  vol.  1630-39. 

"  To  the  two  wards  of  Breadstreete  and  Broadstreete  in  reddy  money  when  we 
had  noe  corne  xxxviii  li.  viii  s."  (1630-31).  MS.,  Skinners'  Hall,  Receipts  and 
Payments,  vol.  1617-47. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  87 

From  1636  on,  the  former  slackness  and  decay  are  evidenced  in 
the  companies'  records,  though  the  Lord  Mayor  still  maintained 
his  supervision^  and  sought  to  keep  up  the  old  system.1  The 
feeling  of  the  companies  is  seen  in  the  contract  made  by  the 
fishmongers  with  a  baker  who  was  to  supply  "  the  Companies 
proporcion  of  corne  for  three  yeares,"  1636-38,  in  return  for 
the  lump  sum  of  £6oo.2 

The  end  of  the  municipal  provision  of  corn  has  been  associated 
with  the  fire  of  London;  but  this  is  entirely  erroneous,  for  the 
period  of  decline  following  the  revival  of  1630-35  was  practically 
complete  by  1654,3  and  the  fire,  though  it  destroyed  much, 
spared  the  Bridgehouse,  which  for  some  years  afterwards  was 
occasionally  used  for  storing  corn.4 

But  the  granary  idea  in  the  metropolis  had  taken  a  firm  root 
and  died  slowly.  Complaints  against  allotments  were  made  by 
companies,6  and  precepts  were  issued  to  continue  the  provision 

1  Cf.  MS.,  Stationers'  Hall,  Liber  A,  fols.  124  (1637-38);  134  (1641-42);  135b 
(1642);  136a  (1642);  147a  (1643);  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xl,  fol.  79 
(1643).  It  is  of  "  great  concernment  "  to  London  to  have  a  sufficient  corn  supply. 
Letter  Book,  vol.  I,  fol.  93  (1643). 

2  MS.,  Fishmongers'  Hall,  Wardens  Accounts,  vol.  1636-58. 

3  The  Bridgehouse  and  other  granaries  "  being  intended  for  granaries  in  time  of 
dearth  but  now  either  lent  without  allowance  of  the  said  Companies  or  farmed  out 
by  them  to  Bakers  Corne  Brokers  or  men  of  other  employments."  Journals  of  the 
Common  Council,  xli,  fol.  138  (20  Oct.,  1654). 

The  year  1654  was  the  fifth  and  last  after  1636  that  the  Mercers  provided  corn. 
MS.,  Mercers'  Hall,  Second  Wardens  Accounts,  passim. 

In  1659,  when  ordered  by  the  Lord  Mayor  to  supply  the  markets,  the  Haber- 
dashers found  themselves  without  corn  and  their  granary  rented  to  a  corn  merchant. 
MS.,  Haberdashers'  Hall,  Court  Assistant,  i,  fol.  64a  (4  Mar.,  1658-59). 

*  It  was  entered  on  22  March,  1666-67,  that  the  Cutlers'  granary  at  the  Bridge- 
house  was  let  to  Henry  Whitacre  for  three  years  in  return  for  his  guarantee  to  fur- 
nish the  market  with  corn  whenever  the  Cutlers  "shall  be  "  required  by  the  Lord 
Mayor  so  to  do.     Court  Minute  Book,  vol.  1602-1667,  fols.  440a,  and  456a. 

During  March,  1670-71,  the  Fishmongers'  Company  received  £3  10  s.  "  for  the 
use  of  the  Companyes  Granarye  att  the  Bridgehouse  to  lay  corne  in  the  same." 

And  next  month,  the  Company  received  £128  5  s.  from  the  sale  "  of  this  Com- 
paynes  Corne  lyeing  in  the  Granary  att  the  Bridgehouse."  MS.,  Fishmongers' 
Hall,  Wardens  Accounts,  vol.  1658-82. 

See  also,  Repertory,  lxxix,  fols.  240  f.  (2  June,  1674);  Journals  of  the  Common 
Council,  1,  fol.  356  (14  Nov.,  1688). 

8  The  City  authorities  named  a  committee,  "  Before  any  newe  Levyes  of  moneyes 
bee  Laid  uppon  the  Companyes  of  this  Citty  to  take  into  the  Consideracon  the  Com- 


88  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

as  late  as  the  year  1688  l;  but  the  books  of  the  companies  show 
that  these  orders  were  either  little  heeded  or  totally  disregarded.2 
In  1693,  the  whole  system  was  considered  a  thing  of  the  past, 
"  many  years  "  ago  abandoned.3  A  proposal  for  a  "  joynt  Stock 
for  Come  and  Coles,"  made  in  1674,4  was  four  years  later  con- 
plaints  of  any  the  Companie[s]  of  this  Citty  Concerneing  inequality  of  their  propor- 
con  of  Corne  or  Levying  mony  on  them,"  etc.,  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xli, 
fol.  249  (9  April,  1661). 

The  Merchant  Tailors,  having  been  allotted  iooo  qrs.  of  corn  as  their  share  to  be 
stored  up,  petitioned  the  City  to  be  excused.  The  Court  of  Aldermen  decided  that 
they  should  store  up  only  so  much  corn  as  they  may  desire.  Repertory,  xxxi,  fol.  12 
(n  Nov.,  1675). 

1  In  1658-59  the  Haberdashers'  Company  was  "  informed  that  the  Lord  Maior 
&  Court  of  Aldermen  had  ordered  the  severall  Companys  of  the  City  to  bring  in  to 
the  Markets  certain  quantities  of  Corne  to  be  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  poore  of  this 
City  and  for  the  bringing  down  of  the  present  price  of  Corne  in  the  Markets."  MS., 
Haberdashers'  Hall,  Court  Assistant,  ii,  fol.  64a  (4  March). 

On  25  Feb.,  1661-62,  about  56  companies  were  ordered  to  supply  101J  qrs.  of 
meal  each  week  for  ten  weeks  to  the  proper  authorities  for  sale  to  the  poor  at  6  s.  8  d. 
per  bushel.     Repertory,  lxviii,  fol.  61. 

It  was  recorded  on  6  March,  1664-65,  that  information  had  come  to  the  Common 
Council  "  that  the  Companyes  of  this  City  are  not  stored  &  provided  with  graine 
for  the  Service  of  this  City  according  to  former  presidents  &  provisions  of  10,000 
Quarters  of  Corne."     Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xlvi,  fol.  25. 

It  was  said  that  the  Saddlers  had  not  stored  up  their  share  of  corn.  They  are 
to  do  this  "  to  prevent  the  mischeifes  that  may  happen  to  this  City  through  the  neg- 
lect thereof."  They  are  likewise  to  take  a  better  and  larger  granary,  and  to  rent 
that  in  the  Bridgehouse.     Repertory,  lxxxi,  fols.  140  and  165  (1675-76). 

The  companies  in  1688  were  ordered  to  "  have  their  stores  of  Corne  in  readinesse, 
to  be  made  use  of  upon  any  occasion  or  necessity  that  may  happen  in  this  time  of 
ha[z]ard."     Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  1,  fol.  356  (14  Nov.). 

The  Haberdashers  on  receiving  an  order  to  provide  their  quota  of  770  qrs.  of 
wheat  "  in  this  time  of  Exigency  and  danger,"  ordered  a  committee  to  "  looke  into 
the  said  matter  of  provision  of  Corne  how  the  same  was  wont  to  be  provided  for- 
merly and  farther  how  the  same  was  wont  to  be  paid  for."  Court  Assistant,  iii,  fol. 
323  (1  Dec,  1688). 

2  See  the  lists  of  com  provided  yearly  by  the  Mercers  and  Grocers  in  Appendix 
I. 

8  The  Committee  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  on  8  Feb.,  1693-94,  reported: 
"  Since  many  years  of  Plenty,  the  Severall  Companies  have  neglected  to  follow  the 
said  Method  [of  storing  up  corn]  and  yet  continue  to  receive  the  Money  upon  mak- 
ing free,  calling  upon  the  Livery,  Fines,  &c  and  convert  it  to  other  uses  lesse  neces- 
sary and  comendable."     Council  Register,  Wm.  Ill,  iii,  fol.  333. 

*  A  committee  recommended,  2  June,  1674,  (a)  the  creation  of  a  "  Joynt  stock," 
contributed  to  by  citizens  and  companies,  for  the  purchase  of  a  supply  of  corn  with 
which  to  provide  the  markets  daily;  (b)  the  use  of  the  Bridgehouse,  Bridewell,  etc., 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  89 

sidered  as  an  immediate  possibility  by  the  Court  of  Aldermen,1 
who  thereby  recognized  the  fact  that  the  old  system  was  dead,2 
though,  as  seen  above,  its  revival  was  unsuccessfully  attempted  a 
decade  later. 

5.    The  Significance  of  Municipal  Corn  Regulation 
and  Provision 

A  study  of  the  town  regulations  of  the  corn  trade  and  of  the 
provision  of  corn  has  suggested  four  stages  of  development. 

The  first,  lasting  till  the  twelfth  century,  was  the  period 
of  the  agricultural  market  town,  or  small  community  with  a 
market,  though  still  largely  agrarian.  Such  a  town  did  not 
need  to  regulate  its  corn  trade,  since  corn  supply  was  not  a  vital 
problem. 

The  second  stage,  in  England  covering  in  point  of  time  about 
four  hundred  years,  until  the  sixteenth  century,  may  be  desig- 
nated as  the  period  of  the  small  commercial  and  industrial 
town.  The  latter  had  ceased  to  be  agricultural  and  became 
preponderatingly  commercial  and  industrial.  This  stage  was 
characterized  by  municipal  regulations  in  favor  of  the  consumer 
within  the  town.  The  greater  number  of  towns,  indeed,  re- 
mained in  this  stage  till  the  end. 

The  difficulty  of  securing  a  corn  supply  experienced  by  the 
slowly  growing  town  of  the  late  middle  ages  seems  to  have  arisen 
not  only  from  its  growth  in  population  and  its  divorce  from 
agriculture,  but  from  the  decline  of  the  manorial  marketing 
system.  The  gradual  disappearance  of  this  system  deprived  the 
town  of  the  corn  formerly  supplied  by  an  organization  which 
could  tap  several  local  areas,  and  compelled  the  town  to  rely 

as  places  of  storage;  (c)  the  restoration  of  Bishopsgate,  Leadenhall,  Newgate,  and 
Southwark  as  meal  markets;  and  (d)  the  weekly  regulation  of  prices  by  the  Court 
of  Aldermen.     Repertory,  lxxix,  fols.  240  f. 

1  It  was  ordered  on  16  Dec,  1678,  that  "  The  Book  ...  for  a  Subscription  to  a 
joynt  Stock  for  Corne  and  Coles  be  again  brought  in  and  considered  .  .  .  after 
Christmas  .  .  .  that  designe  may  speedly  be  prosecuted  &  put  in  Execution." 
Ibid.,  lxxxiv,  fol.  30. 

2  The  corn  accounts  of  the  Merchant  Tailors  begin  in  1578-79  and  continue  until 
at  least  1681-82,  which  was  the  last  year  examined.  These  accounts  show  no  corn 
bought,  and  only  one  lot  sold,  after  1663-64. 


90  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

upon  the  local  territorial  marketing  organization  of  the  tenants 
of  the  immediate  neighborhood.  Probably  the  hardship  in  the 
latter  development  lay  not  so  much  in  the  inability  of  the  rural 
tenants  to  supply  the  town,1  as  in  the  temporary  disorganization 
involved  in  the  change. 

Looking  at  the  course  of  development  in  various  Continental 
towns  in  this  second  stage,  we  may  see  certain  phases  of  municipal 
growth  carried  to  their  logical  conclusion  more  completely  than 
in  England.  The  Strassenzwang,  or  compulsory  carriage  of  corn 
to  a  certain  municipal  center  for  sale,  was  found  on  the  Continent, 
but  not  in  England.  Furthermore,  by  the  law  of  the  staple, 
certain  towns  had  the  right  to  compel  all  dealers  to  sell  the 
corn  or  other  goods  which  they  brought  within  the  walls.  This 
gave  rise  to  contests  of  great  interest  such  as  those  between 
Magdeburg  and  Hamburg,  Stettin  and  Damm  and  other  towns, 
and  Ghent  and  Ypres.  But  neither  the  right  nor  the  contest  had 
any  exact  parallel  in  England.  Nor  was  the  Niederlagsrecht, 
whereby  a  town  had  the  right  to  prevent  any  other  town  situ- 
ated on  the  same  river  or  in  the  same  district  from  warehousing 
corn,  an  English  custom.  But  both  English  and  Continental 
towns  imposed  and  collected  local  tolls  on  corn  brought  within 
the  town  for  sale.  The  market  regulations,  most  of  which  have 
been  mentioned  above,2  formed  the  great  bulk  of  municipal 
trade  legislation,  and  were  common  to  England  and  the  Con- 
tinent. Indeed,  so  parallel  do  they  run,  that  one  suspects  there 
was  considerable  copying  by  one  town  of  the  regulations  of 
another. 

The  third  stage  was  that  of  the  growing  central  town,  which  was 
fast  climbing  into  a  place  of  prominence  among  its  neighbors. 
This  stage  may  be  generally  placed  within  the  fifteenth,  sixteenth, 
and  seventeenth  centuries,  in  the  case  of  London  more  specifically 
from  about  1500  to  about  1660.  Although  the  town  had  been  a 
consuming  center  in  the  earlier  period,  the  increase  in  consump- 
tion now  became  a  significant  feature  and  led  to  the  municipal 
provision  of  corn. 

1  Above,  p.  73.  *  Above,  pp.  65-73.    See  also  ch.  6. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  9 1 

In  one  of  the  London  records  it  is  clearly  stated  that  the  pur- 
pose of  the  storage  of  corn  which  took  place  at  this  stage  was  "  to 
kepe  downe  the  prices,"  *  nothing  being  said  about  providing  a 
sufficient  (as  well  as  cheap)  supply  for  the  city's  use.  In  other 
words,  the  aim  was  to  use  this  specially  provided  supply  to 
undersell  the  corn  dealer,  or  at  any  rate  to  keep  prices  at  such 
levels  as  the  poor  were  able  or  willing  to  pay.  This  was  specifi- 
cally declared  to  be  2  d.  or  4  d.  per  bushel  "  under  the  price  in  the 
markett."  2  And  further  it  is  to  be  noted  that  this  grain  was 
generally  ground  into  flour  before  being  sold  to  the  poor,  and  on 
occasion  of  great  dearth  was  even  baked  into  bread  for  sale.3 

One  of  the  objects  of  the  city  authorities  was  to  lay  up  corn 
when  prices  were  low 4  and  to  sell  to  the  poor  when  high.  Thus 
no  loss  of  money  was  contemplated,  though  in  practice  such  a 
loss  did  occur.  The  idea  was  further  to  equalize  as  far  as  possible 
the  price  of  grain  throughout  the  year,  and  from  year  to  year. 
The  effect  of  such  a  policy  upon  the  corn  dealer,  if  the  result  was 
as  planned,  would  of  course  have  been  disastrous.  And  if  the 
dealer  had  been  eliminated,  the  difficulties  of  the  city  would 
only  have  been  increased.  Since  over  another  century  had  to 
pass  before  the  value  of  the  middleman  was  recognized,  we 
cannot  expect  that  the  boomerang  nature  of  these  measures  was 
evident  to  their  framers. 

We  might  expect,  prima  facie,  that  the  city  magistracy,  making 
such  extraordinary  efforts  to  keep  down  prices,  would  have  fixed 
a  maximum  price  for  corn  —  by  way  of  imitation  of  the  occasional 
action  of  the  national  authorities.5  This,  indeed,  was  done, 
but  we  are  probably  not  to  regard  it  as  the  rule  but  the 

1  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Corn  Book  (temp.  Eliz.). 

2  Letter  Book,  vol.  Y,  fols.  272-273. 

5  The  town  authorities  ordered  each  company  "  to  cause  the  quantity  of  — 
quarters  of  wheate,  parcell  of  your  owne  store  and  provision  to  be  ground  into  meale 
and  baked  into  White  and  Wheaten  bread  .  .  .  and  to  sell  the  same  in  Cheapeside 
or  leadenhall  or  elsewhere."    Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxvii,  fol.  261  (1608). 

*  For  example,  it  was  ordered  in  1565  that "  the  sayd  Lord  Mayor  and  Alderman 
shall  make  yerly  the  like  provision  of  Rye  and  Barlye  [as  of  wheat]  at  such  tyme  of 
the  yere  as  the  same  shall  be  most  plentyful  and  best  chepe."  Repertory,  xv,  fol. 
472  (25  Sept.). 

•  See  below,  pp.  132-133. 


92  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

exception.1  Had  the  maximum  price  at  which  corn  might  be 
sold  in  the  metropolis  been  officially  fixed,  corn  would  not  have 
flowed  in  fast  enough.  Not  only  was  no  maximum  price  deter- 
mined at  certain  crises  during  the  early  days  of  this  third  period 
in  England,  but  the  minimum  price  to  be  paid  to  corn  dealers  was 
set  sufficiently  high  to  attract  corn.2 

The  origin  of  the  municipal  storage  system  has  been  variously 
explained.  It  has  been  stated  that  the  town,  in  this  case  Norwich, 
was  just  assisting  the  church  in  its  charitable  work.3  The  lack  of 
private  capital  necessary  to  provide  sufficient  corn  in  times  of 
dearth  has  been  assigned  as  a  cause.4  Against  this  may  be 
urged  the  fact  that  practically  all  of  the  corn  was  at  all  times 
really  brought  in  by  private  enterprise  and  merely  stored  up  by 
the  town  authorities.  Another  explanation,  put  forth  by  the 
same  writer,  is  that  municipal  action  would  prevent  private 
merchants  from  monopolizing  supply.5  Of  course  this  negatives 
the  preceding  reason,  for  merchants  could  not  be  both  too  poor  to 
provide  sufficient  corn  and  rich  enough  to  monopolize  supply. 

Low  prices  and  a  sufficient  store  were,  as  indicated  above,  the 
simple  objects  aimed  at  by  the  London  authorities,  but  chiefly 
supply.      This  question  of  supply  arose  from  the  increase  in 

1  The  rule  that  the  maximum  price  of  com  was  not  regularly  set  by  local 
authorities  has  two  exceptions,  typified  by  the  following  instances: 

(a)  The  maximum  price  of  meal,  the  commodity  of  trade  of  mealmen,  was  fixed 
in  London  as,  for  example,  in  1522  (Repertory,  vi,  fol.  3b),  in  1571  (Letter  Book, 
vol.  X,  fol.  66b),  and  in  1572-73  (ibid.,  fol.  in). 

(b)  Even  unground  corn  was  in  the  non-metropolitan  York  allotted  a  maximum 
price  in  a  year  of  dearth  (1565).  This  applied,  however,  only  to  the  corn  of  licensed 
dealers  and  extended  only  to  one-fourth  of  their  supply.  The  History  of  Antiqui- 
ties of  .  .  .  York,  i,  p.  300. 

In  these  cases  the  aim  was  not  so  much  to  keep  prices  down  as  to  prevent  corn 
middlemen  from  gaining  undue  profits.  Experience  was  to  teach  the  authorities, 
however,  that  restrictions  upon  the  middleman,  like  those  upon  the  producer,  tended 
to  diminish  the  supply.  For  example  in  1630  the  privy  council  advised  the  Lord 
Mayor  to  relax  the  price  of  meal  for  the  time  being,  "  since  the  Marketts  are  not 
sufficiently  supplyed."     MS.,  Treasury  Office,  Council  Register,  Car.  I,  vi,  fol.  258. 

*  Above,  pp.  77-78. 

1  Hudson  and  Lingey,  Select  Records  of  the  City  of  Noranch,  i,  p.  xcvii  (1520). 

*  Ashley,  English  Economic  History  and  Theory,  pt.  2,  p.  38;  cf.  Meredith,  Eco- 
nomic History  of  England,  p.  130. 

5  Ashley,  op.  cit.,  p.  38. 


MUNICIPAL  CORN  REGULATION  93 

population  and  the  resulting  necessity  of  drawing  upon  a  wider 
corn  area.  The  demand  tended  to  outrun  the  organized  supply. 
Disorganization  was  the  result.  Indeed,  market  disorganization 
is  one  of  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  early  growth  of  such 
metropolitan  centers. 

Such  towns  as  Hamburg,  Stettin,  and  Danzig,  situated  in 
districts  of  great  corn  production  and  upon  navigable  rivers 
tapping  areas  of  corn  supply,  did  not  long  continue  in  this  third 
stage.  Nevertheless,  they  retained  the  regulations  of  the  second 
period  adding  those  characteristic  of  the  third. 

London,  on  the  other  hand,  remained,  as  will  appear  below, 
much  longer  in  this  stage  of  development  for  definitely  assignable 
causes.  Other  towns  such  as  Nurnberg,  Augsburg,  and  Paris, 
industrial  in  character  and,  therefore,  great  consuming  centers, 
and  those  towns  in  which  considerable  beer  and  spirits  were 
manufactured,  also  remained  within  this  stage  when  situated  in 
areas  of  no  notable  surplus  of  corn. 

During  the  fourth  stage  these  central  towns  became  exporting 
centers.  Although  those  that  reached  this  condition  were  com- 
mercial and,  perhaps,  industrial,  it  was  an  indispensable  condition 
that  they  be  situated  in  corn-producing  areas.  Such  towns  aimed 
at  allowing  exportation  whenever  it  seemed  safe.  The  regula- 
tions of  the  second  period  were  retained,  as  well  as  the  special 
provision  of  the  third.  But  the  export  of  corn  was  now  given 
special  encouragement,  at  all  such  times  as  it  seemed  to  threaten 
no  scarcity. 

The  granaries  of  the  third  period  were  superseded  by  those  of 
private  dealers  who  sought  primarily  their  own  profit,  and  whose 
activities  were  free  from  municipal  supervision. 

London,  in  this  respect  unique  among  English  towns  as  far  as 
the  period  covered  by  this  work  is  concerned,  entered  this  stage 
about  1660,  as  will  appear  below; l  Hamburg  and  Stettin,  very 
much  earlier.  In  both  of  the  latter  towns,  the  policies  of  the 
second,  third,  and  fourth  stages  are  found  side  by  side.  The 
consumer  was  given  a  first  chance  in  the  purchase  of  his  supply; 
the  storage  of  corn  was  provided  for;  and  exportation  took  place 

1  pp.  1 1 2-1 14, 255. 


94  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

freely,  from  Stettin  on  the  payment  of  a  special  tax,  and  from 
Hamburg  to  the  extent  of  fifty  per  cent  (in  Ghent  seventy-five 
per  cent)  of  the  corn  supply.1  The  town,  which  had  formerly 
been  a  drain  upon  the  nearby  district,  and  most  of  all  in  times  of 
dearth,  became  in  this  period  the  storehouse  upon  which  in  an 
emergency  the  vicinity  could  draw.  This  is  exemplified  by  both 
Hamburg  and  London  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

Such  generalizations  seem  to  explain  a  mass  of  facts  otherwise 
isolated  and  meaningless.  But  the  stages  here  suggested  are  not 
applicable  to  all  towns;  only  to  the  most  typical. 

The  process  of  change  was  from  the  husbanding  of  a  corn 
supply  to  the  export  of  a  large  surplus;  and  from  ever-present 
suspicion  of  the  corn  middleman  to  a  recognition  of  the  general 
community  of  interests  of  the  dealer  and  the  public.  This  was 
a  part  of  the  development  from  localism  to  metropolitanism, 
described  in  succeeding  chapters. 

1  W.  Naud6,  Deutsche  stddtische  Getreidehandelspolitik,  p.  109. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  IN  THE  SLXTEENTH  AND 
SEVENTEENTH  CENTURIES 

i.  The  Conception  of  a  Metropolitan  Market 

In  our  analysis  of  municipal  activities  in  the  corn  trade,  four 
stages  were  distinguished.  These  were  the  agricultural  market 
town,  the  small  commercial  and  industrial  town,  the  central 
town,  and  the  exporting  central  town.  The  last  two  present  but 
different  aspects  of  what  we  may  call  the  metropolitan  stage,  in 
which  the  trade  of  a  metropolitan  center  dominated  a  large  area 
called  the  metropolitan  market. 

The  metropolitan  market  may  be  described  as  a  large  district 
having  one  center  in  which  is  focused  a  considerable  trade.  Trade 
between  outlying  ports  of  course  may  take  place,  but  it  is  that 
between  the  metropolitan  town  and  the  rest  of  the  area  that 
dominates  all.  This  is  chiefly  the  exchange  of  the  raw  products 
of  the  country  for  the  manufactured  or  imported  goods  of  the 
town.  The  prices  of  all  goods  sent  to  the  metropolitan  center 
are  "  made  "  there,  or,  in  other  words,  prices  dmiinish  as  the 
distance  from  the  center  is  increased. 

The  conception  of  a  metropolitan  market  area  has  not  had  a 
very  long  history.  Johann  Heinrich  von  Thunen  (i  783-1850) 
was  the  first  investigator  whose  contribution  to  the  subject  is  of 
importance.  Although  this  practical  farmer  of  Mecklenburg  had 
by  1820  completed  the  first  part  of  his  famous  work  Der  isolirte 
Staat,  he  delayed  publishing  it  till  1828.1  To  the  historian  of 
economic  theory  his  work  has  a  many-sided  interest:  his  methods 
of  isolating  phenomena  and  of  reducing  to  mathematical  for- 
mulae the  mass  of  facts  inductively  obtained;  his  theories  of 

1  Der  isolirte  Staat  in  Beziehung  auf  Landwirthschaft  und  N ationaldkonomie, 
oder  U titer suchungen  iiber  den  Einfluss,  den  die  Getreidepreise,  der  Reichtkum  des 
Bodens  und  die  Abgaben  auf  den  Ackerbau  ausiiben,  pt.  i  (Rostock,  2d  ed.,  1842). 

9S 


96  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

wages,  interest,  and  rent;  and  the  theory  of  the  variation  of  agri- 
cultural production  with  respect  to  the  needs  of  the  market.1 
Only  the  first  and  the  third  concern  us  here. 

He  began  with  the  following  hypothesis:  "  Let  us  imagine  a 
very  large  town  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  fertile  plain  with 
neither  navigable  river  nor  canal.  Let  this  plain  consist  of  soil 
which  is  uniform  in  quality  and  everywhere  suitable  for  agri- 
culture. Let  this  plain,  in  short,  extend  a  great  distance  from 
the  town,  and  be  surrounded  by  an  uncultivated  waste  separating 
the  state  entirely  from  the  rest  of  the  world. 

"Let  it  contain  no  other  town  than  this  large  one,  which  must 
supply  the  countryside  with  all  manufactured  products,  while 
the  town  itself  can  be  furnished  from  the  surrounding  country."  2 

This  hypothetical  district  cannot  be  made  to  fit  exactly  into 
any  historical  category;  but  it  is  interesting  to  compare  it  with 
our  local  market  area.  Von  Thunen  assumed  the  isolation  for 
convenience  of  argument  and  analysis;  he  did  not  find  it  a  reality. 
Indeed,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  book  he  brings  the  situation 
down  to  existing  conditions:  "  There  is  no  single  large  town  that 
is  not  situated  on  a  river,  or  canal  ";  likewise,  "  Each  state  of 
any  size  having  a  large  central  town  has  also  a  great  number  of 
smaller  towns  scattered  over  its  territory."  3  After  this  follows 
a  description  of  what  bears  some  resemblance  to  a  metropolitan 
market: 

"  The  small  towns  scattered  over  the  surface  of  the  country 
need  to  be  as  well  provisioned  as  the  capital  town,  and  the  estates 
situated  in  the  neighborhood  will  furnish  them  with  grain  —  as 
long  as  they  need  anything  —  instead  of  sending  it  to  the  capital 
town.  We  may  call  the  group  of  estates,  or  the  extent  of  terri- 
tory necessary  to  provide  the  town  with  sufficient  food,  the  terri- 
tory of  the  town.  This  territory  is  lost  to  the  capital  town,  since 
the  latter  obtains  nothing  from  it,  and  the  small  town  is  to  the 
capital  town  in  respect  to  the  supply  of  food,  as  if  its  territory 
were  only  a  desert,  without  any  products.     Let  us  depict  the  vast 

1  See  Max  Biichler,  Johann  Hcinrich  von  Thilnen,  Bern,  1907. 

*  Der  isolirte  Stoat,  pt.  i,  p.  1. 

*  Ibid.,  pt.  i,  p.  268. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  97 

plain  of  the  isolated  state  as  covered  with  a  great  number  of  these 
desert  places,  then  the  food  of  the  capital  town  can  be  secured 
only  at  much  greater  distances,  and  the  circles  must  be  extended 
to  meet  the  demand.  But  with  this  great  extension  of  the  dis- 
tance, the  cost  is  increased  of  the  transportation  of  the  grain  sent 
to  the  town  by  the  farthest  section  of  the  plain  devoted  to 
agriculture,  and  such  increase  of  the  cost  of  transportation  results, 
as  we  have  seen,  in  an  increase  in  the  price  of  grain  within  the 
capital  town. 

"As  for  the  small  towns,  the  price  of  grain  there  is  determined 
by  laws  quite  different  from  what  they  would  be  if  they,  along 
with  their  territory,  were  completely  isolated  from  the  rest  of  the 
world.  Indeed,  the  estates  situated  on  this  territory  have  a 
choice  of  sending  their  grain  either  to  the  small  town  or  to  the 
capital  town.  If  then,  the  small  town  also  wants  grain,  it  must 
persuade  the  producer  to  send  the  grain  to  it  instead,  and  must 
pay  the  market  price  of  the  capital  town,  less  the  cost  of  trans- 
portation, that  is,  the  value  of  the  grain  upon  the  estate.  Thus 
the  price  of  the  grain  in  the  small  towns  is  determined  by  the 
market  price  of  the  capital  town;  they  are  completely  dependent 
upon  it. 

"In  place  of  the  small  towns,  we  may  suppose  several  states  of 
considerable  extent;  and  the  liberty  of  trade  being  admitted,  the 
latter  can  no  more  than  the  former  withdraw  from  the  all-power- 
ful influence  of  the  large  town  in  the  fixing  of  prices."  l 

Valuable  as  this  description  is,  it  is  based  upon  a  knowledge 
primarily  of  German  conditions,  confined  apparently  to  the  late 
eighteenth  and  early  nineteenth  centuries,  and  displaying  little 
or  no  appreciation  of  the  historical  development  from  the  local 
to  the  metropolitan  market. 

Naude,  one  of  the  many  who  have  commented  upon  von 
Thiinen's  theories,  made  in  1889  these  brief  but  interesting 
remarks:  "  There  existed,  however,  in  that  early  period  of  muni- 
cipal grain  trade  policy,  of  which  we  have  spoken,  no  influence 
of  the  great  central  markets.  It  was  a  question  of  little  local 
market  areas,  to  which  by  land  rather  than  by  water  the  corn 

1  Der  isolirte  Stoat,  pt.  i,  pp.  273  f. 


98  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

was  sent  from  the  vicinity,  and  which  thus  came  near  enough  to 
the  isolated  grain  markets  of  von  Thiinen. 

"  All  that  was  changed  when  the  rivers  were  navigable,  when, 
as  a  result  of  this,  indeed,  some  markets  arose  in  the  grain  trade 
which  were  favorably  situated  for  the  German  central  market. 

"  There  is  a  second  stage  of  development  in  the  grain  trade,  in 
the  case  of  those  towns  which  have  water  connections,  and  which 
can,  therefore,  receive  imports  even  from  afar.  This  second 
epoch  of  municipal  grain  trade,  in  which  we  can  begin  to  speak 
of  a  real  trade  in  grain,  does  not  arise  chronologically  at  any 
definite  time,  but  depends,  as  before  noted,  upon  the  situation  of 
each  individual  town."  l 

There  is  in  these  brief  paragraphs  a  conception  of  historical 
growth  which  von  Thiinen  lacked,  something,  indeed,  very  close 
to  our  local  markets  and  metropolitan  market;  but  the  idea 
remained  undeveloped. 

Mr.  A.  P.  Usher,  who  has  made  a  careful  study  of  market 
conditions  in  France  in  the  early  modern  period  has  given  a  turn 
to  the  whole  subject  hitherto  lacking.2  Using  chiefly  official 
correspondence,  he  has  described  the  growth  of  the  market  area 
in  France,  and  has  performed  the  valuable  service  of  applying 
the  term  "  metropolitan,"  corresponding  to  the  "  Centralstadt" 
or  "  Hauptstadt  "  of  von  Thiinen,  to  the  larger  market  area  of 
the  time  of  Colbert* 

Arthur  Young  (i  741-1820)  was  apparently  the  first  to  consider 
the  subject  of  metropolitan  influence  in  England.  He  collected 
prices  for  wheat,  bread,  butter,  cattle,  and  cheese  throughout 
southern  England.  In  connection  with  his  butter  prices  he 
remarked:  "  You  must  certainly  allow  that  the  rise  and  fall  of 
these  prices,  in  proportion  to  the  distance  from  the  capital,  are 
too  regular  to  be  the  effect  of  soil  or  accident;  they  are  probably 
caused  by  the  London  markets; 3  since  if  goodness  of  soil  or 

1  Naud6,  Deutsche  sladtische  Getreidehandels politik,  p.  14. 

*  The  History  of  the  Grain  Trade  in  France,  1400-1710,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  1913. 

'  Compare  von  Thiinen: 

"  Under  these  conditions  [that  the  central  town  is  the  sole  market  for  grain,  and 
that  there  is  no  navigable  canal  in  the  whole  state,  and  all  grain  must  be  brought  to 
the  town  by  wagon]  the  price  of  grain  in  the  town  governs  that  of  the  whole  country. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  99 

quality  of  grass  operated  so  strongly,  it  should  sink  instead  of 
raise  the  London  prices.  The  difference  between  that  city  and 
the  cheap  parts  of  the  kingdom  is  3  d.  per  lb.,  which  is  very 
considerable,  much  more  than  I  apprehended.  The  variation 
will  appear  at  one  view  in  the  following  little  table: 

London,  and  20  miles  round,  mean  price 8  d. 

From  20  miles  to  60 6f  d. 

From  60  miles  to  1 10 6  d. 

From  no  miles  to  170 Si  d." l 

Similar  figures  were  found  for  cattle  and  cheese,  illustrating  "  the 
influence  of  that  capital."  Not  so,  however,  in  the  case  of  bread 
and  wheat;  but  here  his  conclusions  are  not  so  valuable.  Indeed, 
although  Arthur  Young's  methods  were  good,  his  materials  were 
scanty.  The  area  covered  was  only  southern  England,  and  the 
number  of  towns  represented  was  not  large.  Furthermore,  the 
prices  used  were  those  prevailing  during  the  few  weeks  when 
the  author  visited  the  districts,  a  period  altogether  too  short  to 
form  an  adequate  basis  of  comparison.  But  he  had,  nevertheless, 
perceived  the  influence  of  a  metropolitan  price-making  center. 

The  importance  of  the  metropolitan  market  and  its  place  in 
history  are  dealt  with  in  subsequent  chapters.  The  evidence  of 
its  development  is  presented  in  the  following  sections  of  this 
chapter. 

2.  Foreign  Supply 

The  effect  of  the  growth  of  London  upon  the  importation  of 
grain  demands  a  consideration  which  has  hitherto  not  been 
adequately  given.  For  the  study  of  England's  dependence  on 
foreign  corn  up  to  1303  there  are  the  accounts  of  town  tolls,  the 
letters  patent  and  close,  and  a  few  statements  from  the  chronicles. 
From  1303  to  15 10  the  Customs  Accounts  are  of  value,  but  on 

In  the  country,  however,  the  value  of  corn  is  not  so  high  as  the  market  price  in  the 
town;  for  before  this  price  can  be  paid  the  corn  must  be  brought  to  the  town,  and 
the  value  of  the  corn  in  the  country  is  equal  to  the  value  in  the  town,  less  the  cost  of 
transportation."    Der  isolirte  Staat,  pt.  i,  p.  5. 

1  A  Six  Weeks  Tour  through  the  Southern  Counties  of  England  and  Wales,  p.  326. 

In  1753  in  the  pamphlet  entitled  "  Reflections  on  the  Expediency  of  Opening 
the  Trade  to  Turkey  "  (p.  4),  it  is  stated  "  That  the  Port  of  London  is  the  dearest 
in  the  Kingdom,  both  for  Exporting  and  Importing  of  Goods." 


IOO  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

the  whole  disappointing.  From  1303  on,  except  for  a  few  years  of 
the  reign  of  Edward  II,  the  petty  customs  were  due  on  imported 
corn.  But  corn  imported  by  denizens  became  liable  to  import 
duty  only  when  poundage  was  due,  and  poundage  was  imposed 
for  the  first  time  in  1347  and  was  irregular  for  about  a  century. 
During  the  fifteenth  century  corn  was  exempt  from  import  dues. 
From  1 5 10,  however,  it  was  subject  to  an  import  tax  and  the 
evidence  for  the  whole  Tudor  and  Stuart  periods  is  voluminous 
in  both  the  Customs  Accounts  and  the  Port  Books.  The  Privy 
Council  Register  and  London  Repertories  and  Journals  are  like- 
wise of  value  as  are  the  several  tracts  on  trade  beginning  in  the 
late  fifteenth  century. 

In  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  corn  was  imported,  it 
seems,  only  on  a  failure  of  the  domestic  crops.  England  was 
apparently  importing  Irish  corn  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury.1 It  was  probably  German  corn  that  was  brought  into 
London  to  meet  the  dearth  of  1258.2  Licenses  to  import  grain 
were  given  in  the  thirteenth  century  to  English  merchants  and 
to  the  merchants  of  other  lands.8    Such  instances  might  easily  be 

1  An  English  chronicler  speaking  of  Chester  says:  "  Regio  f arris  et  maxime 
tritici,  ut  pleraque  Aquilonalium,  jejuna  et  inops,  pecorum  et  piscium  ferax.  In- 
colae  lac  et  butirum  delitias  habent;  qui  ditiores  sunt  carnibus  vivunt,  panem 
ordeitium  et  siligineum  pro  magno  amplectuntur.  Transmittitur  a  Cestra  Hiber- 
niam  revehunturque  civitati  necessaria,  ut  quod  minus  natura  soli  habet  labor 
negotiant ium  apportet.  William  of  Malmesbury,  Gcsla  Pontificum  (Rolls  Series), 
p.  308. 

1  Eodem  tempore  [March,  1257-58],  cum  fames  ingrueret  inaudita,  ita  ut  multi 
in  semetipsis  contabescentes  morerentur,  et  summa  frumenti  Londoniis  novem  vel 
amplius  [solidis]  venderetur,  applicuerunt  ibidem  de  partibus  transmarinis,  procu- 
rante  rege  Alemanniae  Ricardo,  circiter  quinquaginta  naves  magnae,  onustae  fru- 
mento,  ordeo,  sil[gi]ne,  et  pane.     Matthew  Paris,  Chronica  Majora,  v,  p.  673. 

*  e.g.,  Rotuli  Normanniae,  pp.  84-86  (1203);  Roluli  LiUerarum  Clausarum,  ii, 
p.  204b  (1226). 

Note  in  particular  the  following:  Rex  dilecto  et  ndeli  suo  M.  filio  Geroldi,  jus- 
tiriario  suo  Hybemie,  salutem.  Vestra  non  ignorare  debet  discretio  quod  dignum 
est,  et  id  volumus,  quod  terra  nostra  Anglie  et  terra  nostra  Hibernie  communes  sint 
adinvicem  et  quod  homines  nostri  Anghe  et  Hibernie  hinc  inde  negotiari  possint 
ad  commodum  et  emendationem  terrarum  predictarum.  Et  ideo  nobis  mandamus 
quod  homines  de  terra  Hibernica  volentes  blada  ducere  venalia  in  terram  nostram 
Anghe,  vel  homines  de  Bristollo  vel  alios  de  Anglia  volentes  emere  blada  in 
Hibernia  ducenda  in  Angliam,  in  nullo  impediatis  vel  impediri  permittatis  quin 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  IOI 

multiplied,  but  there  is  no  indication  that  this  trade  was  aught 
but  exceptional  and  sporadic. 

As  we  read  the  Statute  Book  and  the  Rolls  of  Parliament,  we 
get  the  impression  that  by  the  fifteenth  century  corn  had  become 
an  important  item  of  the  import  trade.  In  1449  the  Commons 
petitioned  against  the  "  daily  "  import  of  corn  which  depleted 
the  country  of  the  precious  metals.1  And  in  1463  it  was  enacted 
that  no  corn  should  be  imported  unless  prices  were  low.2  Fortes- 
cue,  it  is  also  to  be  noted,  enumerates  corn  and  meal  as  articles 
of  importation.3  The  obvious  inference  is  that  corn  was  an 
import  of  no  small  importance. 

It  might  seem  that,  since  the  customs  accounts  of  the  period 
(1401  to  1510)  record  the  importations  by  aliens  only  and  not 
by  denizens,  there  is  no  way  of  testing  the  above  inference; 
but  as  the  importation  of  corn  was  almost  wholly  in  the  hands  of 
aliens  till  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  statistics  of 
alien  imports  are  really  conclusive.  For  year  after  year  in  weary 
succession  these  customs  ledgers  record  no  importations  at  all,  or 
only  occasionally  and  in  small  amounts.4  We  may  argue, 
therefore,  despite  the  opinions  of  fifteenth  century  alarmists, 
that  throughout  the  middle  ages  England  found  foreign  corn 
necessary  only  in  the  most  exceptional  circumstances,  and  would 
consequently  develop  no  organization  in  the  import  corn  trade. 

In  the  Tudor  period,  there  occurred  a  change  of  the  greatest 
importance.  Although  the  figures  for  the  corn  imports  of  both 
aliens  and  denizens  show  little  or  no  change  in  the  outports,  they 
show  a  marked  development  in  the  case  of  London.  When  in 
1594  the  Lord  Mayor  wrote  that  London  was  accustomed  to  be 
relieved  in  time  of  dearth  by  corn  "  only  from  Foreign  Parts,"  5 
he  recorded  an  important  half-truth.  London  had  broken  the 
continuity  of  its  early  independence  of  foreign  corn.  This  is 
made  clear  in  the  following  table. 

Hbere  et  sine  impedimento  id  facere  possint.  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  H.  Ill,  iii, 
p.  162  (25  Jan.,  1234-35). 

1  Rotidi  Parliamentorum,  v,  p.  155.         *  3  Ed.  IV,  c.  2. 

■  Fortescue,  Works,  i,  p.  553. 

4  See  Statistical  Appendix  B. 

6  Stow,  Survey  of  London  (ed.  Strype,  1720),  ii,  p.  368. 


102 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


London  Corn 

Imports 

Year* 

Aliens 
Qrs. 

Al.  and 
Denizens        Den. 
Qrs.           Qrs. 

Year 

Aliens 
Qrs. 

Denizens 
Qrs. 

Al.  and 
Den. 
Qrs. 

1502-03 

3,200 

1633-34 

29,447 

1512-13 

18,271 

1634-35 

10,815 

1548-49 

0 

1635-36 

12,171 

1540-50 

14,488 

1637-38 

98,501 

56,795 

I550-5I 

14,146 

1639-40 

504 

2,906 

1552-53 

0 

1662-63 

9,379 

1553-54 

1668-69 

4,434 

1567-68 

O      

1671-72 

IO 

O 

1571-72 

0 

1675-76 

O 

1587-88 

1676-77 

485 

O 

1589-90 

0 

1678-79 

777 

1608-09 

31.597 

1680-81 

24,696 

O 

1625-26 

2i,794     

1681-82 

3,387 

1626-27 

2 

1697-97  * 

0 

1630-31 

13,649 

This  statistical  evidence  is  substantiated  by  numerous  records 
in  the  Privy  Council  Register  and  the  London  Repertories  and 
Journals.  The  growth  of  London  had  created  a  large  demand 
which  in  turn  gave  rise  to  an  organized  import  trade,  as  will  be 
seen  in  a  study  of  the  corn  middleman.  All  this  is  the  more 
interesting  when  it  is  realized  that  there  was  a  great  increase 
in  general  corn  exportation  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

As  an  example  of  the  outports  during  the  period  1600-60, 
Yarmouth  may  be  taken.  For  no  year  during  the  Tudor  period 
were  more  than  250  quarters  of  corn  imported,  and  rarely  was 
any  foreign  grain  brought  in  at  all.  The  following  table  ap- 
parently indicates  a  new  development. 

Yarmouth  Imports 

Year                                       Qrs.  Year                                       Qrs. 

1611-12 5,234  1621-22 7,566 

1618-19 O  1648        20,728 

1619-20 O 

An  examination  of  the  years  of  great  importation  shows  that 
prices  were  rising  fast,  while  during  the  years  of  no  importation 
prices  were  low.  In  other  words,  corn  was  imported  only  at 
times  of  great  dearth. 

1  Only  full  years  used.    In  case  of  the  other  years  the  records  were  incomplete, 
missing,  or  overlooked. 
*  25  March  —  Mich. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  103 

In  the  years  following,  1660-89,  the  outports  ceased  to  import 
corn  even  occasionally,  and  the  organized  import  trade  supplying 
London  with  foreign  corn  ceased  to  exist.  This  remarkable 
change  coincided  with  the  period  of  the  final  decline  of  London's 
municipal  corn  provision.  For  over  a  century  foreign  corn 
importations  had  played  an  important  part  in  the  growth  and 
prosperity  of  London.  It  was  to  be  more  than  a  century  before 
the  metropolis  again  imported  corn  to  any  extent,  and  this  time 
all  England  was  to  do  likewise. 

England  received  her  foreign  corn  from  many  sources.  The 
greatest  reliance  was  placed  in  the  Baltic  regions,  and  the  cus- 
toms accounts  show  that,  till  late  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
German  and  Baltic  corn,  in  considerable  quantities,  was  imported 
into  England.1  In  the  sixteenth  century  and  still  more  in  the 
early  seventeenth,  the  Dutch,  who  had  hitherto  imported  but 
little,  became  keen  rivals  of  the  Hanseatic  merchants,2  though 
in  this  case  there  was  little  change  in  the  general  source  of  supply, 
for  the  Dutch  themselves  received  most  of  their  corn  from  the 
Baltic.  In  the  seventeenth  century,  North  Africa  became  a 
source  from  which  England  secured  considerable  corn.3     Scot- 

1  During  the  year  1549-50,  Hanseatic  merchants  imported  7611  qrs.  out  of  a 
total  of  about  14,488  imported  by  aliens.     K.  R.  Customs,  85/9. 

On  13  June,  1630,  the  Privy  Council  recorded  that  it  is  well  known  "  that  those 
ports  beyond  the  seas  from  which  we  were  wonte  to  be  supplied  with  Come,  are  so 
wasted  and  troubled  by  warrs  [Thirty  Years'  War]  and  otherwise  as  that  we  cannot 
reasonably  expect  that  supply  from  thence  as  formerly."  MS.,  Treasury  Office, 
Council  Register,  Car.  I,  vi,  fol.  25. 

In  the  year  1662-63,  Germany  sent  to  London  8289  qrs.  as  against  1090  from 
Scotland,  the  only  other  country  from  which  imports  were  recorded.  MS.,  Br.  M., 
Add.,  36785. 

In  1668-69,  the  imports  into  London  were  from  the  following  regions  (ibid.): 

Germany 1,642  qrs.  +  1,800  lbs.  of  French  barley 

Eastland 2,39a    " 

Holland 296    ■ 

Scotland 100    " 

2  See  below,  pp.  194-195. 

8  The  following  table  shows  approximately  the  importations  of  London  for  the 
year  1 680-81. 

Tunis 7,449  qrs.  Bremen 950  qrs. 

Amsterdam 5,050    *  Rotterdam 670    " 

Danzig 2,560    "  "Holland" 615    * 

Hamburg 1,402    "  Scotland 611    ' 

MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Port  Books  (unclassified). 


104  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

land,  Ireland,  and  France  were,  for  those  parts  of  England  nearest 
to  them,  occasional  areas  of  supply,  and,  indeed,  at  times  of  some 
importance,1  but  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  they  sent  more 
corn  to  England  than  England  sent  to  them.  From  Spain  and 
Portugal  no  great  amount  of  importation  seems  to  have  taken 
place  during  our  period. 

3.  The  Metropolitan  Market  and  the  Domestic  Trade 

A  comparison  of  the  consumption  of  corn  in  London  with  the 
foreign  importation  shows  clearly  that  by  far  the  larger  part  of 
London's  supply  was  domestic.  To  that  area  on  which  the 
metropolis  drew  for  its  corn  provision  the  name  "  metropolitan  " 
has  been  applied. 

In  the  middle  ages,  as  has  been  seen,  London  was  but  first 
among  peers.2  Before  1500,  London,  like  Bristol  and  Southamp- 
ton, received  its  grain  from  the  district  immediately  adjacent, 
though  of  course  there  were  occasions  during  the  middle  ages 
when  London  drew  upon  a  wide  area.3  A  study  of  Tudor  and 
Stuart  market  conditions,  however,  shows  a  very  different  situ- 
ation. The  change  is  expressed  somewhat  vaguely  in  the  minutes 
of  the  Court  of  Aldermen  in  1573,  where  it  was  recorded  that 

1  For  example,  France  in  1633-34.  During  this  year  London  imported  from  the 
following  places  (account  imperfect,  many  entries  cannot  now  be  classified  at  all) : 

Bordeaux 7.333  qrs.          Hamburg 3,220  qrs. 

Rochelk J.594  "             Danzig 1,600  * 

Dunkirk 470  "             "  Sherant  " 1.232  " 

St.  Omer 226  "             Amsterdam 90s  " 

St.  Valery 192  "             Newport 500  " 

St.  Malo ISO  "             Rotterdam 510  * 

Caen 120  " 

1  Of  the  quindecima  of  5-7  John,  London  paid  £836, 1 2  s.  10  d.,  while  Southamp- 
ton paid  £712  3  s.  7J  d.     Pipe  Roll,  L.  T.  R.,  no.  50  (memb.  16b). 

1  For  example  in  Feb.,  1369-70,  permission  was  given  to  five  persons  to  trans- 
port corn  (1950  qrs.  in  all)  from  Lincolnshire  and  Norfolk  to  London.  Calendar  of 
Patent  Rolls,  Ed.  Ill,  xiv,  pp.  362-363.  In  1393-94  it  was  enacted  that  malt, 
"  brought  to  the  City  of  London  "  from  the  counties  of  Huntingdon,  Cambridge, 
Northampton,  Bedford,  and  Hertford,  should  be  clean  and  sold  at  eight  bushels  to 
the  quarter.  17  R.  II,  c.  4.  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  ii,  p.  88.  Perhaps  this  has 
reference  to  the  manorial  marketing  [described  above  (pp.  17-24),  and  at  this  very 
time  approaching  its  decline. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  105 

it  was  necessary  for  London  to  make  provision  "  in  Countries 
[counties]  lying  nere  the  sea  side  for  the  better  transportacion 
to  the  City  because  the  contrey  about  them  doth  not  bringe 
corne  to  the  markett  there  in  such  plentie  as  they  were  wonte 
and  as  will  suffice  the  Citie."  l 

In  addition  to  such  general  statements  as  that  above,  we  find 
in  metropolitan  and  national  archives  frequent  mention  of  indi- 
vidual corn  purchases  in  the  provinces,  and  in  the  London  Com 
Book,  the  Wheat  Books  of  the  City  bakers,  and  the  Certificate 
Books  of  both  London  and  the  outports  from  1549  onward  we 
also  have  an  ample  basis  for  statistical  evidence. 

In  the  Bridgehouse  Com  Book,  1568-73,  are  found  recorded 
one  hundred  and  twenty-one  shipments  2  to  London  from  the 
following  places:  — 

Kent 67  Suffolk 4 

Henley 41  Essex 3 

Sussex 5  York 1 

From  Michaelmas,  1573,  to  24  March,  1574,  the  shipments  to 
forty-eight  London  ale  brewers  were: 3 

Cambridgeshire 15  Hertfordshire    and     Cam- 
Bedfordshire  13                bridgeshire 2 

Hertfordshire 10            Norfolk 1 

Berkshire 7 

1  MS.,  Guildhall,  Repertory,  xviii,  fol.  75b.  The  following  are  indications  of 
the  widening  market  area.  A  royal  proclamation  was  issued  "  to  promote  free 
export  of  corn  from  the  Midlands  and  neighbouring  counties  to  London."  Biblio- 
theca  Lindesiana,  Royal  Proclamations  of  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  Sovereigns,  i,  §  80 
(1521-22). 

A  London  committee  was  "  to  take  order  for  the  provision  of  corne  to  be  made 
for  this  Cytie  in  the  countyes  of  Essex,  Suffolk,  Norfolke,  Lincolne  &  Yorke." 
Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fol.  254  (8  Oct.,  1573). 

The  Lord  Mayor  of  London  wrote  in  1573  or  1574  that  "  The  Cytie  hathe  bene 
cheiflie  furnished  with  all  kinde  of  grayne  for  provision  of  the  same  from  those 
shires  lyenge  westwarde  from  the  Cytie  and  aptlie  conveyed  to  the  Cytie  as  well 
by  lande  as  by  the  Ryver  of  Thames,  as  also  from  Kent,  Sussex,  Dorsetshire,  Hamp- 
shire, Essex,  Suffolk,  &  Norfolke  and  not  out  of  eny  forreyne  parte  but  upon 
sodeyne  and  meare  extremytie."     MS.,  Br.  M.,  Faust.,  C II,  fol.  156. 

2  Corn  lots  of  varying  amounts. 

*  Abstract  from  the  Lord  Mayor's  Corn  Book  (now  lost  ?),  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Galba 
C  II,  fols.  158-161. 


io6 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


And  from  20  October,  1573,  to  24  March,  1574,  London  received 
18,897  quarters  as  follows:  l 


Henley 8,050 

Norfolk 2,738 

Kent 2,458 

Sussex M36 

Lincolnshire 558 


Suffolk 544 

Plymouth 

Weymouth  f 896 

Dartmouth  J 

Hull 385 


Ports  Sending  Corn  to  London  by  Way  of  the  Coast  Trade 


1585-86  (Mich-Mich.) 

Shipments 

Faversham 210 

Milton 137 

Sandwich 82 

Rochester 35 


.464 


Ipswich 67 

Maldon 53 

Colchester n 

Woodbridge 5 

Dunwich 4 

Lynn 51 

Boston 19 

Yarmouth 19 

Blakeney 14 


140 


•  103 


Hull 7] 

Grimsby 2  r    10 

Newcastle 1 


Chichester 3 

Dover 3 

Hythe 3  ^    14 

Newhaven 3 

Meeching 2 

Bristol 1 

Unidentified 2 


Total 734 


1657-58  (1  Oct-25  June) 

Shipments 

Faversham 157 

Sandwich no 

Margate 94 

Milton 94 

Rochester 58 

Maldon 76 

Leigh  (Essex  ?) 74 

Colchester 24 

Ipswich 11 

Harwich 10 

Woodbridge 3 

Yarmouth 9 

Lynn 3 

Wisbeach 3 

Blakeney 1 

Boston 1 

Wells 1 

Hull 9 

Aldboro 1 

Hartlepool 1 

Stockton 1 

Whitby 1 

Berwick 

Dover 15 

Rye 7 

Newhaven 3 

Hastings 1 

Pevensey 1 

Exmouth 

Leith 

Dundee 

Others 

Total 


Si3 


198 


18 


13 


27 


!} 


3 
786 


1  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Galba  C  II,  fols.  152  f. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  lOJ 

From  1582  to  1631,  the  London  bakers  recorded  in  their  Wheat 
Books  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  shipments  of  corn,  forty-seven 
from  abroad,  and  eighty-five  from  the  provinces  as  follows: 

Norfolk 41  Lower  Thames 2 

Kent 27  Suffolk 2 

East  Essex 4  Sussex 1 

Yorkshire 4  South  West 1 

Upper  Thames 3 

Some  statistics  of  corn  movements  may  here  be  given  as 
typical.1  The  first  is  a  table  (see  preceding  page)  indicating  at 
two  different  periods,  the  places  along  the  coast  that  sent  corn 
to  London.  It  is  to  be  noted  this  table  does  not  indicate  the 
extension  of  the  supply  area  that  was  taking  place,  partly  be- 
cause the  second  year  covers  only  about  nine  months,  and  partly 
because  of  local  variations  in  corn  supply  so  sharply  reflected  in 
the  case  of  the  Norfolk  ports. 

The  process  of  extending  the  area  of  London's  corn  supply  is 
shown  by  the  following  table. 

Table  of  Corn  Sent  by  the  Coast  Trade  to  London 

Source  of  Supply  1570-80  1640-50  1680-81 

(Shipments)    (Shipments)    (Shipments) 

Kent 202  527  411 

Essex 17  94  65 

Suffolk 10  49  70 

Yarmouth 1  49  27 

Lynn 6  28  69 

Boston 11  9  11 

Hull 7  60  167 

Newcastle  o  2  92 

Sussex 8  32  49 

Southampton 1  34  58 

Devonshire  and  Cornwall o  102  13 

Bristol o  3  o 

S.Wales o  o  58 

N.  W.  England o  o  20 

Unplaced o  o  2 

Total  number  of  shipments ... .         263  989  1,112 

Total  number  of  quarters 18,090         84,607       191,650 

This  table  is  based  upon  figures  from  typical,  if  not  normal, 
years.     The  first  year  shows  the  rather  considerable  amount  of 

1  Further  data  of  this  subject  will  be  found  in  Appendix  D. 


108  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

corn  demanded  by  London  for  its  own  consumption.     During 

the  second  year  corn  was  scarce,  prices  high,  and  the  draw  of  the 

metropolis  hard.     The  third  saw  a  tremendous  flow  to  London, 

partly  for  export  and  partly  for  consumption. 

Another  test  of  the  development  of  the  domestic  supply  area 

has  been  made  by  examining  the  customs  records  of  the  sundry 

outports.     One  of  the  most  typical  is  presented  here,  based  upon 

the  statistics  of  corn  sent  out  of  Lynn  for  use  in  other  parts  of 

England. 

Corn  Shipped  Coastwise  from  Lynn,  i  549-1 688 
(Full  years  except  in  cases  noted) 


Year 

Total  Number 
of  Shipments 

Number  of 
Shipments 
to  London 

Total  Amount 
of  Corn 
inQrs. 

Amount  Sent 
to  London 

in  Qrs. 

Percentage 

Shipped 
to  London 

1540-50 ■ 

187 

9 

39,991 

1,653 

4.1 

1551-52 

166 

13 

24,122 

1,740 

7.2 

1557-58 

122 

I 

25,715 

160 

0.6 

1558-59 

75 

20 

11,629 

1,450 

12-5 

1561-62 

272 

23 

35,"8 

2,86l 

8.1 

1563-64 

183 

II 

27,440 

1,485 

5-4 

1569-70  * 

102 

12 

15,147 

976 

4.4 

1576-77 

172 

64 

26,211 

12,771 

48.7 

1584-85 

72 

14 

9,445 

1,682 

17.8 

1593-94 

116 

13 

20,563 

2,221 

10.8 

1596-97 

146 

47 

21,350 

IO,I47 

47-5 

1600-01 

66 

16 

8,098 

2,322 

28.7 

1620-21 

64 

44 

11,260 

9,373 

83.2 

1631-32 

130 

24 

8,587 

2,538 

29-5 

1633-34 

141 

39 

10,586 

5,HO 

48.5 

1663-64 

291 

4i 

19,681 

4,995 

25-4 

1671-72 

355 

33 

37,304 

6,624 

17.8 

1681-82 

207 

3° 

17,376 

5,470 

30.9 

1684-85  * 

108 

28 

12,496 

8,217 

657 

1685-86 

124 

95 

28,379 

27,140 

95-6 

1688-89 

296 

66 

47,2i8 

23,39i 

49-5 

1540-69 

158.1 

12.7 

25,594-3 

1,474-9 

5-9 

1 5 76-i 633 

"3-4 

326 

I4,5«.S 

5,774-3 

39-8 

1663-89 

230.1 

48.8 

23,742.1 

11,656.0 

49-1 

The  great  number  of  shipments  here  recorded,  in  all  3395,  spread 
over  a  long  period,  reduces  the  chance  of  error  to  a  minimum,  so 
that  we  may  accept  it  as  beyond  dispute  that,  while  at  the  middle 

1  Mich,  to  14  June.  »  Christmas  to  Midsummer. 

*  Mich,  to  Easter. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  109 

of  the  sixteenth  century  Lynn  sent  to  London  only  about  six  per 
cent  of  its  total  coastwise  shipments  of  corn,  by  1600  it  sent 
nearly  forty  per  cent  and  during  the  second  half  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  about  one-half. 

For  the  trade  in  corn  down  the  Lea  no  statistics  have  been 
found.  But  it  is  clear  that  London  by  1565  had  begun  to  look  to 
the  counties  to  the  north,  especially  Cambridge,  as  an  important 
source  of  corn  supply  whether  the  route  was  through  Lynn  and 
then  by  sea,  or  over-land  and  down  the  Lea.1  This  is  partic- 
ularly interesting  when  we  remember  that  it  is  a  return,  in  a 
magnified  form,  to  the  earlier  conditions  of  the  middle  ages,  when 
London  was  in  part  supplied  with  corn  from  the  north  through 
the  manorial  marketing  organization. 

The  importance  of  the  Upper  Thames  area  as  a  producing 
district  for  London  is  seen  in  the  tables  above,  and  will  be 
further  apparent  in  the  study  of  price  levels. 

The  conclusion  may  be  briefly  stated.  When  the  accounts  open 
in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  in  the  early  years  of 
Elizabeth's  reign,  we  see  that  London  no  longer  depended  solely 
upon  the  district  immediately  surrounding  it,  but  drew  on  the 
coast  counties  on  the  south  and  on  the  east  as  far  north  as  Hull, 
and  upon  the  eastern  and  southern  midlands.  The  later  ac- 
counts show  an  extension  of  the  area  supplying  the  growing 
metropolis  and  a  larger  and  more  continuous  flow. 

1  In  1565  the  University  of  Cambridge  wanted  the  transportation  of  corn  from 
Cambridge  to  Lynn  stopped.  The  Privy  Council  replied  to  this  request  as  follows: 
We  "  cannot  find  but  that  shire  of  Cambridge  and  others  adjoining  thereto  have 
yerely  ben  accustomed  to  utter  and  convey  ther  grayne  by  water  that  waye  to 
Lynne  and  from  thence  have  brought  it  hither  to  London  to  the  victuelling  of  this 
City:  and  so  it  is  very  necessary  both  for  the  help  of  the  City,  and  for  encoragement 
to  the  husbandman  to  apply  and  follow  ther  tillage." 

Nevertheless  if  too  much  is  sent  to  Lynn,  restraint  may  be  made,  "  except  it  shall 
appear  to  you  by  sufficient  testimony  in  writing  .  .  .  that  the  same  is  provided 
and  fraighted  indede  for  provision  of  the  City  of  London,  or  for  some  other  Contry, 
without  any  suspicion  of  fraude,  to  be  carryed  out  of  the  realme."  MS.,  R.  O., 
State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  xxxvi,  no.  36  (25  June).  Cf.  also  ibid.,  ixxxviii, 
no.  53  (1572),  and  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  xxxii,  no.  40  (15  Oct.,  1581). 


IIO  THE  EN  GUSH  CORN  MARKET 

4.  Exportation 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  export  of  corn,  in  the  decade  1170- 
80,  probably  bears  no  close  relation  to  the  rise  of  the  export  trade.1 
All  that  is  known  is  that  in  the  late  twelfth  century  corn  was 
exported  from  districts  such  as  Norfolk,  Dorset,  and  Somerset, 
where  a  corn  surplus,  combined  with  shipping  facilities,  made  it 
practicable,  although  England  as  a  whole  was  not  regarded  as  a 
corn  exporting  country.2 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  no  "particulars"  of  customs  accounts 
have  been  handed  down  from  the  reign  of  John,  who  was  ap- 
parently the  first  to  impose  a  national  customs  tax  on  foreign 
trade.  It  is  only  from  the  time  of  the  imposition  of  the  petty 
customs  in  1303  (John's  experiment  having  failed)  that  we  have 
figures  for  corn  export.  So  for  the  thirteenth  century  it  is  neces- 
sary to  rely  upon  such  scattered  evidence  as  that  afforded  by 
enrolled  licenses  to  export,3  fines  for  exporting  or  attempting  to 
export,4  temporary  prohibitions,5  and  the  presentments  of 
juries.6  But  enough  is  known  to  enable  us  to  conclude  that  in  the 
thirteenth,  as  in  the  twelfth  century,  corn  was  exported  locally 
and  that  the  trade  was  not  unimportant. 

In  the  fourteenth  century,  although  corn  was  not  specified,  it 
was  probably  among  the  articles  of  export  on  which  lastage  was 
due  at  Skirbeck  (Boston)  .7  And  aliens'  exports  from  the  three 
towns  foremost  in  the  exportation  of  corn  are  seen  in  the  follow- 
ing table  for  the  early  years  of  the  fourteenth  century.  The 
tables  of  export  for  all  ports  are  to  be  found  in  the  appendix. 

1  Madox,  The  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  Exchequer,  i,  p.  558  (24  H.  II);  Pipe 
Rolls,  xxix,  p.  23  (1179-80). 

1  Don  royaume  d'Angleterre  viennent  lainnes,  cuir,  plons,  estains,  charbon  de 
Roche,  fromaige.  Cartulaire  de  Vancienne  Estaple  de  Bruges,  i,  p.  19  (1200).  Corn 
was  shipped  to  Flanders  from  Germany,  not  from  England. 

1  Rotuli  Litterarum  Patentium,  1,  pt.  1,  p.  61  (1206);  ibid.,  p.  78b  (1208);  Calen- 
dar of  Patent  Rolls,  Ed.  I,  ii,  p.  116  (1284). 

*  Abbreviatio  Placitorum,  p.  84b  (John). 

6  Rotuli  Litterarum  Patentium,  pp.  59a,  59b,  60b,  61a,  6ib,  62b,  63a,  76a,  78b, 
79b  (1206-08);  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  Ed.  I,  i,  p.  366  (1277),  etc. 

8  Rotuli  Hundredorum,  i,  p.  225b  (3  Ed.  I). 

7  MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Customs,  16/17&. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  III 

Aliens'  Export  of  Corn1 

Lynn  Hull  Sandwich 

Year  qrs.  qrs.  qrs. 

I303-<>4 3>95°  *  6,630 

1304-05 5,500 

1305-06 3,566 

1306-07 3,436 

1307-08 3,527  300 

It  is  probable  that  from  these  three  ports  alien  merchants 
exported  10,000  quarters  of  all  kinds  of  grain  during  these  years, 
and,  perhaps,  from  all  England  13,000  quarters.  Whether  these 
figures  were  reached  in  the  thirteenth  century  is  not  ascertain- 
able, but  it  is  certain  that  during  the  following  century  and  a 
half,  no  such  exportation  is  indicated  by  the  customs  accounts. 

The  reigns  of  Edward  II  and  Edward  III  saw  a  decline  in  the 
corn  export  trade,  and  even  Lynn  hardly  sent  a  quarter  abroad 
only  two  decades  after  the  period  of  prosperous  export  indicated 
above. 

The  period  of  recovery  began  early  in  the  reign  of  Richard  II 
and  was  continuous  from  that  time  on.  The  course  of  the  de- 
velopment of  the  export  trade  is  seen  in  the  table 3  on  the  fol- 
lowing page. 

In  the  period  1460-1585  London  exported  no  corn  at  all  or 
only  in  infinitesimal  quantities.  The  next  period,  1600-60,  saw 
the  beginning  of  a  great  change.  The  statistics  show  the  out- 
ports  exporting  not  more  but  less  than  in  the  late  sixteenth 
century.     The  Yarmouth  exports  are  typical. 

Average  yearly  export,  1578-83  was  7,053  quarters 
"       1618-21    ■    3,914       ■ 

1  All  figures  (except  for  Hull  and  Lynn  in  1306-07)  are  estimates  made  from  the 
value  of  the  corn,  3  s.  6  d.  being  taken  as  the  official  valuation  per  quarter.  At  this 
rate  the  Hull  figure  would  be  3517  quarters,  only  ten  quarters  less  than  the  total  of 
the  specified  amounts,  a  fact  which  proves  that  the  3  s.  6  d.  basis  of  estimate  is  re- 
liable. 

*  25  Feb.,  1302-03,  to  26  June,  1303-04. 

3  This  table  makes  the  following  statement  strange  reading:  "  During  a  great 
part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  under  Henry  VII  and  Henry  VIII,  export  was 
usually  forbidden."  Cunningham,  The  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce, 
ii,  pt.  1,  p.  85. 

Compare  also  Nasse  (The  Agricultural  Community,  p.  89)  who  says,  speaking  of 


112  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Annual  Export  of  Corn 

Number  of  Total  Number    Average  Number 
Years  >  Years  of  Ports  *         of  qrs.  per  Port 

1460-1485 16  32  l,Ol2 

1485-1500 9  15  1,356 

I5°°-I534 24  40  2,552 

IS34-I5S41 '• 17  35  i,777 

1554-1563 6  10  549 

I563-I570  * 2  8  1,206 

1570-1585* 12  37  5,567 

I485-I5348 33  55  2,226 

1534-1585 37  90  3,148 

These  are  both  average  periods.7  For  the  first  time,  London 
itself  began  to  export  corn.  In  the  year  1639-40  there  were 
1,177  quarters  exported  by  aliens,  and  3,922  by  denizens,  or 
in  all  about  5,100  quarters,  an  amount,  however,  found  for  no 
other  year  and  probably  many  times  the  average  yearly  export 
of  London  for  the  period. 

The  period  from  1660  to  1689,  is  marked  by  the  first  ex- 
periment with  a  bounty  on  corn  exports,  made  in  1673.  Prior 
to  that  encouragement  the  most  significant  figures  are  as  fol- 
lows:— 

the  sixteenth  century,  that  there  were  "  wares  for  which  there  was  no  foreign  de- 
mand, such  as  wheat." 

1  The  year  is  Michaelmas  to  Michaelmas,  a  fact  which  explains  the  apparent 
overlapping  of  periods. 

1  The  ports  used  are  seven  in  number:  Lynn,  Yarmouth,  Hull,  Chichester,  and 
Ipswich,  with  the  addition  of  Poole  and  Boston  for  1460-85  and  Bridgewater  and 
Bristol  from  1485  to  1589. 

The  "  Total  Number  of  Ports  "  means  the  number  of  times  these  ports  are 
represented,  that  is,  yield  statistics  of  exports. 

*  For  1534-63  the  figures  are  23,  45,  1502. 

*  For  1563-85,  14,  45,  4792. 

6  For  1585-89,  3,  4,  2314. 

4  The  annual  exports  for  all  England  might  very  roughly  be  estimated  by  mul- 
tiplying these  averages  by  seven  (the  number  of  ports  used  in  this  table)  and  by 
adding  to  this  one-tenth  for  all  other  ports.  This  would  give  the  following 
approximate  results: 

1460-1485 7.800  qrs. 

1485-1534 17.140    " 

1534-1585 34.240    B 

7  During  the  second  group  of  years,  both  very  low  (in  1619  and  1620)  and  very 
high  prices  (1621)  prevailed. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  113 

Corn  Exports,  1662-1672 

Year  Lynn  London        Yarmouth  Hull 

1660-61 ....  2,072  .... 

1662-63 2i5°6  2,881  

1663-64 429  .... 

1665-66 ' 320  ....  ....  400 

1668-69 Ii448 

1669-70 1,048  

1671-72 3,618  1,21s1 

London  has  taken  its  place  among  the  leading  corn  export 
ports,  but  none  of  them,  probably,  sent  abroad  more  than  2000 
quarters  yearly  on  the  average  during  the  period  1660-72. 
From  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  there  appears  to 
have  been  a  steady  decline  in  total  exportation. 

From  the  time  the  bounty  on  corn  exports  went  into  force  in 
1674  or  1675  UP  to  about  1680,2  the  increase  in  exports  is  strik- 
ing. During  the  year  1676-77  Lynn  alone  exported  over  23,000 
quarters,  Yarmouth  over  24,000  and  Hull  nearly  7,000,  while 
there  were  shipped  from  London  about  25,000  quarters  which 
is,  indeed,  about  22,000  quarters  less  than  it  exported  the  year 
previous. 

Some  time  in  1698  or  later,  statistics  of  corn  bounty  debentures 
were  compiled  from  official  sources  for  the  period  1675  to  169%? 
Since  the  key  to  the  schedule,  the  first  corn  bounty,  has  been 
hitherto  unknown,  this  list  of  figures  has  remained  in  obscurity. 
But  since  a  series  of  tests 4  have  proved  the  statistics  reliable,  we 
may  accept  them  (as  amended)  without  knowing  the  compiler 
or  the  precise  circumstances  of  compilation.  Summaries  are 
here  given 6  for  only  two  periods  of  two  years  each,  periods  which 
show  the  highest  payment  of  bounties. 

1  Amount  exported  by  aliens  alone. 

2  See  below,  p.  145. 

3  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  6838,  fol.  28. 

4  By  comparison  with  the  figures  in  the  Declared  Accounts,  Audit,  in  the  Public 
Record  Office. 

6  The  schedule,  as  well  as  the  more  minute  figures  for  each  port  taken  from  the 
Declared  Accounts,  are  to  be  found  in  Appendix  G. 


114  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Table  of  Corn  on  Which  Bounty  was  Paid1 

Period 


1675-77. 
1690-92. 


Yearly  Average 
for  London 

Yearly  Average 
for  Outports 

Total 
Yearly  Average 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

85,949 

217,976 

303,925 

8,493 

91,284 

99,777 

In  the  interval  between  the  first  and  second  bounties,  the  corn 
export  dropped  considerably,  though  not  to  its  earlier  level  of  the 
period  before  1673.  As  to  the  immediate  effect  of  these  bounties 
there  can  be  no  doubt.  But  what  is  of  interest  here  is  solely  the 
amounts,  which  are  in  striking  contrast  both  with  the  much 
smaller  exports  of  the  preceding  periods  and  with  the  subse- 
quent growth  of  the  corn  trade.  The  later  development  is 
indicated  in  the  following  table.2 

Corn  Exported  from  England 

Period  Total  in  qrs.  Average  in  qrs. 

1697-1731 12,367,357  353,353 

1732-1766 23,627,671  675,076 

1767-1801 7,254,086  207,260 

Regarding  the  destination  of  English  grain  exported  abroad 
no  such  simple  statement  can  be  made  as  in  the  case  of  the 
import  trade;  that  is,  there  is  nothing  in  the  export  trade 
comparable  to  the  single  fact  that  the  Baltic  was  the  great 
granary  for  medieval  and  early  modern  England.  No  one  coun- 
try is  preeminent  as  the  purchaser  of  England's  surplus  corn.3 

Various  elements,  some  permanent  and  some  changing,  entered 
into  the  export  of  corn.  The  position  of  the  exporting  coast 
town  and  its  general  trade  relations  to  a  large  extent  determined 
the  course  and  direction  of  the  trade.  Thus  Lynn,  probably  from 
the    twelfth   to  the    seventeenth4   and    eighteenth    centuries, 

1  Estimated  on  the  basis  of  an  average  of  4  s.  being  paid  on  all  kinds  of  corn. 

1  Prothero,  English  Farming  Past  and  Present,  p.  452. 

*  See  below,  pp.  190-193,  for  a  general  account  of  the  destination  of  English  grain 
exported  abroad  towards  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

4  The  following  shipments  of  corn  were  exported  from  Lynn: 
Christmas,  1588-Mich.,  1380  (K.  R.  Customs,  tox/38  and  30). 

Enkhuisen 35  Bergen  (Neth.) 3 

Amsterdam 19  Dordrecht a 

Rotterdam 10  Kirkcaldy 2 

Brille S  Middleborough 1 

Flushing 4         Haarlem 1 

[Note  4  continued  on  the  next  page.] 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  115 

regularly  sent  corn  to  Norway.  Likewise  Bristol  exported  to 
Ireland.1  These  two  approximated  most  clearly  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  a  continuous  export  trade. 

Another  factor  was  the  abundance  or  scarcity  of  harvests  in 
the  foreign  countries  about  England.  This  is  seen  in  Bristol's 
trade  with  Spain.  Although  that  port  normally  shipped  a 
considerable  amount  of  corn  to  Ireland,  it  sent  corn  to  Spain 
only  during  certain  years,  doubtless  those  of  dearth. 

In  the  seventeenth  century  new  foreign  markets  were  opened 
for  English  grain.  Prominent  among  these  were  the  trans- 
atlantic trade,  in  which  the  cargoes  were  individually  small 
but  collectively  of  considerable  importance,  and  the  Mediter- 
ranean trade.     In  the  latter,  corn  went  to  Leghorn,2  Genoa,3 

Christmas,  1677-Christmas,  1678  (unclassified  Port  Books). 

Norway 91  Malaga 2 

Stockholm 8  Dunkirk a 

Rotterdam 4  North  Bergen 1 

Hamburg 2 

Christmas,  1684-Christmas,  1685  (unclassified  Port  Books). 

Norway 52  Rotterdam 2 

North  Bergen 5  Stockholm 1 

Bergen 2  Gottenburg 1 

1  Typical  examples  of  Bristol's  exports  are  as  follows  (from  the  K.  R.  Accounts 
and  Port  Books) 

30  Aug.,  1301,  10  weys  of  beans  and  peas,  to  Bordeaux. 

8  Nov.,  1391,  1  qr.  beans  and  3  qrs.  oats,  to  Ireland. 
27  July,   1437,  57  weys  wheat,  to  Spain. 

1  Sept.,  1437,    3     "         ■       ■  Ireland. 

2     u  ■        «         m 

Mich.,  1480-Easter,  1481,  79s  qrs.,  chiefly  beans,  all  to  Ireland. 
■       i486-     ■       1487,  19  shipments  of  corn: 

Ireland 14  Andalusia I 

Spain 4 

1  Jan.,  1678-1  Jan.,  1679,  40  small  shipments: 

Nevis 17  Gottenburg 1 

Barbadoes 13  Monserrat 1 

Virginia 4  Cadiz 1 

Jamaica 3 

Christmas,  1681-Christmas,  1682,  60  small  shipments: 

Nevis 20  Madeira 2 

Barbadoes 7  Oporto 2 

Penn 7  Lisbon 1 

Jamaica 6  Glasgow 1 

Virginia 6  Newfoundland 1 

Maryland 2  Others 3 

Waterf  ord 2 

2  Of  the  nineteen  shipments  sent  to  Italy  in  1677-78,  fifteen  went  to  Leghorn. 
See  below,  p.  116,  n.  5. 

3  Of  the  shipments  of  1677-78,  three  went  to  Genoa.      About  the  year  1639  a 


Il6  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Venice,1  Zante,2  and  Tangiers; 3  and  in  the  former,  to  Barbadoes, 
Jamaica,  Nevis,  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  England.4  In 
the  case  of  the  Mediterranean  trade,  it  was  part  of  the  general 
growth  of  English  commerce  in  southern  Europe;  in  the  case  of 
the  American  trade,  but  part  of  the  European  expansion  over- 
sea. Most  remarkable  of  all,  however,  is  the  wide  area  to  which 
London  sent  corn  after  the  Restoration,  the  London  which  two 
generations  before  had  been  an  anxious  seeker  after  corn  for  its 
own  use.5 

There  were  countries  to  which  England  exported  much,  but 
from  which  it  received  little  or  no  corn,  such  as  Norway  and 
southern  France.6  The  reverse  was  true  especially  in  the  case  of 
the  Eastland  countries.7  But  with  the  greater  number  of  coun- 
tries, such  as  France,  Scotland,  the  Netherlands,  and  Ireland, 
England  carried  on  a  reciprocal,  though  varying,  exchange  of  corn. 

petition  was  made  to  export  1500  qrs.  of  wheat  to  Venice  and  Genoa.  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Domestic,  Car.  I,  xv,  p.  241. 

1  Apparently  only  one  shipment  from  London  in  1677-78.  See  also  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Venetian,  viii,  pp.  548,  555,  556,  558,  562  (1591);  Calendar  of  Lans- 
downe  Manuscripts,  lxvi,  §§  90,  125;  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,  Charles 
Holiday,  p.  294. 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Venetian,  ix,  p.  535;  ibid.,  x,  pp.  9,  90;  ibid.,  xi,  p. 
136. 

*  In  1677-78,  twenty  shipments  went  to  Tangiers.  Cf.  also  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  Domestic,  Car.  II,  vi,  p.  366;  ibid.,  viii,  pp.  302,  315,  325;  Davenant, 
Works,  v  (ed.  1771),  p.  424. 

4  See  above,  p.  115,  n.  1,  and  the  following  note. 

5  The  355  shipments  of  corn  exported  from  London  in  the  year  1677-78,  which 
have  been  noted  in  one  of  the  unclassified  customs  accounts,  were  sent  to  the  fol- 
lowing places: — 

Spain  and  Canaries 149  Ostend 8 

Straits 52  France 3 

America 46  Scotland 2 

Scandinavia 44  Lisbon 1 

Mediterranean  (Italy  and  Tangiers)     39  Emden x 

Guinea 9  Bruges 1 

*  Bordeaux  in  the  fourteenth  and  early  fifteenth  centuries  received  large  amounts 
of  com  from  England,  which  it  paid  for  in  wines.  See  Patent  and  Close  Rolls;  also, 
Lodge,  The  Estates  of  the  Archbishop  and  Chapter  of  Saint-Andrl  of  Bordeaux,  p.  149. 

7  There  were  occasional  exports  of  English  corn  into  the  Baltic.  In  1389  two 
English  merchants  received  permission  to  export  two  thousand  quarters  of  corn  to 
Wismar  to  meet  a  dearth  in  that  region.  Wheat  was  sent  to  Danzig,  "  the  like  of 
which  was  never  heard  before  "  according  to  a  chronicle  of  Danzig.  Naud6,  Ge- 
treidehandelspolitik,  p.  215. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  117 

With  these  the  exchange  was  at  times  contemporaneous,  but  in 
different  kinds  of  grain,  as  when  England  sent  wheat  to  Scotland 
and  received  oats,  or  it  changed  with  the  seasons,  as  in  the  trade 
between  the  Netherlands  and  England,  and  between  France  and 
England.  While  in  the  latter  instance  exchange  was  for  con- 
sumption, in  the  former,  however,  it  was  not  always  so,  for  the 
Netherlands  bought  corn  when  cheap  in  England  with  the  inten- 
tion of  exporting  it  again  when  prices  rose,  doubtless  often  send- 
ing it  back  for  consumption  at  a  higher  rate  to  the  verv  country 
where  it  was  produced.1 

5.  Price  Statistics  and  the  Metropolitan  Market 

London  is  practically  a  blank  in  the  price  collections  of  Thorold 
Rogers  up  to  169 1.  For  the  middle  ages  I  have  been  compelled 
to  use  as  London  evidence  the  prices  recorded  for  the  district 
immediately  about  the  city,  but  for  the  Tudor  and  Stuart 
periods  this  is  unnecessary,  for  I  have  collected  over  three 
thousand  London  prices  of  corn  covering  the  period  from  Henry 
VIII  to  Charles  II.  For  purposes  of  comparison  wheat  only 
has  been  used  in  finding  averages. 

The  course  of  price  averages,  based  upon  these  London  figures, 
is  set  out  in  the  table  on  the  next  page. 

It  is  advantageous,  when  possible,  to  distinguish  retail  from 
wholesale  prices,  ground  from  unground  wheat.2  The  ideal 
price  information  for  London  would  be  the  records  of  all  sales 
and  purchases  on  the  common  markets  and  in  the  corn  and 
meal  shops  of  the  city.  But  this  is  not  forthcoming.  The 
prices  collected  for  the  period  1 571-1640  come  from  a  peculiar 
source,  the  books  of  the  city  companies  whose  participation  in 
the  provision  of  corn  was  ostensibly  to  keep  down  prices.  The 
companies  arranged  to  take  wheat  meal  three  times  a  week  to  the 

1  "  It  has  been  known,  that  in  years  of  scarcity  they  [the  Dutch]  bring  us  back 
our  own  wheat,  because  of  the  premium  we  give  upon  exportation,  and  which  they 
are  enabled  to  do,  by  having  large  granaries  almost  in  every  town,  wherein  they 
store  large  quantities  in  cheap  years,  to  answer  the  demands  of  other  countries." 
Davenant,  Works  (ed.  1771),  v,  p.  425  (1711). 

2  Rogers  {Agriculture  and  Prices,  iv,  277)  says  that  "  as  a  rule  "  flour  and  wheat 
bear  the  same  price,  and  then  gives  a  table  for  the  period  1583-1702  which  shows 
that  such  is  not  the  case  (v,  p.  276). 


u8 


THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 


Wheat  Prices,  i  531-1660 


Average  Prices  (Per  Quarter), 
London  Archives  > 

from  the 

Yens 

Rowers'  Averages 
for  England 

Unground 
Wholesale  > 

Unground 
Retail* 

Ground 
Retail* 

s.     d. 

s.    d. 

s.     d. 

s.     d. 

IS3I-40 

7     8* 

7  ioj 

IS4I-SO 

10    8 

13    oj 

1551-60 

15    3i 

19    7l 

1561-70 

12  ioi 

18     7i 

15     3§ 

1571-80 

17  11 

20    8 

22    si 

20     1} 

1581-90 

23  iij 

23    6J 

26     81 

25     4 

1591-1600 

34    8 

33    3* 

32  ni 

32     6J 

1601-IO 

32     6 

29    7! 

27  "i 

33  ioj 

161 I-20 

36     5* 

29    4i 

20    3i 

33     4i 

1621-30 

41  ni 

37     5 

44     9i 

39     8§ 

1631-40 

42    oi 

36    8i 

41    $1 

38     7l 

1641-50 

47    9* 

40    8 

45  10 

1651-60 

40   9h 

33    0 

44    0 

42     2i 

I53I-70 

11    7i 

14    9i 

[i5     3« 

1571-1640 

32  10J 

30     1 

31     il 

31  "i 

three  or  four  important  markets,  and  this  was  sold  to  the  poor  in 
small  amounts.  If,  of  course,  this  sale  had  not  been  limited  in 
amount  there  would  have  been  no  one  in  the  city  able  to  sell  corn 
but  the  companies.  As  it  was,  however,  only  the  poor  received 
corn  at  a  low  price,  and  only  a  limited  aggregate  amount  was  sold. 
It  is  the  averages  of  such  prices  for  ground  wheat  that  are  here 
recorded,  and  these  averages,  as  might  be  expected,  run  below  the 
normal  market  price.  Other  comparisons  with  Rogers'  averages 
are  also  vitiated,  since  obviously  wholesale  prices  cannot  be 
compared  with  his  retail  prices.  Nor,  indeed,  can  the  London 
retail  prices  for  unground  wheat,  as  they  now  stand,  because, 
since  they  were  largely  based  upon  sales  of  corn  to  members  of 
the  companies  themselves,  they  were  affected  by  other  than 
market  conditions. 


1  See  Appendix  E. 

*  Bought  in  large  amounts  —  partly  abroad  but  chiefly  in  the  provinces.     Not 
strictly  London  prices. 

1  Sold  in  small  quantities  in  London  itself. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  119 

The  evidence  that  the  London  retail  price  averages  here 
utilized  were  below  the  market  prices  prevailing  in  the  metropolis 
is  twofold.  In  the  first  place  there  was  "  the  price  in  the  mar- 
ket," explicitly  recognized  as  the  basis  for  the  fixing  of  the  price 
of  corn  sold  by  the  companies,  the  latter  to  be  from  1  s.  4  d.  to 
2  s.  8  d.  or  on  an  average  2  s.  per  quarter  below  the  former; l  and, 
in  the  second  place,  an  examination  of  the  prices  for  individual 
years  shows  that  it  was  in  years  of  dearth  that  our  London  prices 
were  relatively  the  lowest. 

If  we  take  an  average  of  the  prices  of  ground  and  unground 
wheat  (so  as  to  have  a  better  basis  of  comparison  with  Rogers' 
figures),  we  have  31  s.  6?  d.  for  the  period  1 571-1640.  We  may 
assume,  as  has  been  noted,  that  this  would  average  2  s.  lower 
than  the  market  price.  This  would  indicate  that  the  market 
price  was  really  not  less  than  33  s.  6\  d.,  a  slightly  higher  level  than 
Rogers'  32  s.  iof  d.  A  glance  at  Rogers'  sources  for  the  period  in 
question  shows  that,  with  insignificant  exceptions,  they  are  from 
the  metropolitan  area,  a  fact  which  will  be  of  service  later. 

From  1691  to  1702  Houghton  published  corn  prices  which 
were  the  most  complete,  representative,  and  satisfactory  of  any 
up  to  his  time.2     These  are  here  given. 

Average  Prices  of  Wheat  Per  Quarter,  1691-1702 

s.  d.  s.      d. 

Home 47  o\  All  England 40    5^ 

London 44  4^  South  West 38    of 

Home,  South,  East 42  5$  Midlands 36  io| 

South 42  of  North 36    of 

East 41  o 

This  table  shows  the  London  average  higher  than  the  rest  of 
England,  as  in  the  periods  1531-70  and  1 571-1640.     It  shows 

1  "  Articles  and  orders  touchinge  provision  of  Corne." 

No.  10.  "  Item  that  my  Lord  Maior  and  Aldermen  doe  not  at  anie  tyme  order 
that  anye  parte  of  the  saide  provision  be  solde  better  Cheape  then  the  same  shall 
Coste  with  all  Losses  and  Charges  thereof  nor  above  11  d.  or  irn  d.  in  a  Busshel  under 
the  price  in  the  merkett  of  like  corne  then  beinge,  excepte  it  be  by  consent  of  the 
Companies  or  Comen  Counsell.  And  that  for  everie  suche  sale  the  same  to  be  made, 
of  everye  Companies  wheate  in  equall  parte."  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Letter 
Book,  vol.  Y,  fols.  272-273  (4  Nov.,  1528). 

2  Used  by  Rogers,  Agriculture  and  Prices,  v,  pp.  236-254;  vi,  pp.  101-198. 


120  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

too,  a  differentiation  between  the  metropolitan  and  the  non- 
metropolitan  areas,  the  first  being  influenced  by  London  and 
high-priced,  the  latter  almost  uninfluenced  and  low-priced.  A 
clear  proof  that  London  no  longer  depended  on  the  supply  from 
its  immediate  neighborhood,  the  home  district,  is  that  the  aver- 
age price  in  London  itself  is  lower  than  that  of  the  home  counties. 
This  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  London,  at  this  time  not 
importing  a  quarter  of  corn  from  abroad,  was  drawing  by  the 
coast  trade  upon  farther  and  cheaper  districts  in  England  than 
the  home  district,  upon  the  south  and  east. 

We  can  now  bring  together  in  one  table  our  summary  averages 
for  the  metropolitan  period. 

Table  of  Metropolitan  Price  Averages 


Period 

1531-70 

1571-1640 
1691-1702 


These  three  periods  show  differences  in  averages  of  great 
interest.  The  first  period  153 1-7 1  may  be  extended  back  to 
1 5 14.  It  was  a  time  when  London  got  her  corn  supply  by  offering 
high  prices  for  it.  At  first  foreign  merchants  came  to  the  rescue. 
Then  there  began  a  gradual  reorganization  of  the  domestic 
market  on  the  new  basis  of  the  metropolitan  market.  In 
the  second  period,  the  disorganization  was  at  its  height,  and  the 
problem  was  accentuated  by  restrictive  regulations  and  by  the 
fixing  of  prices.  In  the  last  period,  corn  was  shipped  to  London 
not  only  for  consumption  but  also  for  export  abroad.  Having 
the  prices  of  supply  districts  (the  metropolitan  area)  in  mind,  we 

1  Rogers'  averages,  general.  *  Houghton's  materials. 

*  See  p.  118,  and  p.  118,  n.  2. 

4  Estimated  average.     See  above,  p.  119. 


(Average  per  quarter) 

Metropolitan 

London 

Area 

Alone 

Characteristics 

s.       d. 

s.      d. 

II     7I1 

14    9i* 

Period  of  the  beginning  of 
a  metropolitan  corn  or- 
ganization. 

32  iof1 

33     61 4 

Period  of  municipal  regu- 
lation of  prices. 

42   si8 

44     4i" 

Period  of  easy  flow  to  Lon- 
don and  of  exportation 
abroad. 

THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  121 

may  say  that  London  paid  relatively  less  for  its  corn  when  it 
exported  part  of  its  supply,  than  when  it  consumed  it  all. 

A  comparison  of  the  price  levels  of  the  districts  taken  for  the 
period  1301-1500  with  the  same  areas  in  1691-1702,  shows 
significant  results.  It  should  be  noted  that,  in  order  to  avoid 
comparing  the  dear  years  of  one  district  with  the  cheap  years  of 
another  district,  it  has  been  necessary  to  divide  the  period  1691- 
1702  into  three  sub-periods,  namely,  1691-96,  1697-99,  1699- 
1702,  the  average  of  each  of  which  having  been  found,  the 
average  was  then  taken  of  the  last  two,  and  this  in  turn  averaged 
with  the  first  group  of  six  years.  It  might  seem  precarious  to 
compare  averages  of  twelve  years  with  those  of  two  centuries, 
but  the  element  of  error  is  reduced  by  the  fact  that  Houghton's 
prices  are  exceptionally  numerous  !  and  well  balanced. 

Price  Averages  (Wheat  Per  Quarter) 

1301-1500*  i6gi-i702 

Areas  s.  d.  s.  d. 

Wales 7  3§3  36  4i 

Durham 610  $$  2$ 

East  Essex 6  8 J  42  7 

York 6  6}  36  3 

Battle 6  6|  39  of 

Lower  Thames 6  3  J  47  6\ 

SouthWest 6  i£  40  si 

East  Kent 6  o\  41  $\ 

Trent 6  oi  33  2f 

Norwich 5  9  40  6f 

Southampton 5  9!  42  4f 

East  Suffolk 5  i£  40  2f 

Bristol 5  6J  35  o 

Upper  Thames 5  5!  45  3i 

Cambridge 5  5^  40  4 

Upper  Severn 5  o  40  if 

"What  strikes  the  eye  at  once  is  that  in  general  the  last  have 
become  first,  and  the  first  last;  but  this  is  not  all,  for,  while  in  the 
middle  ages  there  was  little  relation  between  the  areas,  in  the 
later  period  there  is  a  remarkable  grouping  which  is  brought  out 
in  the  following  table. 

1  4864  entries  for  wheat  alone,  from  632  localities.  Cf.  Rogers,  Agriculture  and 
Prices,  v,  p.  266. 

2  For  these  and  the  analogous  averages  of  1259-1500,  see  above,  p.  41. 

3  South  Wales. 


Areas 

Average 
s         H 

I.  Metropolitan: 

Lower  Thames .  . . 

•      47 

6* 

Upper  Thames .  . . 

•      45 

3i 

•      42 

7 

•      42 

4f 

East  Kent 

•      41 

5l 

.      40 

61 

SouthWest 

.      40 

si 

.      40 

4 

East  Suffolk 

.      40 

2i 

122  THE  EN  GUSH  CORN  MARKET 

Price  Averages,  1691-1702 

Areas  Average 

Upper  Severn  . .     40    if 
Battle 39    oj 

II.   Non-Metropolitan: 

(a)  North  East: 

York 36    3 

Trent 33     2} 

(b)  Middle  West:1 

Wales 36    4} 

Bristol 33     2\ 

The  noteworthy  facts  here  observable  are:  (a)  prices  over  a 
wide  area  are  now  determined  by  London;  (b)  the  Upper  Thames, 
Upper  Severn,  and  Cambridge  areas  instead  of  being  the  lowest 
priced  are  among  the  highest;  (c)  London  has  cut  into  the  Severn 
trade  and  made  transportation  down  the  Severn  unprofitable, 
either  to  the  Bristol  area  or  to  Wales;  (d)  prices  in  the  Battle 
area  have  relatively  fallen,  a  fact  probably  due  to  the  great  agri- 
cultural changes  in  that  district  in  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  periods; 
(e)  the  relation  of  the  price  average  of  the  districts  in  the  metro- 
politan area  to  that  of  the  districts  in  the  non-metropolitan  area 
has  been  reversed,  as  is  indicated  from  these  figures: 

Table  of  Price  Averages 

Areas  1301-1500         1601-1703 

s.    d.  s.    d. 

Metropolitan 5  ioj  41  10 

Non-metropolitan 6    4  34    9J 

6.  The  Formation  of  the  Metropolitan  Market 

We  have  seen  that  the  metropolitan  area  of  London  came  into 
existence  in  the  sixteenth  century,  about  one  century  earlier  than 
that  of  Paris.2  A  review  of  the  evidence  for  the  development  of 
the  metropolitan  market,  which  has  already  been  presented, 
shows  the  following  steps.  London,  anxious  concerning  its 
supply,  established  a  granary  system  about  15 14,  which  in  1578 
was  taken  over  by  the  crafts  and  companies  of  London  and  thus 

1  The  northwest  (not  represented,  1301-1500)  had  in  1691-1702  an  average  of 
40  s.  3$  d. 

1  For  the  metropolitan  market  in  France,  see  Usher,  The  History  of  the  Grain 
Trade  in  France,  pp.  82,  84,  87. 


TEE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  1 23 

maintained  for  nearly  a  century.  Statistics  of  importation 
indicate  that  London  required  a  considerable  supply  of  foreign 
corn  until  about  1660,  when  its  importation  from  abroad 
practically  ceased.  In  the  internal  trade,  the  area  from  which 
London  drew  enlarged  from  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  City 
to  a  very  wide  region  embracing  the  greater  part  of  the  whole 
country.  During  the  sixteenth  century,  while  the  outports 
increased  their  export  of  corn,  London  stopped  hers  entirely, 
but  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  exportation  of  corn  from  the 
metropolis  increased  to  a  surprising  extent  and  that  from  the 
outports  diminished  relatively.  The  metropolis  gradually  drew 
the  corn  of  a  large  area  to  itself,  during  the  sixteenth  century 
wholly  for  consumption  and  then  gradually,  as  the  corn  surplus 
of  the  country  increased,  for  export  as  well,  until  by  1660  we 
find  the  corn  trade  of  London  organized  both  for  exportation 
and  for  home  consumption.  The  existence  of  a  metropolitan 
market  is  evidenced  by  the  prices  of  corn  in  the  different  parts 
of  England  which  show  that  London  had  become  a  price-making 
center  for  a  wide  area,  embracing  many  of  the  local  areas  of  the 
medieval  period. 

In  the  chapters  to  follow  this  view  of  the  metropolitan  market 
development  will  receive  the  confirmation  that  comes  from  the 
concurrence  of  other  evidence,  chiefly  relating  to  corn  middle- 
men and  corn  policy,  not  in  itself  conclusive,  but  of  some 
cumulative  weight. 

We  have  considered  the  conception  of  a  metropolitan  market 
and  the  evidence  for  the  existence  of  such  a  market  in  England. 
The  formation  of  the  area  remains  to  be  dealt  with,  the  factors 
determining  its  growth  and  delimiting  its  extent. 

Although  in  the  case  of  local  market  areas  it  is  possible  to 
distinguish  roughly  the  several  districts,  such  a  demarcation 
is  more  difficult  for  the  metropolitan  area.  This  was  more 
irregular  in  form  owing  to  the  influence  of  water  transportation 
which  brought  districts  along  the  coast  and  along  rivers,  even 
though  themselves  distant,  within  easy  reach  of  the  metropolis.1 

1  Von  Thiinen  expressed  the  idea  thus:  "  when  we  have  discovered  how  much 
cheaper  the  transportation  of  corn  is  by  water  than  by  land,  we  have  no  difficulty 


124  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Judging  from  price  averages  and  from  the  recorded  movements 
of  corn  to  London,  one  would  say  that  the  metropolitan  area 
included  all  southern  and  eastern  England,  except  the  Trent 
valley  and  the  Bristol  district,  or  more  specifically  all  south  and 
east  of  a  line  drawn  to  include  the  Humber  basin  and  running 
south  through  Lincolnshire  and  Northamptonshire  to  the  upper 
Severn,  with  the  exception,  as  before  noted,  of  the  vicinity  of 
Bristol. 

Although  the  typical  corn  trade  within  the  metropolitan  area 
was  to  and  from  the  metropolis,  there  was  also  a  local  trade  which 
for  the  parts  concerned  was  of  great  importance.  A  notable 
example  of  this  is  the  trade  between  Lynn  and  Newcastle  by 
which  the  corn  of  the  former  was  exchanged  for  the  coal  of  the 
latter.  This  narrow  groove  of  exchange  has  been  maintained 
from  at  least  as  early  as  the  thirteenth  century  down  to  the 
present  day. 

Although  much  of  this  local  trade  was  left  intact  during  the 
period  of  the  formation  of  the  metropolitan  area,  still  local  market- 
ing conditions  were  on  the  whole  considerably  influenced  and 
disturbed.  Cambridge  in  1565,  feeling  the  great  drain  of  corn 
through  Lynn  to  the  metropolis,  protested  to  the  Privy  Council. 
The  latter  authority,  however,  refused  to  stop  corn  which  was 
being  sent  for  use  in  London.1  An  interesting  parallel  case  is 
that  of  Paris  and  Rouen.  These  cities  began  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury a  struggle  for  a  delimitation  of  the  intervening  corn  supply 
area,  which  ended  only  in  the  early  eighteenth  century.2 

in  determining  the  situation  of  an  estate  which  can  send  its  com  to  the  market  by 
water. 

Let  us  suppose  that  the  transportation  by  water  costs  one-tenth  of  what  the 
transportation  by  land  costs,  then  an  estate  situated  on  the  bank  of  a  river  at  a  dis- 
tance of  one  hundred  miles  from  the  market  will  be  found  to  be,  in  respect  to  the 
value  of  the  grain  on  the  estate  and  of  the  consequences  which  flow  from  it,  in  the 
same  situation  as  an  estate  ten  miles  from  the  town. 

An  estate  situated  five  miles  from  the  river  [and  one  hundred  miles  from  the 
town]  bears  the  cost  of  transportation  by  land  for  five  miles  and  the  cost  of  trans- 
portation by  water  for  one  hundred  miles,  and  in  this  case  it-is  in  the  same  situation 
as  an  estate  fifteen  miles  from  the  town."     Der  isolirte  Slaat,  pt.  i,  p.  273. 

1  See  above,  p.  109,  n.  1. 

1  Usher,  The  History  of  the  Grain  Trade  in  France,  pt.  1,  ch.  ii. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  125 

The  three  chief  factors  entering  into  the  formation  of  this 
metropolitan  market  were  the  fertility  of  the  surrounding 
district,  the  means  of  transportation,  and  the  location  of  the 
metropolis  with  respect  to  the  routes  of  cosmopolitan  trade. 

London  was  surrounded  by  a  group  of  counties  of  considerable 
fertility.  Little  more  need  be  said,  indeed,  to  illustrate  the 
corn  productivity  of  the  metropolitan  area  than  that  within  it 
lay  Norfolk,  the  rich  fen  country,  the  upper  Thames,  Sussex,  and 
Kent.  It  was  the  surplus  corn  of  such  districts  that  enabled 
London  to  grow  without  relying  upon  foreign  supply,  and  that, 
in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  not  only  supplied 
it  with  enough  corn  for  its  own  use  but  much  for  export 
abroad. 

It  would  be  a  proper  subject  for  special  investigation  to  deter- 
mine to  what  extent  the  growth  of  a  metropolitan  market,  with 
its  constant  and  insatiable  appetite  for  corn,  influenced  the  course 
of  agrarian  changes.  The  isolation  of  the  factors  involved  would, 
however,  be  difficult  if  not  impossible,  and  we  stop  here  to  notice 
the  question  but  briefly.  Three  of  these  factors  were  of  great 
weight,  the  call  of  the  growing  metropolis  for  corn,  the  new 
foreign  markets  that  arose  in  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  periods,  and 
the  Dutch  example  of  efficient  cultivation.  A  long  succession  of 
writers  in  agriculture,  from  Fitzherbert  to  Arthur  Young  and 
beyond,  whose  works  went  through  many  editions,  attest  the 
fact  that  the  problem  was  carefully  studied  by  gentlemen  farmers; 
and  their  improved  methods  doubtless  filtered  down  to  the 
yeomen.  Still  more,  the  great  agrarian  changes  of  the  time  were 
but  symptoms  of  the  effort  of  agriculture  to  throw  off  the  methods 
of  an  earlier  non-commercial  system.  Against  such  a  change 
were  the  immobility  of  peasant  habits  and  the  prejudice  of  popu- 
lar opinion. 

It  is  probable  that  a  great  number  of  the  agrarian  changes  and 
improvements  in  our  period  were  directly  due  to  the  first  of  the 
factors  we  have  mentioned,  the  growing  demand  of  London.1 
To  some  extent  this  was  true  of  the  sixteenth  century,  but  much 
more  so  of  the  seventeenth. 

1  See  below,  pp.  126-127. 


126  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Von  Thiinen,  emphasizing  the  influence  of  the  market  upon 
agriculture,  asks  the  question:  "How  will  this  agriculture, 
intelligently  carried  on,  be  modified  by  the  distance  greater  or 
less  from  the  town  ?  " 

His  answer  is:  "  It  is  clear,  in  general,  that  we  should  cultivate 
near  the  town  such  products  as  are  heavy  or  bulky  in  relation 
to  their  value,  and  the  cost  of  transportation  of  which  to  the 
central  market  is  rather  high,  because  the  districts  farther  away 
cannot  send  them  to  advantage.  Within  this  narrow  circle, 
such  articles  will  be  produced  as  change  quickly  or  which  are 
consumed  fresh.  But  as  distance  from  the  town  is  increased,  the 
land  should  necessarily  produce  commodities,  which,  relatively 
to  their  value,  are  less  and  less  expensive  to  transport."  J 

As  applied  to  the  growing  town,  such  as  London,  this  theory 
corresponds  to  the  fact  that  the  metropolis  was  not  only  compelled 
to  provide  a  larger  aggregate  amount  of  corn,  but  its  need  of 
other  provisions  which  could  be  furnished  only  by  a  nearby 
district,  forced  it  to  look  to  more  distant  areas  for  its  supply 
of  corn. 

The  demand  of  the  large  population  of  London  for  fruit2 
doubtless  had  great  influence  in  moulding  the  Kentish  system 
of  cultivation,  which  tended  towards  the  production  of  fruit  and 
away  from  cereals,  thus  cutting  off  some  of  London's  grain 
supply.  Likewise  the  demand  for  hay 3  consumed  by  the  horses 
of  London  would  tend  to  crowd  out,  or  at  least  compete  with, 
corn  production.     We  might  also  add  London's  need  for  milk 

1  Der  isolirte  Stoat,  pt.  i,  p.  i. 

*  Compare  the  following  passage  from  Norden  (Surveyor's  Dialogue,  p.  209)  of 
the  year  1607;  the  reason  why  so  little  cider  is  made  in  the  inland  of  England  is 
"  because  that  neere  London,  &  the  Thames  side,  the  finite  is  vented  in  kind,  not 
only  to  the  Fruterers  in  grosse,  but  by  country  wives,  in  the  neerest  part  of  Kent, 
Middlesex,  Essex,  &  Surrey,  who  utter  them  in  the  markets,  as  they  do  all  other 
vendible  things  else."  See  also  MS.,  Br.  M.,  22781  (late  17th  century):  "  Mellio- 
rating  and  Multiplieing  severall  sorts  of  Fruits  and  Garden  stuff." 

*  This  demand  in  1630  was  considered  by  the  Privy  Council  (MS.,  Treasury 
Office,  Council  Register,  Car.  I,  vi,  fol.  in):  "In  the  partes  nere  to  London,  more 
than  in  any  other  place  of  the  Kingdome,  there  are  many  that  doe  ingross  into  their 
hands,  great  quantities  of  Hay  and  winter  provision  for  horses  and  cattell,  of  pur- 
pose to  keepe  the  same  from  the  Marketts,  untill  the  price  thereof  be  extreamly 
raised." 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  1 27 

and  butter,  supplied,  probably,  by  local  dairy  farming,  a  subject 
about  which  we  know  practically  nothing. 

On  the  other  hand,  some  circumstances  worked  in  the  opposite 
direction.  The  demand  for  iron  in  London,  and,  indeed,  in  all 
England,  helped  to  bring  about  the  deforestation  of  Sussex,  the 
wood  of  which  was  used  for  smelting  in  the  days  before  the  process 
of  smelting  by  coal  was  discovered.  The  land  formerly  under 
forest  was  used  then  to  grow  wheat,  and  to  such  an  extent  was  this 
carried  that  Sussex  wheat  became,  in  the  Tudor  and  Stuart 
periods,  one  of  London's  chief  reliances.  Similarly  wood  for  fuel 
was  needed  in  the  metropolis,  in  spite  of  the  large  consumption 
of  its  rival,  coal.  This  reinforced  the  tendency  to  clear  the  land 
of  forest,  which  was  then  used  for  wheat.  Likewise  the  City 
supplied  the  country  in  the  immediate  vicinity  with  cheap 
manure  which  on  account  of  its  bulk  could  not  be  carried  long 
distances.  This  was  certainly  an  important  fact  in  the  later 
period,  but  how  far  in  ours  cannot  be  determined. 

These  countervailing  forces  admitted,  the  tendency  of  the  corn 
growing  area  to  be  pushed  back  as  well  as  to  be  enlarged  (and  for 
corn  production  itself  to  flourish),  may  be  accepted.  Thus  not 
only  was  corn  productivity  an  influence  in  metropolitan  growth, 
but  it  was  itself  much  affected  by  that  growth. 

The  second  factor  is  transportation.  Although  the  organization 
of  manorial  carrying  services  shows  both  land  and  water  services 
existing  side  by  side,  the  former  were  probably  more  numerous, 
and,  owing  to  the  restricted  nature  of  the  trade,  more  peculiar  to 
the  local  market.  But  with  the  metropolitan  period  was  ushered  in 
a  new  stage  in  transportation — the  water  stage,  coast  and  river.1 
This  is  expressed  by  Naude  in  the  following  terms:  "  There  is  a 
second  stage  of  development  in  the  grain  trade  possible  in  the 
case  of  towns  with  water  connections,  and  which,  therefore,  can 

1  The  increase  in  the  coast  trade  is  indicated  in  the  statistics  contained  in  Appen- 
dix D. 

The  impetus  given  to  river  transportation  is  illustrated  on  the  Continent,  during 
the  seventeenth  century,  by  the  building  of  canals  connecting  rivers. 

In  England  in  the  year  1581,  the  loaders  of  Enfield  and  Oldenham  presented  a 
petition  entitled  "  Their  undoing  by  the  carriage  of  graine  by  water  ":  "  Many 
thousands  of  her  Majesties  subjects  within  the  counties  of  Hertforde  Midi.  Cam- 


128  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

receive  imports  from  a  distance.  This  second  stage  of  the  munici- 
pal grain  trade,  in  which  we  can  begin  to  speak  of  a  real  trade  in 
corn,  did  not  arise  at  any  fixed  period  of  time,  but  depends,  as 
before  said,  upon  the  location  of  each  town."  l  That  is,  the  first 
stage  was  one  of  land  traffic,  during  which  operations  were  petty 
and  restricted  by  town  ordinances.  The  second,  during  which 
water  was  the  means  of  transportation,  saw  an  expansion  of 
demand  and  supply,  the  slackening  and  then  the  abolition  of 
restriction,  and  the  consequent  development  of  a  considerable 
trade,  in  which  middlemen,  seeking  their  own  interests,  operated 
according  to  conditions  of  natural  demand  and  supply. 

To  official  England,  national  and  local,  the  water  stage  of  the 
corn  trade  meant  new  anxieties.  The  metropolis  had  to  be  fed, 
and  either  enemies  in  time  of  war  or  pirates  in  time  of  peace 
might  cut  off  the  supply  of  corn  sent  by  water.  In  1586  it  was 
stated  that  "  the  Dunkirkers  have  very  latelie  taken  fower  or 
five  shippes  of  Corne  comynge  for  London  from  beyond  the 
Seas  and  are  a  great  hindrance  to  the  provision  of  Corne  &  Cole." 2 
And  in  1630  the  London  committee  on  the  cause  of  scarcity  and 
high  prices  reported  "  that  Corne,  Butter,  and  Cheese  are  not 
brought  to  this  Citty  from  out  of  Norfolke,  Suffolke,  and  other 
parts  by  Sea  as  formerly  hath  beene  accustomed  for  feare  of 
beinge  taken  by  the  Dunkerkers  as  is  conceived."  3 

Perhaps  the  full  significance  of  the  transportation  factor  in 
metropolitan  growth  appears  all  the  more  forcibly  when  we  re- 
member that,  previous  to  the  incoming  of  railways,  no  European 
town  reached  metropolitan  proportions  unless  favorably  situated 
for  river  or  coast  traffic.  Von  Thiinen,  writing  on  the  eve  of 
the  introduction  of  railroads,  says  without  reserve:   "There  is 

bridge,  Bedforde  and  Essex  whiche  lyved  by  the  canynge  of  corne  and  other  graine 
to  the  citie  of  London  by  Lande,  are  now  utterlye  decaied  by  the  transportinge  of 
corne  and  other  grayne  to  the  saide  citie  by  the  water  of  Lee."  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd., 
32,  no.  40  (15  Oct.). 

"  London  is  as  the  Heart  is  in  the  Body,  and  the  great  Rivers  are  as  its  Veins." 
A.  Yarranton,  England's  Improvement  by  Sea  and  Land,  p.  179  (1677). 

1  Deutsche  stddtische  Getreidehandelspolitik,  p.  14. 

*  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  49  (22  Oct.). 

*  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxxv,  fol.  225 
[Sept.]. 


THE  METROPOLITAN  MARKET  1 29 

not  a  single  large  town  which  is  not  situated  on  a  river  or  canal."  l 
The  towns  with  water  connections  were  constitutionally  able  to 
grow,  because  they  could  obtain  a  supply  of  grain  without  having 
to  pay  prohibitive  costs  of  transportation. 

In  addition  to  the  two  factors  in  metropolitan  growth,  the 
fertility  of  the  soil  and  facilities  of  transportation,  there  was  a 
third  of  hardly  less  importance.2  This  was  a  favorable  location 
along  the  routes  of  cosmopolitan  trade,  a  factor  which,  we  may 
say,  decided  that  London,  and  not  Southampton  or  Bristol,  was 
to  be  the  metropolitan  center. 

We  may  conclude  therefore,  that  a  town  of  fair  size,  not  smoth- 
ered by  the  rivalry  of  a  larger  town  or  by  a  territorial  power, 
could  grow  to  metropolitan  proportions  only  when  its  corn  supply 
was  assured  3  and  cheap,  its  transportation  facilities  good,  and 
its  location  in  accord  with  the  dominant  routes  of  a  larger  circle 
of  trade. 

1  Der  isolirte  Staat,  pt.  i,  p.  268. 

2  Sombart,  in  a  suggestive  essay  on  the  subject  of  the  contribution  of  the  Jews 
to  the  modern  spirit  of  enterprise  (The  Jews  and  Modern  Capitalism,  p.  13),  raises 
the  question  of  the  influence  of  Jewish  migration  in  the  fifteenth,  sixteenth,  and 
seventeenth  centuries  upon  the  rise  of  "  the  new  centers  of  economic  life  "  in  West- 
ern Europe  (our  metropolitan  centers).  It  seems,  however,  that  these  western 
centers  began  to  grow  independently  of  the  Jews.  The  incoming  of  the  Jews  was 
perhaps  a  later,  but  important,  contributory  cause  of  metropolitan  development. 

In  another  place  (Luxus  und  Kapitalismus ,  pp.  25-44),  Sombart  seeks  to  prove 
that  the  "  large  town  "  took  its  rise  in  the  massing  of  consumers  in  some  political 
center,  for  example  in  London,  where  about  five-sixths  of  the  population,  he 
asserts,  were  members  of  the  court,  churchmen,  landlords,  and  state  creditors,  the 
remaining  one-sixth  being  engaged  in  trade  and  industry. 

3  Mr.  A.  P.  Usher  remarks  (The  History  of  the  Grain  Trade  in  France,  p.  179): 
"  Lyons  was  never  destined  to  become  a  great  metropolitan  center.  .  .  .  The 
population  of  Lyons  was  tending  to  increase  more  rapidly  than  the  available  food 
supply  would  warrant." 

Petty  argued  that  by  1800  the  population  of  London  would  be  over  five  million, 
and  that  it  would  not  increase  much  beyond  that  number  because  of  lack  of  food. 
"An  Essay  concerning  the  multiplication  of  Mankind"  (1682),  p.  31,  referred  to 
by  Cunningham,  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce,  ii,  p.  391. 

Elsewhere,  indeed,  Petty  maintained  "  That  a  Circle  of  Ground  of  35  miles  Semi- 
diameter  will  bear  Corn,  Garden-stuff,  Fruits,  Hay  and  Timber,  for  the  four  Million 
690  Thousands  Inhabitants  of  the  said  City  and  Circle,  so  as  nothing  of  that  kind 
need  be  brought  from  above  35  Miles  distance  from  the  said  City."  Future  Growth 
of  London,  The  Economic  Writings  of  Petty  (ed.  Hull),  i,  p.  471. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  CORN  LAWS,  FROM  THE  TWELFTH  TO  THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY 

i.  Early  Corn  Laws 

The  laws  that  had  to  do  with  the  exchange  rather  than  with  the 
production  or  consumption  of  corn  form  the  subject  of  this 
chapter.  Not  the  development  of  the  corn  trade  policy,  but  the 
examination  of  the  laws  themselves  is  the  chief  concern  at  this 
point.1 

In  order  to  avoid  legal  and  constitutional  technicalities,  not  of 
moment  here,  the  term  "  law  "  is  taken  to  apply  roughly  to  a 
general  rule  of  some  permanence,  having  the  effect  of  law 
whether  or  not  in  the  form  of  a  statute.  In  this  section  the  laws 
considered  are  general  in  scope  and  refer  to  corn  only  incidentally. 
They  are,  therefore,  treated  very  briefly. 

One  of  the  commonest  of  early  offences  on  the  part  of  those 
dealing  in  corn  was  engrossing.  This  term  has  often  been 
defined,  but  its  meaning  was  never  clear  because  it  had  no 
single  technical  application.  It  referred  to  monopolizing  the 
supply  of  a  commodity  in  any  way,  whether  by  forestalling 2 
or  by  regrating.8     It  also  had  a  particular  meaning,  given  it  by 

1  A  convenient  list  of  corn  laws  is  given  by  R.  E.  Prothero  (English  Farming  Past 
and  Present,  pp.  442-447).  A  much  fuller  list  is  to  be  found  in  Hansard's  Parliamen- 
tary Debates,  xxvii,  pp.  669-680  (period  1225-1811). 

The  indices  to  the  Statutes  of  the  Realm  refer  to  most  but  not  all  of  the  laws. 
The  Interregnum  acts  are  to  be  found  only  in  special  collections. 

Faber  and  Naud6  (see  p.  210  below)  have  written  excellent  brief  accounts  of 
these  laws  together  with  an  explanation  of  the  development  of  the  corn  policy,  but 
they  have  omitted  some  measures  of  importance,  for  example,  the  act  dealing  with 
mealmen  passed  in  1650  and  the  first  bounty  act  of  1672-73,  to  say  nothing  of 
minor  laws  such  as  the  import  act  of  1324  and  the  statutes  34  Ed.  Ill,  c.  18  and 
1  Eliz.,  c.  1 1 ,  §  1 1 ,  allowing  export. 

1  Ashley,  English  Economic  History  and  Theory,  pt.  i,  p.  217,  referring  to  27  Ed. 
Ill,  st.  1,  c.  5;  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i,  p.  331. 

*  A  statute  defined  engrossing  in  the  second  sense  given  in  the  text,  and  then 
added  a  further  explanation,  namely,  to  get  into  one's  hands  "  any  other  Corne  or 


THE  CORN  LAWS  131 

statute,1  to  get  into  one's  hands  "  any  Corne  growinge  in  the 
feildes."  This  seems  to  have  been  the  nearest  approach  to  a 
technical  definition.  Finally,  to  engross  was  to  deal  in  many 
kinds  of  commodities  instead  of  only  one.2 

To  forestall  was  to  go  out  beyond  the  borough  or  market  town 
to  buy  goods  coming  to  market.  This  was  prohibited  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  period,3  and,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  the  earliest 
form  of  market  monopolizing,  or  engrossing  in  the  general  sense, 
that  was  put  under  the  ban  of  the  law.4  The  corn  trade,  however, 
is  not  specified  in  this  early  law  which  was  perfectly  general  in 
application.  But  in  thirteenth  century  laws  the  forestalling  of 
corn  is  specifically  mentioned.5  The  objection  to  forestalling 
was  that  it  undermined  the  public  and  open  market  and  tended  to 
raise  prices,  and  also  that  it  resulted  in  a  loss  of  local  revenue  when 
the  forestaller  was  a  burgess  and  the  seller  of  the  goods  a  stranger, 
for  while  the  latter  was  subject  to  town  tolls,  the  former  was 
not. 

Akin  to  forestalling,  and  at  times  confused  with  it,  was  regrat- 
ing.  This  was  the  purchase  of  goods  for  sale  in  the  same  or 
a  nearby  market.  It  was  prohibited  locally  from  at  least  the 
thirteenth  century  onward.6 

Grayne  Butter  Cheese  Fishe  or  other  dead  victuall  whatsoever  within  the  Realme 
of  England  to  thintent  to  sell  the  same  agayne."  5  and  6  Ed.  VI,  c.  14,  Statutes  of 
the  Realm,  iv,  p.  148. 

1  Ibid. 

«  37  Ed.  Ill,  c.  5;  38  Ed.  Ill,  c.  2.     Ibid.,  i,  pp.  379,  382. 

3  Sciendum  est  enim  quod  infra  trium  militarium  spacium,  ex  omni  parte  extra 
civitatem,  non  debet  homo  alterum  retinere  vel  impedire,  nee  eciam  cum  eo  mer- 
catum  agere,  si  in  pace  civitatis  ad  earn  venire  voluerit.  Sed  cum  in  civitatem  per- 
venerit,  tunc  sit  ei  mercatum  commune  tam  pauperi  quam  diviti.  Thorpe,  Ancient 
Laws  and  Institutes,  p.  200;  First  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  Market  Rights 
and  Tolls,  i,  pp.  16,  33. 

4  Cf.  the  following  prohibition  of  1200  or  1201  made  in  Ipswich:  "  that  non 
regrater  prevy  ne  straunge  go  out  of  the  bondys  of  the  forseid  market  with  ynne 
town  ne  with  outen  for  to  bargaynen,  ne  for  to  beyen  ne  forstallyn  fysshe  comyng 
toward  the  forseid  town  to  sellyn."  Domesday  of  Ipswich,  Black  Book  of  the 
Admiralty  (Rolls  Series),  ii,  p.  101. 

5  "  Grain,  Fish,  Herring  or  any  other  Thing  to  be  sold."  Statutes  of  the  Realm, 
1,  pp.  203,  204  (late  13th  century). 

6  Domesday  of  Ipswich,  Black  Book  of  the  Admiralty  (Rolls  Series),  ii,  p.  101; 
Records  of  Norwich  (ed.  Hudson  and  Tingey),  i,  pp.  135,  181. 


132  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

For  centuries  such  attempts  to  monopolize  the  local  market 
were  met  by  local  regulations  and  national  legislation,  which 
continued  down  to  modern  times.  In  1663  some  alleviation 
came,1  and  in  1772  the  prohibition  of  engrossing  was  abolished.2 

Laws  providing  for  general  uniformity  of  measures  and  against 
false  measures  were  passed  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  period.3  The 
measures  used  in  dealing  in  corn  were  regulated  by  the  assize  of 
1 197,4  and  by  Magna  Carta  itself,  in  answer  to  the  demands  of  the 
barons.5  The  great  aim  was  to  establish  one  standard  throughout 
England,  partly  for  the  convenience  of  dealers  and  partly  to 
protect  consumers.  Two  obstacles  were  met  with,  dishonest 
dealers  using  false  vessels,  and  the  local  habit  of  using  measures 
of  varying  size.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  local  measures 
survived  in  parts  of  England  down  to  modern  times,  especially 
in  the  west  and  north.  But  at  least  after  the  early  thirteenth 
century,  there  was  a  strong  tendency  to  use  the  London  quarter, 
and  whatever  may  have  been  the  measures  actually  used  locally 
in  the  sale  and  purchase  of  grain,  accounts  were  generally 
kept  in  terms  of  the  standard. 

Some  other  regulations  of  measurement  should  be  mentioned. 
Wheat,  rye,  and  barley  might  be  sold  only  by  strike  (measure 
stricken  level),  while  oats,  malt,  and  meal  might  be  sold  by  heap 
(measure  heaped  up).6  The  purveyors  of  corn  for  the  king's 
household  were  prohibited  from  demanding  twenty-one  quarters 
to  the  score.7 

With  insignificant  exceptions,8  the  central  government  does 
not  seem  to  have  fixed  absolutely  the  price  of  corn,  as  was 

1  Regrating  was  permitted  but  not  forestalling.  15  Car.  II,  c.  7,  §  3.  Statutes 
of  the  Realm,  v,  p.  449. 

*  12  Geo.  Ill,  c.  71. 

'  Thorpe,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes,  Index  under  "  Weights  and  Measures." 
4  Roger  of  Hovedon  (Rolls  Series),  iv,  p.  33. 

*  Select  Charters  (ed.  Stubbs),  pp.  291,  301. 

8  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i,  p.  203  (late  13th  century). 

7  Ibid.,  p.  262  (1330). 

8  According  to  the  act  of  1534  (see  below,  p.  138),  the  government  had  the  legal 
right  to  fix  the  price  of  corn.  During  the  years  1549  and  1550  attempts  were  made 
to  put  the  act  in  force,  apparenUy  without  success  (Leonard,  English  Poor  Relief, 
p.  51).     Afterwards  the  practice  was  not  often  followed,  if  at  all.     The  evidence 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 33 

occasionally  done  on  the  Continent  from  early  days.1  It  did 
attempt,  nevertheless,  systematically  to  prevent  bakers  from 
gaining  too  high  profits  from  the  sale  of  bread.  This  was  done 
by  the  assize  of  bread,  which  stipulated  how  many  ounces  the 
standard  loaf  should  contain  when  the  price  was  low,  moderate, 
and  high.2  How  far  back  this  goes  is  unknown.  It  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  in  use  at  least  as  early  as  the  reign  of 
Henry  II.3  It  was  made  one  of  the  regular  articles  of  inquiry 
of  the  frank-pledge,  and  as  such  was  enforced  in  the  local  courts  in 
a  modified  form  down  to  modern  times.  Legally  it  was  abolished 
for  London  in  1822  and  for  all  England  in  1836.4 

The  purveyance,  or  seizure  of  corn,  was  early  prohibited 5  but 
was,  nevertheless,  persisted  in  for  centuries,  as  we  know  from  the 
frequent  re-enactment  of  the  law  against  it.  The  element  of 
trade,  with  which  we  are  concerned,  entered  in  only  when  the  corn 
was  purveyed  from  the  dealer  or  merchant,  and  not  from  the 
producer.6 

for  this  view  is  that  the  law  of  1563  providing  for  the  fixing  of  wages  states  that 
the  justices  of  the  peace  were  to  assess  wages  in  accordance  with  current  prices, 
obviously  market  prices.  Laws  were  later  passed,  too,  which  aimed  at  keeping 
prices  low  by  means  of  regulations  of  a  different  sort  (see  below,  pp.  152  f.).  And  the 
Book  of  Orders  (Br.  M.,  6426b  55),  which  was  a  more  or  less  complete  codifica- 
tion of  government  practice  and  enforced  in  exceptional  years  from  Elizabeth  to 
Charles  I,  assumes  (§  12)  the  validity  of  a  market  price,  "  the  usual  price  of  the 
Market."  Indeed  the  justices  of  the  peace  were  ordered  (§  24)  to  secure  for  the 
poor  "  as  much  favour  in  the  prices,  as  by  their  earnest  perswasion  "  might  be  possi- 
ble.    For  other  matters  relating  to  the  fixing  of  prices,  see  above,  pp.  68,  77,  91. 

1  See  the  Frankfort  capitulary  of  794  printed  in  Cunningham,  Growth  of  English 
Industry  and  Commerce,  i,  p.  501  (ed.  1890). 

In  1304-05  Philippe  le  Bel  fixed  the  maximum  price  of  grain  in  Paris  at  something 
less  than  half  the  market  price.     Fagniez,  V Industrie  et  la  classe  industrielle,  p.  156. 

2  Cunningham,  op.  cit.,  i,  pp.  502  f.  (ed.  1890);  Matthew  Paris,  Chronica  Majora, 
ii,  p.  480  (1202);  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i,  pp.  202  f.  (late  13th  century);  Report  from 
the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  .  .  .  Bread  (1815),  The  Pamphleteer, 
vol.  vi. 

8  Cunningham,  op.  cit.,  p.  502.  Ballard  (Borough  Charters,  pp.  157-158)  prints 
two  extracts  from  Newcastle  documents  which  seem  to  put  back  the  date  to  Henry 
I. 

4  Webb,  B.  and  S.,  "  The  Assize  of  Bread,"  Economic  Journal,  xiv,  p.  218. 

5  Select  Charters  (ed.  Stubbs),  p.  421,  §  10  (1266). 

6  See  the  analysis  of  purveyance  in  my  article  on  the  "  Origin  of  the  English 
Customs-Revenue  of  England,"  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  xxvii,  pp.  112- 
113  (1912). 


134  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

In  general,  these  laws  were  passed  primarily  in  the  interest  of 
consumers.  In  the  corn  laws  to  be  dealt  with  in  the  succeeding 
sections  of  this  chapter,  the  emphasis  is  to  a  large  extent  upon  the 
welfare  of  the  producers. 

2.  Legislation  Regulating  Corn  Exportation 

The  object  of  this  and  the  following  sections  is  to  present  a 
chronological  account  of  the  corn  laws  with  a  minimum  of  com- 
ment. The  last  chapter,  on  "  Market  Development  and  the 
Evolution  of  Corn  Policy,"  attempts  an  interpretation  of  this 
legislation. 

It  is  not  now  possible  to  discover  the  first  corn  law  that 
affected  exportation.  The  earliest  of  which  we  have  evidence, 
however,  was  the  prohibition  to  export  without  license,  which  was 
enforced  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II.1  Further  knowledge  of  this 
law  (if  law  it  was)  is  lacking. 

In  1204  the  Great  Winchester  Assize  of  Customs  provided  that 
corn  and  other  victuals  might  not  be  exported  without  license, 
and  that  corn  and  certain  other  goods  were  freed  from  the 
fifteenth,  the  customs  newly  levied.2  The  reason  for  this  exemp- 
tion is  not  evident.  It  may  have  been,  however,  that  the  export  of 
corn  was  regarded  as  a  special  source  of  revenue,  for  which  extra 
license  fees  were  exacted.  How  long  the  provision  requiring  a 
license  to  export  was  in  force  cannot  be  determined.  The 
evidence  seems  to  show  that  the  customs  granted  by  the  assize 
were  collected  during  a  period  less  than  a  decade.3 

The  famous  Carta  Mercatoria  of  1303  which  granted  alien 
merchants  a  special  status  in  England  has  been  given  a  prominent 
place  among  corn  laws.4     The  charter  was  important  on  account 

1  Simon  filius  Petri  de  Wigenhala  debet  dimidiam  marcam  pro  blado  asportato 
sine  licentia.  Great  Roll  of  the  Pipe,  23  H.  II,  p.  136  (1176-77).  Cf.  ibid.,  pp.  183- 
184.  See  also  succeeding  volumes  (printed)  down  to  the  volume  of  the  year  30 
H.  II,  pp.  10,  12,  89,  125-126  (1183-84). 

*  Rotuli  Litterarum  Palentium,  i,  pt.  i,  pp.  42-43. 

*  See  my  article  on  "  The  Origin  of  the  National  Customs-Revenue  of  England," 
Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  xxvii,  pp.  143-144. 

4  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  pp.  70-72;  Naud6,  Die 
Getreidehandelspolitik  der  Europ&ischen  Staaten,  pp.  72-73. 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 35 

of  the  extent  of  the  privileges  granted,  the  number  of  merchants 
included,  and  the  long  period  it  remained  in  force.  For  present 
purposes  it  may  be  considered  an  agreement  whereby  the  mer- 
chants promised  to  pay  a  super- tax  of  i\%  on  certain  cloths, 
horses  or  other  animals,  corn,  and  many  other  articles  in  return 
for  the  perpetual  right  of  exporting  and  importing  them.1  But 
the  exact  measure  of  importance  to  the  trade  in  corn  which  we 
should  assign  to  this  charter  is  not  clear.  It  applied  only  to 
merchants  of  the  countries  mentioned,  and  granted  the  privilege 
of  exporting  corn  which,  so  far  as  we  know,  they  did  not  pre- 
viously possess. 

In  1361  partial  free-trade  was  established  between  England  and 
Ireland.  The  law  then  passed  provided  that  the  people  of  Eng- 
land, ecclesiastical  and  lay,  who  had  possessions  in  both  England 
and  Ireland  might,  upon  payment  of  the  customs,  send  their  corn, 
beasts,  and  victuals  to  Ireland,  as  well  as  from  Ireland  to  England.2 
At  the  same  time  the  exportation  of  corn  from  any  part  of 
England  was  forbidden,  except  of  course  to  Ireland;  and  no  one 
was  to  have  a  license  to  export  to  any  place  other  than  Calais 
and  Gascony.  The  king,  however,  might  by  ordinance  make 
exceptions  when  he  thought  best.' 

Thus  we  see  that  the  king  was  to  continue  to  regulate  exporta- 
tion as  in  the  past,  and  that  the  export  trade  was  under  the  ban, 
even  though  it  might  take  place  when  licensed.  The  petitions  of 
1376, 4  1382, 5  and  1383  6  indicate  that  the  prohibition  to  export 
was  strongly  supported  by  the  Commons.  Although  the  statute 
in  question  was  modified  by  the  acts  of  1394  and  1426,  and 
superseded  by  the  law  of  1437,  it  was  repealed  only  in  1624.7 

In  1382  the  Commons  asserted  that  corn  exportation  had 
taken  place  in  the  past  by  royal  license,  and  had  resulted  in  a 

1  Rymer,  Fxdera,  etc.  (Rec.  ed.),  ii,  pt.  ii,  p.  747  (1302-03). 

2  34  Ed.  Ill,  c.  18.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i,  p.  368  (1360-61). 
8  34  Ed.  Ill,  c.  20.     Ibid.,  i,  p.  368. 

4  The  Commons  petitioned  the  king  to  allow  no  corn  to  be  exported  even  by 
license,  unless  it  be  to  Calais  or  to  other  lands  of  the  king.  This  petition  was  not 
assented  to  by  the  king  and  therefore  did  not  become  a  law.  Rotuli  Parliamento- 
rum,  ii,  p.  350a. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  164a,  b.  5  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  141b. 

7  21  Jac.  I,  c.  28,  §  11.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  2,  p.  1238. 


136  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

dearth;  they,  therefore,  petitioned  that  this  be  remedied  by  an 
absolute  prohibition  to  export.  The  king  in  answer  decreed  that 
a  general  proclamation  should  be  made  prohibiting  export 
(except  to  Berwick-on-Tweed,  Calais,  Gascony,  Brest,  and 
Cherbourg),  and  that  no  license  should  be  granted  contrary  to 
the  proclamation  without  the  advice  of  the  council  and  for 
reasonable  cause.1 

The  importance  of  this  measure  is  that  it  shows  that  neither 
king  nor  Commons  favored  unrestricted  export,  but  while  the 
king  had  in  practice  permitted  exportation  by  license,  the 
Commons  were  in  favor  of  no  export  at  all.  All  this,  however, 
was  meant  to  be  temporary,  as  also  was  the  clause  that  the  assent 
of  the  council  to  license  export  was  necessary. 

During  the  following  year,  1383,  the  Commons  again  petitioned 
for  the  prohibition  of  the  exportation  of  corn,  victuals,  and  arms, 
this  time  to  Scotland.  The  king's  assent  was  given  but  with 
qualification.  He  agreed  that  no  corn  should  be  sent  to  Scotland, 
unless  license  to  the  contrary  were  given.2 

The  act  of  1394  was  petitioned  for  by  the  Commons  and  agreed 
to  by  the  king.  The  latter  granted  to  all  his  subjects  of  England 
license  to  export  corn  to  any  land  they  wished,  other  than  to 
enemies.  The  subsidies  and  duties  due,  therefore,  were  to  be 
paid;  and  to  the  council  was  reserved  the  right  to  restrain  export 
when  it  seemed  for  the  profit  of  the  realm  to  do  so.3  From  the 
reading  of  the  statute  it  is  evident  that  the  government  did  not 
intend  to  grant  a  perpetual  right  to  export,  but  simply  an  indef- 
inite permission.  Though  officially  repealed  only  in  1624,4 
this  law  practically  came  to  an  end,  probably  not  by  any  abrupt 
abrogation,  but  by  exceptions  introduced  by  administrative 
practice  some  time  before  1426.  Not  the  letter  but  the  spirit  of 
the  law  was  broken. 

A  petition  complaining  of  such  interpretation  was  drawn  up 
and,  having  received  the  royal  assent,  became  the  statute  of 
1426  which  read  as  follows:  The  king  at  the  special  request  of  the 

1  Rotuli  Parliamentorum,  iii,  p.  141b. 

*  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  164a,  b. 

*  17  R.  II,  c.  7.    Statutes  of  the  Realm,  ii,  p.  88  (1393-94). 
4  2i  Jac.  I,  c.  28,  §  11.     Ibid.,  iv,  pt.  2,  p.  1238  (1623-24). 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 37 

Commons  willed  that  the  statute  [of  1394]  be  kept  in  all  points, 
reserving  to  the  council,  nevertheless,  the  right  to  restrain  export 
when  it  seemed  advisable.1 

In  1437  an  important  measure  was  passed.  Since  by  the  act 
of  1 36 1  it  had  been  ordained  that  no  man  might  carry  corn  out  of 
the  realm  without  the  king's  license,  the  farmers  and  others,  who 
use  manurement  of  their  land,  could  not  sell  their  corn  at  a  prof- 
itable rate  to  the  damage  of  the  realm;  the  king,  willing  to 
provide  remedy,  ordained  that  any  one,  even  without  seeking  a 
special  license,  might  export  corn  and  sell  it  to  whatever  person 
he  would.  This  was,  however,  contingent  on  three  conditions: 
the  corn  was  not  to  go  to  enemies;  the  customs  were  to  be  paid; 
and  the  price  of  corn  in  the  port  of  shipment  was  not  to  exceed 
specified  rates,  in  the  case  of  wheat  6  s.  8  d.  per  quarter  and 
barley  3  s.     This  act  was  to  endure  until  the  next  parliament.2 

There  are  some  interesting  points  in  this  law.  The  laws  of 
1394  and  1426  were  treated  as  if  non-existent,  and  the  law  of 
1361  was  held  to  be  still  in  force.  It  is  evident  that  the  Commons 
desired  to  recognize  the  export  of  corn  as  normal,  and,  doubting 
the  sympathy  of  the  crown  with  such  a  measure,  they  wished  to 
put  down  in  black  and  white  the  rights  of  citizens  to  export  corn, 
when  prices  were  low,  without  seeking  a  license.  It  is  probable 
also  that  although  the  king  assented,  he  did  so  only  on  the 
condition  (expressed)  that  the  act  should  be  temporary. 

The  statute  of  1437  was  to  last  until  the  next  parliament,  which 
met  late  in  1439.  Certainly  in  1442  this  law  was  regarded  as 
dead,  and  was  repealed  by  the  act  following  it.  This  latter 
recited  the  law  of  1437,  and  then  declared  that  since  this  is  not 
now  in  force,  and  since  many  counties  along  the  coast  are  unable 
to  sell  the  bulk  of  their  corn  other  than  by  the  over-sea  trade,  the 
king  ordained  that  the  statute  [of  1437]  should  be  in  force  again 
from  8  September,  and  last  till  the  next  parliament,  or  for  ten 
years  if  parliament  did  not  meet.3  The  next  parliament  met  in 
February,  1445,  and  the  act  then  became  void.    But  at  this  time, 

1  17  R.  II,  c.  7.  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  ii,  p.  88.  This  statute  was  repealed 
by  implication  in  21  Jac.  I,  c.  28,  §  11. 

1  15  H.  VI,  c.  2.     Ibid.,  ii,  p.  295  (1436-37)- 
1  20  H.  VI,  c.  6.     Ibid.,  p.  319  (1441-42). 


138  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

since  the  counties  on  the  sea  could  not  sell  the  bulk  of  their 
corn  other  than  by  over-sea  traffic,  the  king  willed  that  the  act 
of  1437  should  be  perpetually  in  force,1  that  is,  that  corn  might 
be  exported  when  not  above  the  specified  prices.  The  law  of 
1437,  twice  tentatively  enacted,  and  the  third  time  made  per- 
petual, continued  in  force  technically  till  superseded  by  Tudor 
legislation. 

It  was  nearly  a  century  before  another  export  corn  law  was  put 
upon  the  statute  rolls.  In  1534  it  was  enacted  that  no  one 
without  a  license  under  the  king's  great  seal  might  export  any 
corn,  beef,  mutton,  veal,  pork,  cheese,  butter,  fowl,  and  other 
victuals,  unless  it  be  for  supplying  Calais  and  ships  going  to 
sea.2 

This  was  but  part  of  a  general  regulation  concerning  victuals, 
the  greater  part  of  which  provides  for  the  fixing  of  prices  of  pro- 
visions by  central  officials  in  case  complaint  was  made  to  them. 
The  underlying  impulse  prompting  the  enactment  was  stated  to 
be  the  rise  of  prices  caused  by  covetous  regrators  and  engrossers. 
Corn  appeared  as  but  one  item  and  was  not  mentioned  in  two 
of  the  three  sections.  The  conclusion  is  inevitable  that  corn  was 
inserted  as  if  it  constituted  but  one  phase  of  the  general  problem 
of  the  scarcity  and  the  high  prices  then  prevailing,  a  problem 
dealt  with  elsewhere  in  the  statutes  of  the  session.3  The  central 
government  had  met  the  new  difficulties  some  time  before  the  act 
of  1534 4  which,  so  far  as  corn  exportation  was  concerned,  was 
therefore  not  novel  nor  far-reaching  in  effect.  The  extent  to 
which  this  export  act  was  enforced  is  not  clear.  Hales,  writing 
probably  in  1549,  seems  to  assume  the  existence  of  the  old  law  of 

1  23  H.  VI,  c.  5.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  ii,  p.  331  (1444-45). 

*  25  H.  VIII,  c.  2,  §3.  Ibid.,m, p. 438  (1533-34).  Repealed  in  1822  by  3  Geo. IV, 
c.  41,  §  4.     {Chronological  Index  of  1828,  p.  868.) 

Two  years  later  a  law  was  passed,  with  the  intention  of  providing  Calais  with 
supplies,  decreeing  that  English  and  aliens  might  import  into  that  town  victuals, 
com,  wine,  salt,  fuel,  and  other  things  from  France,  Flanders,  or  other  foreign  coun- 
tries, and  export  the  same  again  without  restraint,  after  the  authorities  had  pur- 
chased what  was  necessary  for  the  provision  of  the  town.  27  H.  VIII,  c.  63.  Ibid., 
p.  643. 

»  25  H.  VIII,  cc.  i,  13.     Ibid.,  pp.  436,  451. 

*  See  below,  p.  221,  n.  12. 


TEE  CORN  LAWS  1 39 

143  7. *  Probably  on  account  of  plentiful  harvests,  royal  procla- 
mations, as  in  the  year  1550,2  made  exceptions  to  the  working  of 
the  act. 

The  next  corn  law,  that  of  1555,  entitled  "  An  Acte  to  re- 
strayne  carrieng  of  Corne  Victuals  and  Wood  over  the  Sea,"  3 
superseded  without  abrogating 4  the  act  of  1534.  It  states  that 
in  spite  of  earlier  acts  against  exportation,  notably  that  of  1534, 
covetous  persons  were  said  to  have  sent  abroad  a  great  quantity 
of  corn,  cheese,  butter,  and  other  victuals  as  well  as  wood;  this, 
it  was  alleged,  caused  a  wonderful  dearth  and  extreme  prices. 
The  unauthorized  export  of  these  commodities  was,  therefore, 
from  that  time  forth  prohibited  under  heavy  penalties.  Persons 
having  license  to  export,  who  carried  away  more  corn  than  they 
ought,  were  to  be  fined  treble  the  value  of  the  excess  and  im- 
prisoned without  bail  for  one  year;  but  at  all  times  hereafter 
any  one  might  export  corn  at  pleasure  (unless  it  be  to  enemies), 
provided  the  price  was  not  above  a  certain  level,  that  is,  of  wheat 
6  s.  8  d.,  rye  4  s.  and  barley  3  s.  per  quarter. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  scarcity  and  high  prices  were  still  the 
paramount  issues.  The  wording  of  the  title,  the  general  spirit 
of  the  law,  and  the  position  of  the  clause  granting  permission  to 
export,  suggest  that  the  law  was  originally  intended  to  check 
exportation,  but  that  qualified  exportation  was  allowed  as  the 
result  of  a  compromise,  probably  in  answer  to  the  demands  of 
such  a  corn-growing  district  as  East  Anglia. 

In  the  act  of  1559,  regulating  the  administration  of  the  cus- 
toms, the  export  of  corn  from  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  was  allowed 

1  "  Ye  have  a  lawe  made  that  no  corne  shall  passe  over  and  it  be  above  a  noble 
the  quarter;  yf  it  be  under  ye  give  fre  libertie  for  it  to  passe  over."  Hales,  A  Dis- 
course of  the  Common  Weal  of  this  Realm  of  England,  p.  54  (1549).  Such  seems  to 
have  been  the  opinion  of  Gardiner  writing  to  Somerset  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI. 
See  Merriman,  Thomas  Cromwell,  i,  p.  123. 

2  "  If  Wheat  is  sold  at  6  s.  8  d.,  Malt  5  s.,  Beans  and  Pease  4  s.,  Oats  3  s.  4  d.,  Rye 
5  s.  a  quarter,  it  shall  be  lawful  to  export  them."  Bibliotheca  Lindesiana,  Royal  Proc- 
lamations of  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  Sovereigns,  i,  no.  389  (24  Sept.,  1550). 

"  Export  prohibited  ...  of  grain  and  food."     Ibid.,  no.  390  (20  Oct.,  1550). 

3  1  and  2  P.  and  M.,  c.  5.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  1,  p.  243  (1554-55). 

4  In  March,  1572,  three  corn  laws  were  held  to  be  valid,  those  of  1533-34,  1554- 
55>  I563-     MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  16. 


140  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

when  the  prices  were  at  or  under  the  following  rates,  wheat  6  s. 
8  d.  per  quarter,  barley  and  malt  3  s.  4  d.,  oats  and  oats  malted 
2  s.,  peas  and  beans  4  s.,  rye  and  mistlin  5  s.  Nothing  in  this  act 
was  to  deflect  the  corn  trade  from  its  accustomed  course.1 

Two  points  are  here  of  interest.  The  act  of  1555  was  evidently 
regarded  as  of  uncertain  meaning,  and  as  not  giving  the  unde- 
niable right  to  export  that  East  Anglia  sought.  And  the  export 
of  corn  from  other  parts  of  England  was  held  to  be  of  little  or  no 
importance,  though  by  no  means  to  be  discouraged.2 

The  second  export  corn  law  of  Elizabeth,  in  1563,  of  greater 
importance  than  the  first,  supplanted  the  acts  of  both  1555  and 
1559.  This  act  in  providing  for  the  encouragement  of  the  navy 
by  the  stimulation  of  shipping,  the  fish  trade,  and  the  export  of 
corn,  declared  that  under  the  act  of  1555  no  owner  of  a  ship  in 
which  corn  was  illegally  exported  was  to  suffer,  unless  he  were  a 
party  to  the  crime;  and  that  any  of  the  queen's  subjects  might 
export  to  any  foreign  land  wheat,  rye,  barley,  malt,  peas,  and 
beans  on  condition  that  English-born  subjects  were  the  sole 
owners  of  the  ships,  and  that  the  price  of  corn  was  not  above  the 
specified  rates,  in  the  case  of  wheat  10  s.  per  quarter,  rye,  peas, 
and  beans  8  s.,  barley  and  malt  6  s.  8  d.3 

This  statute  as  a  whole  is  strongly  mercantilistic.  Shipping, 
manufactures,  fisheries,  and  agriculture  (tillage  and  pasturage) 
were  all  to  be  encouraged.  The  corn  export  trade  was  ostensibly 
given  whole-hearted  support;  the  only  specified  restraint  was 
that  arising  from  high  prices.  It  is  clear  that  the  clauses 
relating  to  corn,  although  only  two  out  of  thirty-four,  were  not 
after-thoughts  nor  late  insertions,  the  result  of  compromise. 
It  was  apparently  the  very  decisiveness  and  possible  importance 
of  the  new  departure  in  policy  which  led  to_the  inclusion  of  a 
clause  limiting  the  act  to  ten  years. 

1  1  Eliz.,  c.  11,  §  10.  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  x,  p.  374  (1558-59).  See  be- 
low, p.  231. 

*  In  this  same  session  it  was  enacted  that  any  subject,  shipping  goods  abroad  in 
a  ship  not  owned  by  Englishmen  and  with  the  master  and  most  of  the  mariners 
not  English,  was  to  pay  aliens'  duties.  From  this,  masts,  raffe,  pitch,  tar,  and 
corn  were  excepted.     Ibid.,  p.  375. 

*  5  Eliz.,  c.  5.     Ibid.,  pp.  422-428  (1562-63).     See  below,  p.  231,  n.  3. 


THE  CORN  LAWS  141 

But  before  the  ten  year  period  had  elapsed,  this  act  was  re- 
placed by  the  law  of  1 571,  expressly  stated  to  be  in  the  interest  of 
tillage.  It  contains  the  following  provisions.  (1)  Subjects  of  the 
queen  were  given  permission  to  export  corn  without  any  restraint 
at  any  time  on  these  conditions,  that  it  should  go  to  nations  in 
amity,  that  the  ships  carrying  it  should  be  owned  solely  by 
Englishmen,  and  that  prices  should  be  reasonable  and  moderate 
in  the  counties  from  which  export  was  contemplated.  (2)  Local 
authorities  were  to  consult  with  the  inhabitants  of  their  districts 
and  make  known  by  proclamation  whether  the  local  supply  of 
corn  would  permit  its  export  during  the  year.  These  proclama- 
tions were  to  be  issued  only  after  the  central  government  had 
given  its  assent.  (3)  The  queen  was  to  receive  for  poundage 
1 2  d.  on  every  quarter  of  wheat  and  8  d.  on  every  quarter  of  other 
kinds  of  grain  exported  without  special  license,  and  double  this 
sum  when  with  special  license.  (4)  The  queen  might  at  any  time 
prohibit  the  export  either  from  one  district  or  from  the  country 
as  a  whole.1 

This  is  the  first  statute  of  more  than  a  few  lines  that  deals 
wholly  with  the  export  corn  trade.  The  administration  of  the 
act  was  left  with  the  local  authorities  who  were  to  determine 
when  prices  were  reasonable,  and  when  the  local  supply  would 
justify  exportation.  The  government  was  still  apprehensive  of 
scarcity  but  was  inclined  to  allow  exportation  in  order  to  im- 
prove tillage  and  to  increase  the  revenue. 

In  1593  was  passed  one  of  those  "  continuing  "  laws,  of  increas- 
ing frequency  in  the  Tudor  period,  which  contains  hidden  away 
within  its  unrelated  clauses  certain  corn  regulations.  It  per- 
mitted the  exportation  of  corn  on  certain  specified  conditions. 
It  was  not  to  exceed  the  following  prices,  in  the  case  of  wheat 
20  s.  per  quarter,  rye,  peas,  and  beans  13  s.  4  d.,  barley  and  malt 
12  s.  A  payment  was  required  of  2  s.  as  poundage  on  every 
quarter  of  wheat  and  16  d.  on  every  quarter  of  all  other  grain. 
But  licenses  already  granted  to  individuals  and  corporations 
for  exporting  corn  were  not  to  be  subject  to  the  new  conditions; 
and  the  queen  might  at  any  time  prohibit  by  proclamation 

1  13  Eliz.,  c.  13.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  1,  p.  547.    See  below,  p.  231,  n.  8. 


142  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

the  export  of  corn  from  any  one  district  or  from  the  realm  as  a 
whole.1 

By  this  act  the  administration  of  the  export  trade  was  taken 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  local  authorities.  One  standard  of  prices 
was  to  hold  for  all  England  as  had  been  the  case  before  the  act  of 
1 57 1.  The  queen's  right  to  prohibit  exportation  was  again 
affirmed. 

The  first  of  the  Stuart  corn  laws,  found  in  an  act  of  1604,  for 
continuing,  revising,  and  repealing  divers  statutes,  provided  that 
any  subject  of  the  king  might  export  corn  when  the  following 
conditions  were  fulfilled.  Prices  were  not  to  be  above  26  s.  8  d. 
per  quarter  for  wheat,  15  s.  for  rye,  peas,  and  beans,  14  s.  for 
barley  or  malt.  The  corn  was  to  be  shipped  only  to  peoples  in 
amity  and  transported  in  ships  owned  by  English-born  subjects. 
A  poundage  was  to  be  paid  at  the  rate  of  2  s.  per  quarter  of 
wheat,  and  16  d.  for  every  quarter  of  any  other  kind  of  grain. 
At  all  times  the  king  might  prohibit  the  export  of  corn  from 
any  one  district  or  from  the  country  as  a  whole.2 

This  act  simply  shows  the  continuation  of  the  privileges  of  the 
acts  of  1437,  1555,  and  1593,  together  with  the  effort  to  keep 
the  maximum  price  at  which  corn  might  be  exported  in  accord 
with  rising  prices. 

In  another  act  for  continuing,  revising,  and  repealing  of 
statutes,  passed  in  1624,  the  maximum  price  at  which  corn  might 
be  exported  was  raised  to  the  following  rates,  wheat  32  s.  per 
quarter,  rye  20  s.,  peas,  beans,  barley,  and  malt  16  s.3 

With  the  law  of  1627,  the  series  of  "  continuing  "  acts  came  to 
an  end.  It  permits  subjects  born  in  the  realm  to  transport  corn, 
to  buy  it  to  sell  again  in  markets  and  out  of  markets,  and  to  export 
it  abroad.  The  conditions  as  to  maximum  prices,  custom  rates, 
and  English  ownership  remained  as  before.     The  usual  clause  is 

1  35  Eliz.,  c.  7,  §  5.  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  2,  p.  855  (1592-93).  See  below, 
p.  231.    See  also  39  Eliz.,  c.  2,  §  1;  ibid.,  p.  893  (1597-98). 

*  1  Jac.  I,  c.  25.  Ibid.,  p.  1050  (1603-04).  This  statute  is  referred  to  in  "  An 
Acte  for  Transportacon  of  Beere  over  the  Seas,"  passed  in  1605-06.  3  Jac.  I, 
c  11.     Ibid.,  p.  1087. 

*  21  Jac.  I,  c.  28,  §  3.     Ibid.,  p.  1237  (1623-24). 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 43 

added,  reserving  to  the  king  the  right  at  any  time  to  prohibit  the 
export  of  corn  locally  or  nationally.1 

The  only  export  law  which  was  passed  during  the  Interregnum 
somewhat  resembled  the  act  of  1627.  According  to  this  law, 
dated  1656,2  both  aliens  and  denizens 3  might  export 4  corn  freely 
when  prices  were  not  above  40  s.  per  quarter  for  wheat,  24  s.  for 
rye,  peas,  and  beans,  20  s.  for  barley  and  malt,  and  16  s.  for  oats. 
Denizens  were  to  pay  1  s.  customs  per  quarter  of  wheat,  and 
corresponding  prices  for  other  grain,  aliens  to  pay  treble  the  rate. 
And  natives  were  to  use  only  those  ships  that  truly  belonged  to 
them. 

In  the  case  of  this  corn  law,  as  in  so  many  instances,  the 
Restoration  parliaments  confirmed  the  measures  of  the  Inter- 
regnum period.  The  maximum  rates  of  the  law  of  1656  were 
maintained  by  the  law  of  1660,  but  the  .clause  imposing  higher 
customs  upon  aliens  reduced  the  burden  to  twice  the  rate  paid  by 
natives.5 

The  act  of  1663  brings  to  an  end  the  array  of  laws  permitting 
export  when  prices  were  not  above  certain  levels,  in  this  case, 
wheat  48  s.  per  quarter,  rye,  peas,  and  beans  32  s.,  barley,  malt, 
and  buckwheat  28  s.,  and  oats  13  s.  4  d.6  This  act  was  passed 
to]  encourage  trade,  but  its  export  provisions  were  less  novel 
than  the  section  on  imports  which  will  be  later  summarized. 

A  noteworthy  law  was  enacted 7  which,  unlike  its  predecessors, 
remained   on    the    statute   book    for   generations.8      For    the 

1  3  Car.  I,  c.  5,  §  6.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  v,  p.  30. 

2  Printed  in  London,  1657,  by  Henry  Hills  and  John  Field  (ten  pages). 

3  The  meaning  of  this  badly-drawn  statute  is  not  clear.  The  text  is  in  part:  it 
shall  "  be  lawfull  for  any  person  or  persons,  being  Natives  of  this  Commonwealth, 
to  carry  or  transport  of  his  own,  and  to  buy  to  sell  again  in  Marketts  and  out  of 
Marketts,  and  to  keep  or  sell,  or  carry  and  transport,  and  for  any  other  person  or 
persons,  to  transport  any  or  all  these  several  sorts  of  Corn  and  Grain." 

4  The  word  "  export  "  does  not  occur  in  the  text  but  is  in  the  title,  "  An  Act  for 
the  Exportation  of  Several  commodities  of  the  Breed  Growth  and  Manufacture  of 
this  Commonwealth." 

5  12  Car.  II,  c.  4,  §§  1,  n.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  v,  pp.  181,  183. 

6  15  Car.  II,  c.  7.    Ibid.,  p.  449. 

7  22  Car.  II,  c.  13.     Ibid.,  v,  p.  685. 

8  Repealed,  except  as  to  Ireland,  44  Geo.  Ill,  c.  109,  §  1. 


144  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

improvement  of  tillage  and  the  common  welfare  of  England,  it 
was  ordained  that  all  persons,  native  and  foreign,  might  at  any 
time  after  24  June,  1670,  regardless  of  the  price,  export  corn  on 
the  sole  condition  of  paying  the  customs  imposed  in  1660. 

This  policy  of  encouragement  to  exportation  found  further 
expression  in  the  first  corn  bounty  act,  passed  nearly  three  years 
later.1  Like  so  many  other  corn  laws,  it  occupied  a  very  incon- 
spicuous position  in  the  statute-book.  It  is  the  second  last 
section  of  a  long  statute  (containing  thirty- two  clauses),  which 
granted  to  the  crown  a  large  subsidy.  This  explains  why  the 
law  has  so  long  remained  unknown,  and  why  the  belief  has  pre- 
vailed among  historians  that  the  act  of  1689  (1  W.  &  M.,  c.  12) 
was  the  "  first "  corn  bounty  act  in  English  history.2  So  firm 
was  this  belief  that  even  where  the  earlier  bounty  has  thrust 
itself  forward,  it  has  been  denied  its  proper  identity.3  Not  only 
do  we  know  much  concerning  its  history,  but  we  have  the  act 

1  See  my  article  "  The  Corn  Bounty  Experiment  of  Charles  II,"  Quarterly  Jour- 
nal of  Economics,  xxiv,  pp.  410-422. 

1  "  This  [the  act  of  1689]  was  the  first  Law  for  allowing  any  Bounty  on  Corn 
exported."     Anderson,  Origin  of  Commerce,  ii,  p.  189  (1764). 

"  This  was  the  first  law  for  allowing  any  bounty  on  corn  exported."  Macpher- 
son,  Annals  of  Commerce,  ii,  p.  634  (1805). 

"  At  the  Revolution,  however,  a  new  policy  was  adopted."  Lecky,  History  of 
England,  vii,  pp.  245-246. 

In  1689  was  taken  "  the  new  and  surprising  step  of  enacting  a  bounty  on  the 
export  of  grain."     R.  Somers,  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  (9th  ed.),  vi,  p.  410. 

"  The  only  law  of  the  latter  kind  [bounty  on  exportation]  is  the  famous  Bounty 
Act  of  William  and  Mary."  J.  E.  T.  Rogers,  in  Palgrave,  Dictionary  of  Political 
Economy,  i,  p.  423. 

"  Daher  finden  wir  denn  auch  1683  bereits  theoretisch  formulirt  den  Gedanken, 
dass  es  im  Interesse  des  Konigs  sei,  eine  Pramie  fur  die  Ausfuhr  von  Komeinzufiih- 
ren."  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  p.  112  (1888);  Naudd, 
Die  Gelreidehandelspolitik  der  Europ&ischen  Staaten  vom  13.  bis  zum  18.  Jahrhun- 
dert,  p.  101  (1896),  knowing  only  of  the  act  of  1689,  accepts  Faber's  view. 

"  The  bounty  system  on  exported  corn  was  first  instituted  in  1689."  Atton  and 
Holland,  The  King's  Customs,  p.  144  n.  (1908). 

"  The  bounty  on  corn,  first  granted  in  1688  and  abolished  in  1814."  Encyclo- 
paedia Britannica  (nth  ed.,  1910),  iv,  p.  324. 

"  The  only  example  of  bounties  on  exported  corn  is  the  Bounty  Act  of  1689." 
F.  Bower,  A  Dictionary  of  Economic  Terms,  under  "  Corn  Laws  "  (undated). 

1  By  the  indexer  of  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers  (Domestic,  Car.  II,  xviii,  1676- 
77,  p.  628),  who  connects  the  bounty  with  22  Car.  II,  c.  13. 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 45 

itself,  which,  though  not  to  be  found  in  the  statutes  at  large,  is 
printed,  yet  not  indexed,  in  the  Statutes  of  the  Realm.1 

According  to  the  reading  of  the  act  it  was  to  last  only  from  the 
first  of  the  session  in  1673,  that  is  from  4  February  to  the  last 
day  of  the  session  following  the  close  of  a  period  of  three  years, 
that  is,  according  to  the  official  decision,2  to  13  May,  1678.  But 
the  accounts  of  the  corn  bounty  debentures 3  show  that  the  period 
of  actual  enforcement  lay  between  the  year  1674-75  4  (Michael- 
mas to  Michaelmas)  and  the  year  1680-81  (Michaelmas  to 
Michaelmas).  It  is  evident  that  the  original  official  decision  was 
revoked,  though  the  circumstances  of  the  case  are  unknown;  and 

1  The  act  reads  in  part  as  follows:  "  And  to  the  end  that  all  Owners  of  Land 
whereupon  this  Taxe  [direct  tax  of  £1,238,750  to  be  raised  within  18  months]  prin- 
cipally lyeth  may  be  the  better  enabled  to  pay  the  same  by  rendering  the  labours 
of  the  husbandmen  in  raising  corne  and  graine  more  valuable  by  exportation  of  the 
same  into  forreigne  parts  which  now  is  already  at  a  very  low  rate  and  that  the  Na- 
tion in  generall  may  have  her  stocke  increased  by  the  returns  thereof.  Bee  it  fur- 
ther enacted  that  for  the  space  of  three  years  from  the  first  day  of  this  Session  of 
Parlyament  and  from  thenceforward  to  the  end  of  the  next  Session  of  Parlyament 
when  Mault  or  Barley  (Winchester  Measure)  is  or  shall  be  at  twenty  fower  shillings 
a  quarter,  Rye  thirty  two  shillings  a  quarter  and  Wheate  forty  eight  shillings  a 
quarter  or  under  in  any  Port  or  Ports  of  this  Kingdome  or  Dominion  of  Wales  every 
Merchant  or  other  person  who  shall  putt  on  Shipboard  in  English  Shipping  (the 
Master  and  two  thirds  of  the  Marriners  at  least  being  His  Majestyes  Subjects)  any 
sorts  of  the  corne  aforesaid  .  .  .  shall  have  and  receive  ...  for  every  quarter  of 
Barley  or  Mault  ground  or  unground  two  shillings  and  six  pence,  for  every  quarter 
of  Rye  ground  or  unground  three  shillings  and  six  pence,  for  every  quarter  of 
Wheate  ground  or  unground  five  shillings.''  25  Car.  II,  c.  1,  §  31.  Statutes  of  the 
Realm,  v,  p.  781  (1672-73). 

2  "  Whereas  the  parliament  was  yesterday  the  13th  May  prorogued  by  his 
Majesty  Wee  thinke  fit  to  let  you  know  that  grayn  or  Corne  exported  directed  by 
the  Act  made  the  25  year  of  his  Majesty's  Reigne  Entitled  an  Act  for  Raiseing  the 
sume  of  £1,238,750  for  the  supply  of  his  Majesty's  Extraordinary  ocassions  is  de- 
termined and  at  an  End  soe  that  for  any  of  the  corne  therein  menconed,  which  shall 
be  shipped  from  and  after  the  said  time  for  Exportacon  you  are  to  make  noe  pay- 
ment or  allowance,  but  Collect  the  Custome  due  for  the  same."  Dated  "  Custom 
house  London  14°  May  1678,"  Yarmouth  Custom  House,  Orders,  fol.  96. 

8  Appendix  G. 

*  Up  to  29  June,  1675,  the  London  officials  had  apparently  not  sent  all  the  neces- 
sary instructions  to  the  customers  at  Stockton.  A  letter  of  the  above  date,  written 
in  London  and  sent  to  the  Stockton  officials,  reads:  "  The  book  of  rates  will  bee 
provided  &  sent  you  by  the  stationer  wherein  the  said  Clause  [concerning  the 
bounty]  is  printed  att  larg[e]."  MS.,  Stockton  Customs  House,  Book  of  Instruc- 
tions, vol.  1675-1714,  under  entry  date  of  30  Oct.,  1675. 


146  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

it  also  seems  that,  since  the  bounty  was  a  year  or  more  late  in 
coming  into  effect  owing  to  the  high  price  of  corn,  its  operation 
was  extended  to  cover  a  period  of  the  same  length  of  time  as  that 
specified  in  the  act,  that  is  in  all  about  five  and  one-quarter  years. 

The  bounty  system  was  re-introduced  in  the  act  for  the 
encouragement  of  the  exportation  of  corn  in  the  year  1689. 
Since  it  had  been  found  by  experience,  so  runs  the  preamble,  that 
the  exportation  of  corn  abroad,  when  the  price  at  home  was  low, 
had  been  a  great  advantage  not  only  to  the  owners  of  land  but  to 
the  trade  of  the  whole  realm,  it  was,  therefore,  enacted  that  a 
bounty  of  corn  should  be  given  when  wheat  should  be  at  48  s.  per 
quarter  or  under,  rye  32  s.,  malt  or  barley  24  s.  at  any  port  in 
England  or  Wales.  Export  should  take  place  in  English  ship- 
ping with  the  master  and  two- thirds  of  the  mariners  English; 
and  the  corn  should  not  be  landed  again.  The  bounty  was  to  be 
5  s.  on  each  quarter  of  wheat,  3  s.  6  d.  on  each  quarter  of  rye,  and 
2  s.  6  d.  on  each  quarter  of  barley  and  malt,  ground  or  unground.1 

The  influence  of  this  act  in  English  economic  history  is  a  matter 
of  dispute,  but  the  discussion  of  this  question  lies  beyond  our 
field. 

When  these  laws  regulating  exportation  are  chronologically 
arranged,  nine  groups  of  important  corn  laws  may  be  noted. 
The  first  consists  of  the  law  of  136 1  prohibiting  export.  The 
second  is  the  law  of  1394  permitting  export.  The  third  is  the 
law  of  1437  establishing  machinery  for  regular  uninterrupted 
export.  The  fourth  is  the  statute  of  1534  which  prohibited 
unlicensed  export.  The  fifth  contains  the  three  acts  of  1555, 
1559,  and  1563  which  restored  the  Lancastrian  maximum  price 
clause  of  the  law  of  1437.  The  sixth  is  the  law  of  1571  allowing 
export  when  prices  were  reasonable.  The  seventh  group  is  the 
largest  of  all.  Beginning  with  the  act  of  1594  and  ending  with 
that  of  1663,  it  restored  the  price  provision  of  the  third  and  fifth 
groups.  The  eighth  is  the  act  of  1670  allowing  export  regardless 
of  prices.  The  ninth  and  last  comprises  the  two  bounty  acts. 
Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  were  three  changes  of  policy,  alter- 
nating between  prohibitions  and  permission  of  exportation.    Corn 

1  1  W.  &  M.,  c.  12.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  vi,  p.  62  (1688-89). 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 47 

export  was  prohibited  either  almost  completely,  as  by  the  law 
of  1361  or  only  partially  as  in  that  of  1534.  Or  exportation  was 
permitted  (a)  by  general  license  as  by  the  law  of  1394,  (b)  under 
certain  price  maxima  as  by  the  laws  of  1437,  1555,  1559,  i503> 
1593, 1604,  1624,  1627,  1656,  1660,  and  1663,  (c)  by  the  provision 
that  prices  were  to  be  reasonable  before  export  might  take  place, 
as  by  the  law  of  1571,  (d)  by  allowing  export  without  restriction 
as  in  the  law  of  1670,  or  (e)  by  encouraging  it  by  bounty  as  pro- 
vided by  the  acts  of  1673  and  1689. 

3.  Legislation  Regulating  Corn  Importation 

The  Carta  Mercatoria  of  1303  is  the  first  law,  or  first  document 
having  the  effect  of  law,  to  be  recorded  on  the  subject  of  the 
importation  of  corn.  In  return  for  a  super- tax  of  14%,  alien 
merchants  were  to  have  the  right  to  import  corn  and  certain 
other  merchandise  under  very  favorable  circumstances.1 

Important  as  was  this  charter  to  the  alien  merchants  in  their 
general  dealings,  it  is  doubtful  if  it  meant  much  to  the  import  corn 
trade,  for,  so  far  as  is  known,  aliens  had  formerly  been  allowed  to 
import,  and  this  was  merely  a  confirmation  of  the  right. 

An  act  of  1324,  of  narrow  application,  had  to  do  with  only  the 
Irish  trade.  It  ordained  that  no  royal  official  was  to  arrest  any 
ships  or  goods  of  aliens  or  denizens;  and  that  all  merchants  and 
others  were  free  to  import  from  Ireland  their  corn,  victuals,  and 
other  merchandise  into  England  and  Wales,  on  payment  of  the 
customs  due,  and  on  security  being  given  that  the  corn  should  not 
go  to  the  Scots  or  other  enemies.2 

Another  act  somewhat  similar  in  character  was  passed  in  1361. 
The  people  of  England,  as  well  religious  as  others,  who  had  their 
possessions  in  Ireland,  might  import  their  corn,  beasts,  and 
victuals  into  England,  as  well  as  carry  them  from  England  to 
Ireland.3 

A  new  departure  was  made  in  1463  when  an  interesting  law  of 
general  scope  was  passed.     The  statute  of  which  this  corn  law 

1  Rymer,  Fcedera,  etc.  (Rec.  ed.),  ii,  pt.  2,  p.  747. 

*  17  Ed.  II,  c.  3.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i,  p.  193  (1323-24). 

»  34  Ed.  Ill,  c.  18.    Ibid.,  p.  368  (1360-61). 


148  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

forms  but  one  section  was  passed  at  the  demand  of  the  Commons,1 
for  the  protection  of  England's  manufactures  and  agriculture. 
It  stated  that  the  laborers  and  occupiers  of  husbandry  in  England 
were  daily  put  to  a  grievous  loss  by  the  importation  of  corn  from 
other  lands,  and  that  this  was  especially  the  case  when  corn 
grown  in  England  was  at  a  low  price.  No  one,  therefore,  from 
24  June,  1463,  was  to  import  as  merchandise  or  otherwise,  any 
wheat,  rye,  or  barley  not  grown  in  England,  Ireland,  or  Wales, 
at  any  time  that  the  price  at  the  place  of  importation  was  not 
above  the  specified  rates,  wheat  6  s.  8  d.,  rye  4  s.,  and  barley  3  s.2 

In  1624  the  act  of  1463  was  repealed  as  long  since  out  of  date.8 
The  rise  of  prices  had  made  the  fifteenth  century  rates,  at  which 
corn  might  be  imported,  of  no  practical  use. 

Just  two  hundred  years  elapsed  between  the  enactment  of  the 
first  and  second  important  laws  dealing  with  the  importation  of 
corn.4  The  expressed  aim  of  the  Restoration  statute  of  1663  was 
to  encourage  tillage  in  order  to  make  trade  flourish.  Besides 
permitting  the  exportation  and  the  engrossing  of  corn,  the  act 
declared  that  when  prices  were  not  high,  a  heavy  duty  was  to  be 

1  Roluli  Parliatnentorutn,  v,  p.  504a. 

Stow  {Survey  of  London,  ed.  Kingsford,  i,  p.  233)  conjectures  that  this  act  was 
caused  by  the  great  amount  of  corn  brought  into  England  by  the  Hanseatic  mer- 
chants. In  this  Stow  is  not  to  be  followed,  for  he  was  probably  antedating  by 
about  a  century  the  corn  importing  activities  of  these  merchants. 

1  3  Ed.  IV,  c.  2.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  ii,  p.  395. 

A  law  of  1448-49  dealt  with  the  use  to  which  money  received  from  the  sale  of 
imported  corn  should  be  put.  It  ordained  that  all  merchants,  aliens,  and  denizens, 
importing  corn,  victuals,  or  any  other  merchandise,  should  export,  not  English  coin 
or  bullion,  but  English  goods.     27  H.  VI,  c.  3.     Ibid.,  ii,  p.  350. 

•  21  Jac.  I,  c.  28.     Ibid.,  iv,  pt.  2,  p.  1238  (1623-24). 

4  The  second  navigation  act,  passed  in  1660,  decreed  that  no  masts,  timber, 
boards,  salt,  pitch,  tar,  rosin,  hemp,  flax,  raisins,  figs,  prunes,  olive  oils,  corn  or 
grain,  sugar,  potash,  wines,  vinegar,  or  spirits  were  to  be  imported  except  in  the 
ships  of  the  country  of  the  origin  of  the  goods,  or  in  English  ships,  owned  by  English 
subjects  and  under  an  English  master  with  three-quarters  of  the  crew  Englishmen. 

This  act  was  passed  probably  with  no  thought  of  increasing  or  diminishing  the 
importation  of  corn.  The  aim  was  to  encourage  and  to  increase  English,  at  the 
expense  of  foreign,  shipping.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  intention,  it  is  likely 
that  the  import  corn  trade  would  in  fact  suffer  from  such  restriction.  12  Car.  II, 
c.  18,  §  8.     Ibid.,  v,  p.  248. 

The  navigation  act  of  1651  (Scobell,  Acts  and  Ordinances,  c.  22,  pp.  176-177)  does 
not  specifically  mention  corn. 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 49 

paid  on  imported  corn.  The  duty  was  5  s.  4  d.  per  quarter  of 
wheat,  when  the  latter  was  not  over  48  s.,  4  s.  for  rye,  peas,  and 
beans  when  not  over  32  s.,  2  s.  8  d.  for  barley  and  malt  when  not 
over  28  s.,  2  s.  for  buckwheat  when  not  over  28  s.,  and  1  s.  4  d. 
for  oats  when  not  over  13  s.  4  d.1  By  implication,  the  old  rates 
were  to  hold  when  prices  were  higher  than  those  expressed. 

This  was  the  first  time  in  English  history  that  English  agri- 
culture was  protected  by  high  import  corn  duties.  Clearly  the 
government  was  bending  every  effort  to  make  agricultural  pro- 
duction for  the  market  a  profitable  occupation. 

In  1670  this  policy  was  carried  to  its  logical  conclusion.  The 
English  market  was  guaranteed  to  native  producers  of  corn  when 
prices  were  low.  When  prices  were  moderate,  they  were  given  a 
great  advantage  over  foreign  producers.  And  only  when  prices 
were  distinctly  high  could  corn  be  imported  at  anything  like 
reasonable  rates.  This  was  accomplished  by  creating  three 
ranges  of  prices:  the  first  was  up  to  53  s.  4  d.,  and  while  prices 
were  within  this  range  the  importer  had  to  pay  a  duty  of  16  s. 
per  quarter;  the  second  53  s.  4  d.  to  80  s.  when  8  s.  were  due; 
and  the  third  above  80  s.  when  the  older  and  lower  rates  had  to 
be  paid.2 

Trial  proved  this  law  ineffectual,  because  of  the  lack  of  ma- 
chinery for  determining  the  market  price.  The  corn  dealers  were 
accused  of  raising  the  price  in  the  district  where  they  imported  a 
cargo,  so  that  they  would  have  less  duty  to  pay  —  "  to  defraud 
us  [the  king]  of  the  higher  duty  due  by  Law."  3 

By  way  of  remedy,  "  An  Additionall  Act  for  the  Improvement 
of  Tillage  "  was  passed  in  1685.  It  commenced  by  reciting  the  act 
of  1670.  Then  it  stated  that  since  no  provision  had  been  made 
for  the  determination  of  prevailing  prices,  great  quantities  of  corn 
had  been  imported  without  paying  the  duties  as  prescribed  by  the 
act  of  1670.  As  a  remedy  it  was  ordered  that  justices  of  the  peace 
within  the  counties  to  which  the  corn  was  imported  were  to  learn 
what  the  current  price  was  and  to  certify  this  to  the  customs 

1  15  Car.  II,  c.  7.    Statutes  of  the  Realm,  v,  p.  449. 

1  22  Car.  II,  c.  13.    Ibid.,  p.  685. 

'  MS.,  Treasury  Office,  Council  Register,  Jac.  II,  i,  fol.  521. 


150  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

official,  so  that  it  might  be  hung  up  within  the  customs  house. 
London  prices  were  to  be  certified  by  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and 
justices  of  the  peace  of  London.  The  duty  upon  foreign  corn 
imported  was  to  be  paid  according  to  these  certified  prices.1 

It  seems,  indeed,  that  this  act,  like  the  one  it  amended,  had 
comparatively  little  effect,  since  two  years  later  in  1687  the  law  of 
1685 2  was  again  proclaimed.  This  suggests  either  that  it  had  not 
yet  been  made  known  to  the  local  officials  or  that  it  had  been 
neglected  by  them.  Governor  Pownall's  testimony,  made  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  that  it  had  not  been 
"  actually  carried  into  execution,"  3  though  it  was  not  repealed 
till  the  beginning  of  the  last  decade  of  the  century.4 

This  legislation  may  be  thus  summarized.  There  were  but 
three  noteworthy  general  corn  laws  dealing  with  importation 
during  the  period.  The  first  (1463)  came  late,  and  though  not 
repealed  till  1624,  it  was  made  inoperative  by  the  rise  of  prices 
and,  therefore,  was  in  force  little  more  than  two  generations. 
Two  centuries  later  came  the  second  and  the  third  (1663  and  1670) 
and  these  like  the  first  aimed  to  keep  out  foreign  corn.  In  other 
words,  from  1100  to  1463,  so  far  as  we  know,  no  corn  law  checking 
importation  was  in  existence;  and  from  about  1550  to  1663  no 
import  corn  law  was  actually  in  force.  The  significance  of  this 
legislation  will  appear  more  clearly  in  a  later  connection; 5  at 
present  it  suffices  to  observe  that  in  the  earlier  period  restriction 
of  corn  importation  was  unnecessary,  in  the  later  not  advisable. 
Up  to  the  fifteenth  century  the  English  farmer  had  no  serious 
foreign  competition  to  fear,  and  after  the  fifteenth  century  the 
government  dreaded  to  leave  him  without  such  competition. 

4.  Legislation  Concerning  Corn  Dealers 

We  have  surveyed  some  of  the  national  laws  which  affected  the 
dealer  in  corn,  such  as  those  that  regulated  forestalling,  regrating, 
weights  and  measures,6  and  foreign  trade.7     Municipal  legislation 

1  1  Jac.  II,  c.  19.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  vi,  p.  21. 

*  Council  Register,  Jac.  I,  i,  fol.  521. 

1  A.  Young,  Political  Arithmetic,  p.  304. 

*  31  Geo.  Ill,  c.  30,  §  1.  «  Ch.  V,  §  1. 

*  Ch.  VIII.  7  Ch.  V,  §§  2,  3. 


THE  CORN  LAWS  151 

on  the  subject  of  the  corn  middleman,1  and  governmental  ordi- 
nances regulating  those  engaged  in  the  domestic  trade  will  be 
considered  later.2 

In  this  section  an  examination  is  made  only  of  those  national 
laws  which  gave  to  alien  merchants  certain  corn  trading  privileges 
within  the  English  towns  and  in  the  country  as  a  whole,  and 
national  measures  that  dealt  in  a  general  way  with  the  occupation 
of  a  corn  middleman. 

It  is  a  striking  commentary  upon  the  history  of  the  corn  trader 
that  there  were  so  few  laws  passed  which  singled  him  out  for 
special  legislation.  Generally  the  laws  had  reference  to  all 
merchants,  alien  or  denizen,  or  to  dealers  in  victuals.  For  this 
reason,  then,  most  of  the  acts  outlined  here  have  no  exclusive 
reference  to  the  corn  trade. 

The  status  of  aliens  trading  in  the  towns  of  medieval  England 
is  part  of  the  wider  subject  of  town  economy  with  its  character- 
istic town  monopoly,  which  led  to  the  exclusion  of  aliens  from 
certain  activities  such  as  retailing  and  selling  to  other  aliens, 
under  any  but  prescribed  conditions.  In  England  in  the  four- 
teenth century  the  central  government  stepped  in  and  threw  the 
weight  of  its  power  on  the  side  of  the  alien.  In  the  laws  that  were 
passed,  favoring  the  foreign  merchant,  the  purchase  and  sale  of 
corn  in  the  towns  were  given  prominence,  but  corn  is  only  one  of 
the  articles  of  traffic  mentioned. 

In  1303  the  Carta  Mercatoria  gave  to  alien  merchants,  in 
return  for  extra  import  and  export  duties,  special  trading  privi- 
leges within  the  English  towns,  notably  the  right  to  deal  with 
aliens  as  well  as  denizens,  and  to  sell  by  retail  both  mercery  and 
spices.3 

The  exclusive  policy  of  the  towns  was  condemned  in  1335.  By 
way  of  remedy  the  king  decreed  that  all  merchants,  strangers,  and 
denizens,  who  wished  to  buy  or  sell  corn,  wines,  avoirdupois, 
flesh,  fish  and  other  victuals,  wool,  cloth,  wares,  merchandise,  and 
all  other  vendible  goods,  might  do  so  freely  in  any  city,  borough, 
town,  seaport,  fair,  market  or  elsewhere  in  the  realm,  either 

1  Ch.  VI,  §  1.  >  Ch.  VIII,  §  6. 

3  Rymer,  Faedera,  etc.  (Rec.  ed.),  ii,  pt.  2,  p.  747  (1302-03). 


152  TEE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

within  a  private  franchise  or  without;  it  was  also  ordained  that 
such  goods  might  be  sold  to  aliens  as  well  as  to  denizens.1 

This  law  was  recited  in  a  statute  of  135 1  and  ordered  to  be 
kept.  It  was  likewise  explicitly  stated  that  dealers  in  victuals  and 
other  goods,  aliens  as  well  as  denizens,  might  sell  in  gross  or  by 
retail  to  whomever  they  would.2 

In  1378  a  similar  law  was  enacted  which  expressed  more  fully 
the  articles  of  commerce.3  All  merchants,  according  to  this 
statute,  whether  aliens  or  denizens,  might  buy  and  sell  corn,  flesh, 
fish  and  other  victuals,  spices,  fruit,  fur,  small  wares,  silk,  gold  and 
silver  wire,  and  handkerchiefs,  in  London  or  other  cities,  bor- 
oughs, seaports,  fairs,  markets,  and  other  places,  either  by  retail 
or  in  gross,  to  whomever  they  would,  denizens  or  foreigners. 

The  native,  as  well  as  the  foreign  corn  dealer,  came  in  for  special 
legislative  consideration.  This  was  quite  apart  from  forestalling, 
regrating,  or  engrossing  (in  the  sense  of  monopolizing).  Indeed, 
the  object  of  these  enactments  was  to  create  a  legal  status  for  the 
corn  middleman  engaging  in  the  domestic  trade. 

The  first  act  of  importance  in  this  connection  was  passed  in 
1552.  It  declared  that  the  purchase  of  corn,  fish,  butter,  and 
cheese  by  any  badger,  lader,  kidder,  or  carrier  was  lawful  when  he 
had  been  licensed  by  three  justices  of  the  peace  of  the  district. 
Such  badger  was,  however,  to  sell  or  deliver  in  the  open  fair  or 
market,  or  to  another  victualler  or  private  person  for  household 
use,  or  he  was  to  make  provision  for  a  city,  borough,  town  corpo- 
rate, ship,  castle,  or  fort.  Forestalling  was  prohibited.  Any 
one  having  corn  enough  for  seed  and  for  household  use,  who 
bought  more  to  sell  in  the  market  or  fair,  even  at  the  prevailing 
prices,  would  be  under  penalty  of  the  law.  Any  one  authorized 
by  three  justices  of  the  peace  of  the  district  might  ship  corn  and 
cattle  coast-wise  under  cocket,  but  he  had  to  return  a  certificate 
that  he  had  unloaded  his  cargo  according  to  the  specification  of 
the  cocket.  When  the  price  of  corn  was  commonly  not  above  a 
certain  rate  (wheat  6  s.  8  d.,  rye  and  mistlin  5  s.,  peas  and  beans 

1  9  Ed.  Ill,  st.  1,  c.  1.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i,  p.  269. 
»  25  Ed.  Ill,  st.  3,  c.  2.     Ibid.,  i,  p.  315  (1350-51). 
*  2  R.  II,  st.  1,  c.  1.     Ibid.,  ii,  p.  7. 


THE  CORN  LAWS  1 53 

4  s.,  barley  and  malt  3  s.  4  d.,  oats  and  malted  oats  2  s.),  then  it 
was  to  be  lawful  for  any  one  "  not  forstallinge  to  buy,  engrosse 
and  kepe  in  his  or  their  garners  or  houses  "  such  corn  as  might 
be  desired.1 

This  law,  at  first  tentative,  was  continued  for  short  periods  by 
various  acts,  the  last  of  which  was  passed  in  the  first  year  of 
Elizabeth,2  until  it  was  finally  made  perpetual  in  the  thirteenth 
year  of  her  reign.3  Enforced  with  evident  difficulty  in  the  six- 
teenth century 4  and  to  some  extent  in  the  seventeenth,6  it  was 
repealed  only  in  the  eighteenth.6  But  in  fact  it  is  doubtful  if  the 
last  and  in  some  respects  the  most  important  clause  of  the  act  was 
in  operation  for  any  length  of  time  owing  to  the  great  rise  of  prices 
that  took  place  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Never  before  did  the  middleman  enjoy  so  clearly  defined  a 
legal  recognition.  Provided  with  a  license  and  subject  only  to 
the  prohibition  of  forestalling,  he  might  buy  and  lay  up  corn 
when  prices  were  low,  and  ship  it  along  the  coast. 

1  5  &  6  Ed.  VI,  c.  14.  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,pt.  1,  p.  148(1551-52).  Compare 
the  following  proclamation: 

"  No  person  may  buy  to  sell  again  any  grain,  '  misselyn,'  or  meale  on  pain  of 
forefeiture  of  goods  bought,  and  half  his  lands  and  goods,  half  penalty  to  informer. 
Brewers  and  bakers  may  buy  for  trade  use.  Innkeepers  may  sell  Beanes,  Pease, 
and  Oats  to  guests.  Broggers  and  common  carriers  may  buy  and  sell  to  Brewers, 
Bakers,  &c,  not  having  more  than  10  quarters  of  any  one  kind  of  grain  in  stock  at 
once."  Bibliotheca  Lindesiana,  Royal  Proclamations  of  the  Tudor  and  Stuart 
Sovereigns,  i,  no.  389  (24  Sept.,  1550). 

In  the  following  month  the  ten  quarters  were  raised  to  twenty.  Ibid.,  no.  390 
(20  Oct.,  1550). 

2  1  Eliz.,  c.  18,  §  1.    Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  1,  p.  380. 

*  13  Eliz.,  c.  25.     Ibid.,  p.  560. 

*  About  the  year  1565-66,  this  law  was  held  to  be  of  little  or  no  effect.  Commis- 
sions were  at  that  time  sent  out  to  local  authorities  to  check  the  activities  of 
engrossers,  forestallers,  and  regrators.  MS.,  R.  O.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Eliza- 
beth, xxxix,  no.  16. 

In  1570  the  Lord  Mayor  of  York  tried  to  enforce  the  act.  The  History  and  An- 
tiquities of  .  .  .  York  (York,  1788),  i,  p.  294. 

About  1572  a  grant  for  21  years  was  made  by  the  queen  to  Eduard of 

the  sole  privilege  of  enforcing  the  acts  of  1552  and  157 1  and  of  granting  licenses  to 
traffic  in  corn,  cattle,  and  other  articles.  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  xc, 
no.  36. 

5  In  1650  the  London  authorities  ordered  that  the  badgers  should  be  licensed 
under  £40  security  under  the  act  of  1563.  MS.,  Guildhall,  Repertory,  bri,  fol.  4 
(9  Nov.).  8  12  Geo.  Ill,  c.  71,  §  1. 


154  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

During  the  parliamentary  session  of  1563,  so  notable  for  its 
economic  legislation,  there  was  passed  a  rather  detailed  act  con- 
cerning the  licensing  of  badgers  of  corn  and  drovers  of  cattle. 
After  having  recited  the  act  of  1552,  this  statute  ordered  that  no 
drover  of  cattle,  badger,  lader,  kidder,  carrier,  buyer,  or  trans- 
porter of  corn  or  grain,  butter,  or  cheese  was  to  be  licensed  except 
in  the  general  and  open  quarter  sessions  of  the  peace;  only  those 
should  be  licensed  who  had  been  in  the  shire  during  the  three 
preceding  years,  were  married  men  of  the  age  of  at  least 
thirty,  and  were  householders  and  not  household  servants  or 
retainers;  licenses  were  to  be  good  for  one  year  only.  All 
drovers  of  cattle,  badgers,  laders,  kidders  and  carriers,  or  buyers 
of  corn,  grain,  butter,  or  cheese  were  to  give  surety  not  to  fore- 
stall nor  engross.  The  clerk  of  the  peace  was  to  keep  a  register  of 
names  of  those  licensed  together  with  their  place  of  residence  and 
the  date  of  the  granting  of  the  license;  this  register  was  to  be 
kept  so  that  it  might  be  known  how  many  licenses  had  been 
granted.  No  person  under  authority  of  a  license  might  buy  corn 
or  grain,  to  sell  again,  except  in  the  open  fair  or  market,  unless 
he  had  a  special  license  authorizing  him  to  do  so.  No  city  or 
town  corporate  was  to  be  injured  by  this  act;  both  might  license 
purveyors  for  their  provision  as  formerly.1 

By  this  act  the  license  system  was  made  more  efficient,  and 
two  kinds  of  licenses  were  sharply  differentiated,  the  one  permit- 
ting the  purchase  of  corn  only  in  the  open  market,  and  the  other, 
a  special  license,  providing  for  such  purchase  even  outside  the 
market. 

In  1 57 1  the  same  act  that  made  that  of  1552  perpetual  further 
ordered  that  no  one"  was  to  be  a  buyer,  badger,  kidder,  or  carrier 
of  corn,  cattle,  butter,  cheese,  or  other  victuals,  except  as  author- 
ized by  the  law  of  1563,  thereby  indicating  the  determination  of 
parliament  to  keep  the  law  in  force.2 

By  the  law  of  1627  it  was  enacted  that  any  subject  might  buy 
and  sell  corn  or  grain  in  markets  and  out  of  markets,  and  keep, 
sell,  or  transport  it  within  England,  or  send  it  abroad.     But  this 

1  5  Eliz.,  c.  12.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  z,  p.  439  (1562-63). 
*  13  Eliz.,  c.  25,  §  7.     Ibid.,  p.  562. 


THE  CORN  LAWS  155 

was  conditioned  on  low  prices,  that  is,  when  wheat  was  not  over 
32  s.,  rye  20  s.,  and  peas,  beans,  barley,  and  malt  16  s.1 

This  act,  as  far  as  the  price  limit  for  the  storage  and  sale  of 
corn  was  concerned,  superseded  the  law  of  1552,  but,  in  turn,  was 
not  often  applicable  since  prices  continued  to  rise  so  that  those 
specified  in  this  act  did  not  long  prevail. 

The  Commonwealth  parliament  in  1650  quoted  the  act  of 
1552  as  still  on  the  statute  books  and  applied  its  penalties  to  the 
offence  of  engrossing.  "  Forasmuch  as  of  late  time,"  ran  the  act, 
"  there  hath  been  great  spoil  and  destruction  made  of  Wheat,  and 
other  Corn  and  Grain  of  all  sorts,  and  converting  the  same  into 
Meal  and  Flour,  and  selling  the  same  in  private  Houses,  Ware- 
houses and  Shops,  without  bringing  the  same  into  the  common 
and  publique  Markets  ";  it  is  enacted  that  from  20  November, 
1650,  no  one  shall  buy  wheat  or  other  grain  to  sell  again  as  meal, 
flour  or  otherwise,  except  after  obtaining  a  license  granted  by  five 
justices  of  the  peace  sitting  in  open  sessions.  The  occupation  of 
the  mealman  was  so  hemmed  in  as  to  be  seemingly  impossible. 
He  had  to  secure  a  license  from  the  justices  of  the  peace  before 
buying  his  supply  of  corn,  and  he  might  not  sell  meal  in  shops, 
houses,  or  warehouses  in  any  place  within  the  realm.  Only  the 
public  market  was  open  to  him.2 

Plainly  this  statute  was  reactionary  in  tone  and  intent.  But 
it  applied,  not  to  all  dealers  in  corn,  but  only  to  mealmen,3  those 
who  bought  corn,  had  it  ground,  and  retailed  the  flour  or  meal  in 
small  amounts.  Although  not  specifically  limited  as  to  duration, 
this  act  was  not  in  force  longer  than  about  ten  years,  for  it  suffered 
the  fate  of  other  Interregnum  laws,  and  was  held  to  be  void  at 
the  return  of  monarchy. 

In  1656  an  act,  passed  expressly  to  encourage  export,  stated 
that  it  was  to  be  lawful  for  any  native  to  transport  corn  and  to 
buy  to  sell  again  in  markets  and  out  of  markets,  and  to  keep,  sell, 
or  transport  it  at  will.4    The  condition  was  that  prices  should  be 

1  3  Car.  I,  c.  5,  §  5.    Ibid.,  v,  p.  30. 
'  Scobell,  Acts  and  Ordinances,  pt.  2,  pp.  142-143. 

*  See  their  complaints  against  the  act,  Calendar  of  Stale  Papers,  Domestic,  Com., 
vii,  pp.  139-140  (1654). 

4  Printed  at  London,  1657,  by  Henry  Hills  and  John  Field  (ten  pages). 


156  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

low,  wheat  40  s.  per  quarter,  and  corresponding  prices  for  other 
grains.1 

In  1663  a  similar  statute  was  passed  which  allowed  any  one  to 
buy  corn  in  open  market,  to  lay  it  up  in  his  granary  or  house  and 
to  sell  it  again,  provided  he  did  not  forestall  it,  nor  sell  it  in  the 
same  market  within  three  months,  and  also  provided  prices  were 
not  above  the  following  rates,  wheat  48  s.,  rye,  peas,  and  beans 
32  s.,  barley  and  malt  28  s.,  buckwheat  28  s.,  and  oats  13  s.  4  d.2 

Taken  as  a  whole  these  statutes  dealing  with  corn  middlemen 
seem  to  present  a  changing  policy.  In  each  case  middleman 
activities  were  hedged  in  by  regulations  which,  if  strictly  enforced, 
would  have  been  discouraging  and  injurious.  Nevertheless,  it  is 
apparent  that  the  government  saw  the  use  of  domestic  corn 
dealers,  but  feared  the  abuses  incident  to  their  trade.  Although 
the  general  purport  of  the  corn  laws  is  comparatively  easy  to 
discover,  and  although  their  development  is  simple  in  outline, 
their  inner  significance,  as  we  shall  see,  is  by  no  means  obvious. 
It  is  one  thing  to  read  the  statutes,  and  quite  another  to  interpret 
them,  to  ascertain  how  far  they  really  met  the  situation  they  were 
intended  to  meet,  and  to  what  extent,  indeed,  the  government 
intended  them  to  be  in  force.  These  questions  can  be  answered 
wholly  or  in  part  only  after  a  parallel  study  of  the  development 
of  the  corn  middleman,  the  corn  trade  policy,  and  the  market. 

1  For  the  rates  see  the  export  law  of  1656  above,  p.  143. 

*  15  Car.  II,  c.  7.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  v,  p.  449.     Cf.  p.  252  below. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE    MEDIEVAL    CORN   MIDDLEMAN    UNDER   THE    LOCAL 
MARKET  SYSTEM,  BEFORE  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

i.  Local  Corn  Dealers 

There  is,  perhaps,  no  phase  of  the  study  of  the  grain  trade  more 
elusive  than  that  of  the  middleman.  There  is  a  general  lack  of 
a  definite  nomenclature.  And  when  specific  terms  are  used,  they 
are  often  applied  inaccurately.  Some  regulations  seem  to 
legislate  a  certain  class  of  dealers  out  of  existence;  others  assume 
his  existence.  And,  indeed,  nowhere  is  there  anything  like 
satisfactory  evidence  of  the  actual  dealings  of  medieval  middle- 
men, from  which  deficiencies  in  terminology  can  be  entirely  over- 
come. It  is  not  alone  the  modern  student  who  suffers  from  this 
confusion;  even  the  authorities  in  the  sixteenth  century  were 
uncertain.1 

A  great  variety  of  terms  was  used  to  designate  corn  middle- 
men, and  it  is  not  easy  to  distinguish  clearly  the  classes  of  dealers 
engaged  in  buying  and  selling  corn.  It  is  clear,  however,  that 
several  types  of  middlemen  may  be  differentiated. 

The  corn  merchant  was,  as  here  conceived,  a  wholesale  dealer. 
Several  problems  concerning  his  existence  and  operations  are 
dealt  with  separately. 

The  corn  monger  was  engaged  in  a  regular,  perhaps  even  daily, 
trade  in  corn,  usually  by  land,  over  short  distances,  at  slight  risk 
and  generally  supplying  some  borough  or  city  market,  the  corn 
he  carried  being  chiefly  for  use  in  the  town.  He  was  primarily 
a  local  dealer  who  bought  corn  from  the  producer  and  generally 
carried  it  for  direct  sale  to  the  consumer  in  the  town  market. 
As  long  as  he  obeyed  the  rules  laid  down  for  his  governance,  not 
only  was  there  no  objection  to  his  activities,  but  he  was  actually 

1  Cf.  s  and  6  Ed.  VT,  c.  14,  §§  1,  2,  3. 

157 


158  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

encouraged.  A  London  ordinance  directed  those  wishing  to  be 
dealers  in  corn  to  go  into  the  country  to  buy  their  supplies, 
where  they  might  find  a  profit,  and  bring  their  corn  to  the  City 
for  sale.1 

A  third  dealer  was  the  corn  broker.  The  derivation  of  the 
word  "  broker  "  and  its  early  history  are  obscure.2  His  activities, 
however,  are  fairly  well  described  in  medieval  town  records.  As 
a  witness  to  commercial  transactions,  he  had  to  be  a  freeman 
of  the  town.3  Nominated  or  chosen  by  the  craft  concerned  with 
the  trade  in  which  he  was  to  act  as  broker,  he  was  admitted  and 
sworn  by  the  town  magistracy.4  His  function  as  witness  was 
chiefly  exercised  in  bargains  between  stranger  and  citizen, 
where,  acting  as  a  spy  upon  such  dealings,  he  was  to  preserve  the 
monopoly  of  his  craft,5  report  all  infractions  of  local  ordinances,6 
and  also  give  legal  testimony  in  case  of  dispute.7  Although  there 
is  great  confusion  in  terminology,  both  in  England  and  on  the 
Continent,  the  broker,  when  acting  in  such  capacity,  was  prob- 
ably normally  called  a  correctier  or  courtier. z 

Another  function  of  the  broker,  perhaps  the  original  one,  was 
to  bring  buyer  and  seller  together,  chiefly  the  stranger  who  was 
not  acquainted  within  the  town  and  the  citizen  who  did  not  know 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  p.  102. 

*  See  the  article  of  Professor  Leo  Wiener,  "  Byzantinisches,"  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Romanische  Philologie,  xxxiv,  pp.  664-674. 

•  Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  586  (iii,  p.  231). 

4  Statuta  Civitatis  Londoniae,  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i,  p.  103  (1285).  Calendar 
of  Letter  Books  of  London,  passim.  Cf.  vol.  G,  pp.  14,  208;  vol.  H,  p.  198  (14th 
century). 

8  In  the  15th  century  the  Grocers  imposed  this  oath  upon  their  brokers:  "  Ye 
shall  sell  no  manner  of  grocerie  wares  to  no  manner  of  persone  owte  of  the  feliship 
of  the  Grocerie  withoute  frawde  or  collucon  but  ye  have  licence  of  the  wardens  for 
the  tyme  beyinge. 

"  Ye  shall  geve  knowleche  unto  the  wardens  of  all  manner  so  till  waris  beyinge  in 
any  mannes  handis  oute  of  the  felishipp."  MS.,  Grocers'  Hall,  no.  300,  Register 
of  Freemen,  &c  (1345-1481). 

6  Cf .  The  Little  Red  Book  of  Bristol,  ii,  p.  18  (14th  century). 

7  "  And  that  the  broker  keep  a  record  of  particulars  as  evidence."  Calendar  of 
Letter  Books,  vol.  H,  p.  199  (1382). 

8  Cf.  the  following  regulation  of  St.  Omer:  Et  ke  nus  courretiers  ne  se  melle 
d'autre  courreterie  fors  de  chele  oh  il  est  mis  par  eskevins,  sour  lxs.  et  de  perdre 
son  mestier  an  et  jour.     Giry,  Histoire  de  la  ville  de  St.  Omer,  p.  505. 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 59 

the  stranger.1  This  part  of  the  broker's  business  was  accepted 
by  the  town  and  regulated.2  It  is  probable  that  our  term 
"  broker  "  is  associated  with  this  activity. 

The  broker  constantly  tended  to  override  these  narrow  bounds 
in  order  to  act  as  commission  agent  and  thus  make  additional 
gain.  This  was  prohibited  because,  under  such  circumstances, 
the  broker's  official  obligations  would  rest  lightly  upon  his 
shoulders,  and  by  covin  with  the  stranger  he  might  cheat  the 
town  of  its  customs  dues  and  override  the  local  restrictions 
placed  upon  the  dealings  of  aliens.3 

So  far  we  have  considered  the  broker  in  general.  The  com 
broker  occupies  in  the  London  records  a  more  prominent  place 
than  in  those  of  other  English  towns.  Unlike  the  broker  in  other 
trades,  the  corn  broker  was  not  elected  by  a  craft,  at  least  not 
from  the  fourteenth  century  on,  when  our  evidence  is  full.  The 
town  swore  none  in,  and  recognized  none  officially.  Indeed,  its 
aim  was  to  prevent,  as  far  as  possible,  the  sale  of  corn  anywhere 
except  upon  the  public  local  market,  where  a  broker  was  not 
necessary,  at  least  not  necessary  for  honest  bargaining.4  So 
when  the  town,  English 5  or  Continental,6  prohibited  any  one  from 

1  See  the  statute  of  i  Jac.  I,  c.  21,  §  1.  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  2,  p.  1038 
(1603-04). 

2  "  Item  that  each  alien  and  stranger  should  pay  to  the  brokers  for  every  tun 
[of  woad]  that  he  sells  to  burgesses  12  d.  for  brokerage,  and  no  more."  The  Little 
Red  Book  of  Bristol,  ii,  p.  21  (14th  century). 

3  It  was  ordered  in  1315  or  1316  that  "  no  denizen  associate  himself  with  a 
strange  cornmonger  nor  avow  his  merchandise."  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of 
London,  vol.  E,  p.  56.  Cf .  also  the  oath  of  the  brokers.  Ibid.,  vol.  D,  p.  9  (early 
14th  century). 

The  rise  of  pawnbroking  is  described  in  the  act  of  1603-04,  1  Jac.  I,  c.  21,  §  1. 
Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  2,  p.  1038. 

4  In  St.  Omer  the  corn  broker  was  not  to  aid  the  corn  dealer  on  the  market: 
Nus  ostes  ne  abrokieres  de  blei  voist  avoec  marchant  de  blei  pour  aidier,  achateir 
ou  pour  vendre  blei  el  markiS  sour  le  fourfait  de  iii  libr.  et  de  perdre  son  mestier 
an  et  jour.     Giry,  op.  cit.,  p.  502  (late  13th  century). 

5  "  It  was  agreed  by  the  Warden  and  Aldermen,  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  City 
and  of  foreigners  alike,  that  no  one  in  future  should  meddle  with  brokerage  of  corn 
or  malt,  under  penalty  of  the  Statute."  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol. 
C,  p.  18  (1293). 

6  In  St.  Omer  it  was  ordained:  ke  nus  soit  makelare  [courtier]  de  blei  sour  lxs., 
et  s'il  ne  les  pooit  paier,  sour  le  pellorin.     Giry,  op,  cit.,  p.  503  (late  13th  century). 


l6o  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

being  a  corn  broker,  it  had  in  mind,  in  all  probability,  the  broker 
acting  in  an  official  capacity. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  private  corn  broker  was  accepted  and 
his  dealings,  as  such,  regulated.  We  find  him  accused,  for  ex- 
ample, of  deceit  in  the  purchase  of  corn  brought  to  town  by 
country-folk,1  a  fact  which  seems  to  point  to  corn  regrating. 

The  medieval  English  corn  broker,  then,  largely  confined  to 
London,  having  no  craft  connection  or  official  sanction,  carried 
on  the  business  of  a  private  negotiator  of  exchanges. 

A  more  important  dealer  is  the  corn  regrator.  The  ordinances 
present  a  mass  of  confusing  regulations  dealing  with  his  activities. 
He  was  prohibited  from  buying  upon  the  markets  to  sell  again,2 
and  then  from  buying  there  till  after  a  certain  hour,  or  till  the 
consumer  had  had  a  chance  to  purchase  his  supplies.3  Not 
only  was  he  forbidden,  like  other  dealers,  to  forestall,  but  he  was 

1  Et  pur  ceo  qascuns  achatours  et  abrokours  de  blee  achatent  blee  en  la  citee 
de  paisauntz  qil  mesnent  en  la  citee  pur  vendre,  et  dounent  sur  lachat  un  denier  ou 
un  obole  a  ernes.     Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  261. 

1  For  example,  "  It  was  ordained  and  agreed  in  1344  by  the  said  Mayor  and 
Aldermen  that  the  underwritten  articles  for  avoiding  dearness  of  corn  should  be 
proclaimed."     Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  p.  100. 

"  That  no  blader  nor  retail  dealer  buy  corn  that  has  arrived  in  the  City  for  sale 
within  the  markets  or  without  to  sell  again."     Ibid..,  p.  102. 

*  "  That  no  regrator  of  corn,  of  fish,  or  of  poultry,  shall  buy  provisions  for  resale 
before  the  hour  of  Prime  rung  at  Saint  Paul's;  or  before  the  substantial  men  of  the 
land  and  of  the  City  shall  have  bought  their  provisions."  Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  270 
(iii,  p.  88). 

A  Portuguese  ordinance  of  1229  reads  as  follows:  Mando  quod  in  Castello  [of 
Mendo]  fiat  semper  mercatum  de  pane,  de  carne,  de  piscibus,  et  de  aliis  rebus  vena- 
libus:  et  mando  quod  qui  duxerit  carregas  pro  ad  vendendum,  aut  alias  causas, 
ducat  omnes  illas  ad  locum  ubi  mandofieri  mercatum,  et  ibi  preconizetur  et  ven- 
dantur  tam  cames  quam  pisces,  quam  omnia  alia,  cessanlibus  omnibus  regrateyris,  ita 
quod  si  res  venales  sunt  multe  vel  magne,  regatarius  nichil  comparet  in  prima  die,  et 
si  fuerint  pauce  vel  minute,  regatarius  nichil  comparet  ante  nonam.  Item  mando 
quod  in  die  de  mercato,  vel  de  feyra,  regatarius  nichil  comparet  nisi  finito  et  soluto 
mercato  vel  feyra.  Portugaliae  Monumenta  Historica,  Leges  et  Consueludines,  i, 
p.  610.  Cited  by  Wiener,  "  Byzantinisches,"  Zeitschrift  fur  Romanische  PhUologie, 
xxxiv,  p.  652. 

The  London  regulations  of  1344  stipulated  that  corn  was  to  be  sold  upon  the 
markets  "  by  the  same  persons  that  bring  it  to  all  folk  for  their  living  and  sus- 
tenance of  their  hosts,  and  to  bakers  for  the  service  of  the  people."  Thus  corn  was 
neither  to  be  sold  by  regrators  upon  the  markets  nor  bought  by  them  there.  Calendar 
of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  p.  102. 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  l6l 

ordered  to  buy  only  in  the  country.1  That  is,  he  was  to  be  a  corn 
monger.  Storing  up  corn  from  one  market  to  another  was 
allowed  to  a  freeman  in  London,  but  in  Bristol  was  entirely 
forbidden.2 

From  these  regulations  it  would  seem  that  the  corn  regrator 
was  bound  hand  and  foot.3  The  persistency  of  the  recurrence  of 
these  local  laws,  however,  shows  that  he  survived  them,  and 
continued  his  operations.  Indeed,  the  corn  regrator  performed 
a  valuable  service.  He  could  in  ordinary  times  buy  grain  upon 
the  open  market  after  a  certain  hour  and  sell  it  there  at  a  later 
date.  In  allowing  him  to  do  this  the  town  ran  no  risk,  for  in  his 
purchases  he  was  not  a  competitor  of  the  consumer  who  had  the 
first  chance  to  buy,  nor  would  the  presence  of  his  corn  upon  the 
market  later  on,  augmenting  the  visible  supply,  do  aught  but 
tend  to  lower  prices.  The  only  real  danger  was  that  he  should 
plot  with  others  who  brought  corn  to  market,  to  raise  prices. 
This  was  prohibited,  however,  and  the  prohibition  was  enforced. 

An  apparent,  not  a  real,  injury  that  he  might  do  the  poor 
consumer  was  to  store  up  grain  and  then  in  years  of  scarcity  sell  it 
dear.  Much  of  the  objection  to  him  was  probably  based  on  the 
feeling  that  he  produced  no  corn  utility.  At  least  no  utility  was 
readily  apparent  in  buying  up  the  market  at  a  low  price  and  sell- 
ing at  a  higher  price;  or  in  storing  up  corn  when  cheap  to  sell 
again  when  dear.  Unlike  the  corn  merchant  and  corn  monger, 
he  did  not  transport  corn  from  one  place  to  another.  The 
speculative  side  of  his  dealing  was  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the 
consumers  of  corn.4 

1  "  Those  who  wish  to  be  merchants  of  corn  should  go  and  buy  it  Opeland,  where 
they  may  find  a  profit,  and  bring  it  and  sell  it  in  the  City  as  aforesaid,  or  put  it  in 
store  (en  Gerner)  if  they  be  free  of  the  City,"  but  they  are  not  to  buy  it  upon  the 
markets.     Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  p.  102  (1344). 

2  Item  quod  nullus  hospitet  aliqua  blada  ab  uno  mercato  ad  alium  mercatum  ad 
ea  carius  vendenda  sub  pena  forisfacture  totius  bladi.  The  Little  Red  Book  of 
Bristol,  ii,  p.  225  (14th  century). 

8  Cf.  the  Pisan  law  prohibiting  the  pissicario  from  dealing  in  grain,  cited  by 
Professor  Leo  Wiener,  "  Byzantinisches,"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Romanische  Philologie, 
xxxiv,  p.  653. 

*  Matthew  Paris  has  given  us  an  interesting  account  of  regrating  in  years  of 
dearth. 

About  March,  1257-58,  fifty  big  ships  or  thereabouts,  carrying  wheat,  barley, 


1 62  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

As  in  Florence,1  so  in  London,2  bakers  acted  as  corn  regrators. 
They  bought  corn  upon  the  market  place  after  consumers  had 
been  supplied  and  sold  it,  legally  upon  the  open  market  to  all  who 
would  buy,  illegally  in  their  shops. 

Corn  hucksters  seem  to  have  played  little  or  no  part  in  medieval 
English  towns.  One  of  the  chief  services  that  the  huckster 
can  render,  the  rapid  disposal  of  a  surplus  supply,  was  not  possible 
in  the  corn  trade  as  in  the  fish  and  fruit  trades.  Corn  was  not  a 
rapidly  perishable  commodity,  and,  furthermore,  although  corn 
might  exist  in  abundance,  it  would  not  be  marketed  very  rapidly 
owing  to  the  slow  process  of  threshing  and  owing  to  the  fact  that 
in  a  local  market  the  producers,  knowing  conditions  of  supply  and 
demand,  would  hold  back  their  crops  for  a  higher  price. 

Forestallers  and  engrossers  did  not  form  middleman  classes. 
Shop  keepers  dealing  in  corn  3  are  apparently  not  mentioned  in 
the  early  records  of  London,4  though  in  Florence  they  occupied 
a  well-defined  position.5  Indeed,  their  operations  would  have 
run  counter  to  the  cardinal  policy  of  the  city. 

The  commission  agent  was  apparently  banned  in  London. 
The  measurer  at  least,  who  was  most  likely,  along  with  the  broker, 
to  act  in  such  capacity,  was  prohibited  from  carrying  samples  of 

rye,  and  bread  arrived  in  the  port  of  London.  Et  acclamatum  est  edicto  regio,  ne 
aliquis  civium  Londoniensium  de  blado  illo  aliquid  emeret  ad  reponendum  in  cu- 
meram,  ut  indigentibus  carius  et  postulantibus  secundum  suam  consuetudinem  vende- 
rent.  Quia  infames  habebantur  dicti  cives,  quod  in  tempore  caristiae  naves 
victualibus  onustas  vel  subdole  averterunt  vel  in  sol  id  urn  emerunt,  ut  ad 
placitum  eorum  ea  venderent  postulantibus.    Cronica  Majora,  v,  p.  673. 

1  Bakers  sold  bread,  "  flour  of  all  kinds,  as  well,  and  bran  and  sifted  grain  of 
every  description.  There  was  consequently  a  sort  of  rivalry  set  up  between  them 
and  the  Granaiuoli,  —  Corn-chandlers,  —  who  were  associated  with  the  Arte  degli 
Oliandoli."     Staley,  The  Guilds  of  Florence,  p.  441  (early  15th  century). 

1  See  above,  p.  69. 

1  In  a  document  of  the  time  of  King  John  (p.  163,  n.  4  below)  corn  mongers  are 
ordered  to  sell  only  in  their  shops  ("  sopes  ");  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  this  word 
"  sopes  "  refers  to  booths  or  stalls  on  the  market  or  wharf  of  Queenhithe. 

4  In  1646-47  and  1650  it  was  clearly  stated  that  selling  corn  from  shops  was  even 
then  illegal  and  of  very  recent  practice.  The  open  market  was  still  the  only  recog- 
nized place  for  selling  corn  or  meal.     See  Appendix  L. 

6  Item  quod  biadaiuolus  vel  trecco,  qui  publice  habeat  apotecam  in  civitate 
Florentie,  moretur  in  platea  Orti  Sancti  Micaelis.  Statuti  della  Repubblica  Floren- 
tine (ed.  R.  Caggese),  i,  p.  35  (1322-25). 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 63 

corn  for  sale.1  Had  London,  in  the  middle  ages,  been  a  corn 
importing  city,  then  such  agents  would  have  performed  a  useful 
service,  like  the  Fonticarii  of  Venice,  who  were  sellers  of  corn  and 
pulse  in  the  Fondaco,  and  were  themselves  not  allowed  to  buy 
corn  for  sale,  nor,  indeed,  any  more  than  for  the  use  of  their  own 
households.2 


(c< 


2.  Rise  of  the  Corn  Monger 


Contemporaneous  with  the  growth  of  the  towns  of  medieval 
England  was  the  rise  and  development  of  the  corn  monger 
{bladarius  or  blader,  mango  bladi  or  mangun  de  ble) 3  to  supply  the 
increasing  need  for  corn.  Thus  the  beginning  of  the  class  would 
date  back  at  least  to  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century.  The 
earliest  references  to  them  belong  to  the  years  1204 4  and  1222. 6 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  p.  101  (1344). 

2  Fonticarii  —  i  venditor!  di  biade  e  legumi  nel  Fondaco  [Fontico]  del  comune  a 
Rialto  e  fuori.     Capitolari  delle  Arti  Veneziane,  ii,  pt.  r,  p.  391  n.  (r27i). 

They  took  the  following  oath:  non  comparabo  nee  comparari  faciam  aliquo 
modo  vel  ingenio  blavum  vel  legumina  in  Veneciis  nee  extra  Venecias  causa  reven- 
dendi,  nisi  tantum  pro  domo  mea.  et  si  sciero  quod  aliquis  emat  frumentum  vel 
aliquem  blavum  vel  legumina  in  Fontico  causa  revendendi  vel  extrahendi  de  Vene- 
ciis, cicius  quam  potero  dominis  justiciariis  manifestabo.  Ibid.,  ii,  pt.  i,  pp.  393-394 
(i27r). 

3  For  a  philological  account  of  the  word  "  monger,"  see  the  interesting  article  by 
Professor  Leo  Wiener,  "  Gypsies  as  Fortune-Tellers  and  as  Blacksmiths,"  Journal  of 
the  Gypsy  Lore  Society  (n.s.),  iii,  pp.  253  f. 

*  Adam  Beremund  debet  quartam  partem  de  xxxvm  quarterns  frumenti  qua 
exigit  versus  petrum  le  cornmongere.  MS.,  R.  O.,  Pipe  Roll,  L.  T.  R.,  no.  50, 
memb.  8a  (6  John). 

Cf .  also  De  mangonibus  bladi.  Nul  mangun  de  ble  ne  doit  estre  en  Lundres  fors 
ces  ki  sunt  en  la  rive  de  la  roine,  et  ces  ne  doivent  achater  al  plus  fors  une  cumbe  de 
ble,  deske  il  aient  eel  vendu;  ne  il  ne  poent,  ne  ne  doivent,  eel  ble  ne  altre  mettre 
en  celiers,  ne  aillurs,  fors  sulement  en  lur  sopes,  et  la  vendre  le  apertement.  "A  Lon- 
don Municipal  Collection  of  the  Reign  of  John,"  ed.  Bateson,  English  Historical 
Review,  xvii,  p.  724  (John). 

8  Adam  palmerius  [liber  tenens  in  manerio  de  Sandun'  in  comitatu  Hertfordiae] 
x  acras  pro  nn  solidiis.  Idem  dimidiam  virgatam  quae  fuit  ailrici  cornmongere 
unde  reddit  nn  solidos.     Domesday  of  St.  Paul,  p.  15. 

Cf.  also  Stepho  le  Cornmongere,  and  many  others  assessed  in  1296,  1327,  and 
1332  for  subsidy  in  Sussex  at  a  very  low  rate.  Sussex  Subsidies,  Sussex  Record 
Society,  x  (ed.  W.  Hudson),  pp.  83,  86,  100,  no,  117,  133,  232,  240,  246. 

Cf.  also  Robert  Saleman,  "  flouremongere."  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  Lon- 
don, vol.  E,  p.  270  (1330-32). 


164  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

The  information  about  the  local  corn  dealer  from  Edward  I 
on  is  fullest  in  the  London  records.  A  large  number  of  corn 
mongers  or  bladers  are  mentioned  by  name,  above  forty  in  all, 
between  the  years  1281  and  1379,  one  in  I28i7^ight  between  the 
years  13 12  and  1324,  twenty-five  between  the  years  1332  and 
1350,  one  in  1364,  one  in  1369,  three  in  1370  and  one  in  1379. l 
None  of  these  corn  mongers  seem  to  have  been  men  of  prom- 
inence in  London.  They  are  mentioned  as  granting  a  "  parcel 
of  land  "  to  another  monger,2  as  leasing  a  house  to  another,3  as 
landlord  and  tenant  of  a  holding  worth  ten  marks  per  annum,4 
as  renting  a  tenement  for  twelve  years,6  and  for  sixteen  years,6 
as  being  entrusted  with  the  keys  at  Cripplegate,7  as  wardens  of  the 
corn  markets  at  Gracechurch  and  at  Newgate,8  as  mainpernors,9 
as  surety,10  as  guardian  appointed  by  the  Lord  Mayor,11  as  furnish- 
ing soldiers,12  as  assessed  for  a  benevolence,13  as  giving  two  marks 
present  to  the  king,14  and  as  having  an  apprentice.16 

Though  none  of  these  men  appear  to  have  been  prominent, 
they  were  all  probably  men  of  substance.  The  approximate 
wealth  of  at  least  four 16  corn  mongers,  mentioned  in  the  Calendar 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vols.  B,  C,  E,  F,  G,  H. 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  E,  p.  151.  9  Ibid.,  vol.  B,  p.  8. 

1  Ibid.,  p.  272.  10  Ibid.,  vol.  F,  p.  201. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  F,  p.  161.  u  Ibid. 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  E,  p.  144.  u  Ibid.,  vol.  E,  p.  93. 
8  Ibid.,  p.  175.  u  Ibid.,  vol.  F,  p.  146. 

7  Ibid.,  p.  142.  "  Ibid.,  vol.  G,  p.  171. 

8  Ibid.,  vol.  F,  p.  83.  u  Ibid.,  vol.  H,  p.  443. 

18  In  1324  Peter  de  Staundone,  blader,  held  a  plot  of  ground  from  the  city  at  a 
yearly  rental  of  12  d.  (Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  E,  p.  193).  His  will, 
dated  1330,  shows  his  possessions  to  have  been  in  part  two  bakehouses,  a  tenement 
near  the  Tower,  and  "  all  the  houses  left  to  him  by  his  uncle  "  (Calendar  of  Wills, 
pt.  i,  p.  358). 

In  1345  there  was  taken  out  "  lease  by  Walter  Neel,  blader,  to  William  de 
Thorp,  blader  ...  of  a  brewery  in  the  parish  of  St.  Andrews  at  Castle  Baynard  " 
(Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  p.  1 19) .  This  same  Walter  Neel  had  been 
sheriff  in  1337-38  (Calendar  of  Wills,  pt.  i,  pp.  673-674).  In  135 1  he  made  his 
will  bequeathing  chantries  for  over  six  persons,  "  his  tenement  in  the  parish  of  St. 
James,"  "  other  tenements  in  the  parishes  of  S.  Michael  de  Paternostercherche  and 
S.  Thomas  the  Apostle,"  and  finally  tenements  and  rents  in  the  ward  of  Queen- 
hithe  (Calendar  of  Wills,  pt.  i,  pp.  673-674). 

Hamo  le  Barber,  blader,  died  between  1348  and  1350,  leaving  a  "  certain  tene- 
ment in  the  parish  of  St.  Margaret,"  "  all  his  tenements  in  the  vill  of  Henlee," 


TEE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 65 

of  Letter  Books  of  London,  may  be  roughly  determined  by  their 
wills  enrolled  at  the  Court  of  Husting  and  printed  in  Sharpe's 
Calendar  of  Wills.  This  evidence  shows  that  corn  mongering 
was  a  paying  occupation  as  early  as  the  fourteenth  century. 

Most  of  the  corn  mongers  who  are  found  at  this  period  well 
developed  as  a  class  seem  to  have  been  Londoners  and  to  have 
resided  in  the  city.  Mention  is  made,  however,  of  a  corn 
monger  living  in  a  nearby  borough,  Great  Marlow.1  He  rented 
to  another  corn  monger  for  thirty  marks  for  three  years  "  certain 
tenements  in  the  parish  of  St.  Michael  de  Bassieshawe  "  in 
London,  probably  corn  warehouses  or  granaries.  And  this  corn 
monger  of  Great  Marlow  did  not  stand  alone.  A  corn  monger 
of  Fulham  sold  corn  in  1370  in  London,  and  was  pilloried  for 
putting  the  good  corn  on  top  and  the  bad  beneath.2  Another 
corn  monger  from  St.  Albans  was  offered  a  higher  price  than  the 
prevailing  market  price  at  which  he  had  been  willing  to  sell  his 
corn.3  There  were  doubtless  many  other  corn  mongers  like  these 
living  in  Hertford,  Wycombe,  and  other  towns,  and  engaged  in 
supplying  London  with  corn  from  the  local  market  towns, 
"  strange  corn  mongers  "  or  "  foreign  dealers  "  as  they  were 
called,  association  with  whom  was  forbidden  to  all  denizen  corn 
mongers.4 

It  is  obvious,  therefore,  that  by  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries,  London's  demand  for  corn  had  developed  a  class  of 

"  a  tenement  formerly  belonging  to  John  de  Kyngeston,"  and  his  leasehold  interest 
in  certain  tenements  of  Fridaystrete  "  {Calendar  of  Wills,  pt.  i,  p.  533). 

Perhaps  the  most  flourishing  corn  monger  in  this  period  in  London,  of  whom 
the  records  make  mention,  was  William  de  Thame  who  in  1349  and  1350  was  surety 
and  was  then  called  blader  {Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  pp.  193,  211). 
In  1355  his  will  was  made,  and  it  enumerated  the  following  possessions:  "  his  capital 
tenement  with  shops  in  the  parish  of  St.  Michael  "  [Queenhithe],  "  shops  in  the 
street  called  '  la  Riole,' "  "  rents  "  in  la  Riole  Street,  and  "  shops  in  Hoggene- 
lane,"  a  "  tenement  in  the  parish  of  St.  Michael  de  Paternostercherch,"  a  "  shop 
in  Westchep,"  and  finally  "  a  granary  in  le  Derkelane  in  the  parish  of  St.  Michael 
Queenhithe  "  {Calendar  of  Wills,  pt.  i,  pp.  697-698). 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  F,  p.  161  (1347). 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  G,  p.  261  (1370). 

*  Ibid.  Cf.  the  corn  mongers  found  in  a  list  of  twenty-three  tradesmen  of  St. 
Albans,  MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Accounts,  399/14  (Ed.  III). 

4  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  E,  p.  56  (1316);  vol.  F,  p.  101  (1434); 
vol.  H,  p.  138  (1379)- 


1 66  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

middlemen  living  in  London  itself  and  in  the  neighboring  towns 
and  villages. 

The  existence  of  such  corn  mongers  elsewhere  than  in  the  lower 
Thames  area  does  not  rest  on  inference  only.  In  the  districts 
about  Bristol  and  Lynn  l  there  were  dealers  who,  though  they 
may  have  engaged  in  the  wholesale  trade,  were  probably  also 
retailers  or  corn  mongers.  And  in  all  parts  of  England,  just  as 
in  backward  Sussex,  we  may  safely  assume  there  were  country 
corn  mongers  who  supplied  the  local  towns  with  cornT^ 

Unfortunately  the  earliest  history  of  the  corn  monger  cannot 
now  be  written,  since  the  extant  records  deal  largely  with  the 
period  from  the  reign  of  Edward  I  onwards.  We  cannot  say 
that  corn  mongers  are  found  first  in  the  village  and  then  in  the 
towns,  or  that  they  were  originally  producers  of  corn  who  took  to 
buying  corn  from  their  neighbors  to  sell  on  the  nearby  market. 
Nor  can  we  hold  that  when  we  find  a  town  corn  monger,  say 
of  the  reign  of  John,  he  was  not  himself  a  producer  of  corn  in  the 
half-agricultural,  half-commercial  town  of  the  day.  Although 
there  are  far  more  instances  of  rural  than  of  urban  corn  mongers 
in  the  records  of  the  early  thirteenth  century,  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  some  early  townsmen,  not  engaged  in  agriculture,  took  to 
buying  and  selling  corn  as  a  means  of  livelihood. 

In  the  early  development  of  the  rural  community  with  urban 
ambitions,  the  corn  monger  doubtless  played  an  important  part. 
So  we  may  add  him  to  the  list  of  manorial  artisans  and  tradesmen, 
such  as  the  smith,  the  butcher,  the  tanner,  the  fisherman,  and  the 
merchant,  as  an  example  of  the  growing  specialization  of  employ- 
ments. 

Municipal  regulations  of  the  corn  monger  have  been  handed 
down  from  the  reign  of  John.  They  did  not  prohibit,  but  re- 
stricted and  regulated  his  activities.  He  might  not  buy  more 
than  a  certain  amount,  nor  sell  secretly,3  nor  forestall  corn  on  the 

1  Cf.  below,  pp.  175-176. 

1  See  the  subsidy  accounts  of  1296,  1327,  and  1332  referred  to  above,  p.  163,  n.  5. 

*  p.  163,  n.  4. 

The  corn  monger  in  Paris  in  the  thirteenth  century,  when  about  to  buy  or  sell 
more  than  one  sfitier  (about  four  and  one-quarter  bushels  in  the  17th  century), 
was  obliged  to  make  use  of  the  sworn  measurers.     Nus  Marchans  de  grain,  c'est 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 67 

way  to  market,1  but  it  was  lawful  for  him  "  to  go  into  the  country 
and  buy  such  things  [as  "  corn  or  other  victual  "]  on  a  farm  or  in 
a  barn  and  bring  them  to  London."  2  Indeed,  as  has  been  seen, 
he  was  even  encouraged  by  the  authorities  to  carry  on  his  legiti- 
mate functions  of  town  purveyor  of  corn,3  and  was  in  this  respect 
doubtless  at  once  the  envy  and  the  despair  of  his  less  fortunate 
contemporaries,  the  corn  brokers  and  the  corn  regrators. 

3.  Organization  of  the  Corn  Mongers  in  London, 

The  organization  of  corn  mongers  has  received  but  scant  atten- 
tion. Though  Herbert  sets  out  to  treat  of  "  the  whole  of  the 
Minor  Companies  "  as  well  as  of  the  greater  companies,  yet  he 
does  not  mention  the  corn  mongers'  mystery,  regarding  it,  per- 
haps, as  of  less  than  "  minor  "  importance. 

The  first  notice  of  the  corn  mongers'  mystery  in  London 4  seems 
to  occur  in  a  document  of  December,  1328.     In  a  list  of  twenty- 

a  savoir  vendeur  ou  achateur  de  grain,  quelque  il  soit,  dedenz  la  vile  de  Paris,  ne 
puet  ne  ne  doit  mesurer  chose  que  il  vende,  plus  haut  d'un  sextier  a  une  fois.  Et 
se  il  li  convenoit  plus  mesurer,  il  devroit  apeler  un  Mesureur  jure.  Le  Lime  des 
Mitiers  d'Etienne  Boileau  (ed.  Lespinasse  and  Bonnardot),  p.  20. 

1  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  G,  p.  103  (1357).         2  Ibid. 

3  PP-  I57-I58  above.  Cf.  also  the  Paris  regulation:  Quiconques  vent  estre  Blae- 
tiers,  c'est  a  savoir  venderes  de  bl6  et  de  toutes  autres  manieres  de  graim  [sic]  boin 
et  leau,  et  achateres,  a  Paris,  estre  le  puet  franchement,  par  paiant  le  tonlieu  et 
la  droiture  que  chascuns  grains  doit. 

Quiquonques  est  Blaetiers  a  Paris,  il  puet  avoir  tant  de  valles  et  de  aprentis 
comme  il  leur  plaist,  et  avoir  mine  leur  propre,  boine  et  leau,  seingnie  au  seing  le 
Roy;  et  en  puent  mesurer  dessi  a  I  sestier  tant  seulement,  au  vendre  et  a  l'achater, 
se  il  plaist  a  l'achateur;  et  le  sourplus  de  I  sestier  qu'il  vendent  ou  achatent,  doivent 
il  faire  mesurer  aus  Mesureurs  de  la  ville  de  Paris,  mis  et  establiz  par  les  Borgois 
de  Paris,  c'est  a  savoir  par  le  prevost  et  par  les  jur6s  des  Marchans.  Le  Livre  des 
Metiers  d'Etienne  Boileau  (ed.  Lespinasse  and  Bonnardot),  p.  18. 

4  The  gild  organization  of  corn  retailers  is  found  in  towns  other  than  London. 
In  the  fourteenth  century,  a  Southampton  gild  merchant  regulation  said  that  "  no 
one,  except  a  gildsman  .  .  .  [shall]  keep  more  than  five  quarters  of  corn  in  his 
granary  to  sell  by  retail  "  (Gross,  Gild  Merchant,  i,  p.  47;  ii,  p.  218).  This  may 
have  reference  to  the  members  of  the  gild  merchant  in  general,  as  seems  probable, 
or  to  a  special  class  of  corn  retailers  within  the  gild.  A  clearer  case  is  to  be  found 
in  Newcastle.  The  gild  merchant  of  Newcastle,  dating  at  least  from  the  fourteenth 
century,  was  made  up  in  part  of  Mercers,  Drapers,  and  Boothmen  or  "  Merchauntes 
of  corne  "  (ibid.,  i,  p.  152;  ii,  p.  383.     Boothman  means  shopkeeper.      Cf.  apothe- 


1 68  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

five  crafts,  the  corn  mongers'  came  twelfth.  The  names  are 
given  of  nine  men  elected  and  sworn  in  the  mystery  of  the  Bladarii, 
for  the  government  of  the  craft.1  In  the  year  1364,  various  sums 
were  presented  to  the  king  by  "  divers  misteries,"  and  among 
those  mentioned  is  Robert  de  Thame  "  cornmonger  "  giving 
two  marks,  probably  on  behalf  of  his  fellow  corn  mongers.2 
Five  years  later,  reference  is  made  to  Thomas  Blosse  apprentice 
to  John  Pountefreyt,  corn  monger  (bladarius),  who  "  had  been 
admitted  to  the  freedom  of  the  City  [in  the  Mistery  of  Corn- 
mongers.]"  3  In  1382  "  John  Foxtone  [was]  convicted  of  having 
deceitfully  caused  William  Warde  a  cuteler  of  the  city  of  York, 
to  be  admitted  a  freeman  in  the  mistery  of  Bladers  (corn  mon- 
gers) instead  of  that  of  the  Cutlers."  4  In  1422  the  mystery  of  the 
corn  mongers  is  mentioned  along  with  one  hundred  and  ten 
others.5  If  the  reference  here  be  to  a  corn  mongers'  craft,  then 
this  is  the  last  discoverable  trace  of  it.  When  did  it  die  out  ? 
In  1 5 18  it  is  not  found  among  those  companies  "  keeping  the 
watch  "  in  London,6  nor  among  those  "  suscribing  for  the  pur- 
chase of  corn  in  1545,"  7  nor  in  any  of  the  numerous  lists  of 

cary  and  regrator).  From  the  context  —  a  complaint  that  these  merchants  object 
to  non-gildsmen's  buying  to  sell  again  —  it  seems  clear  that  these  boothmen  were 
retailers  of  corn.  The  "  botman,"  boothman,  or  corn  retailer,  is  likewise  found  in 
the  lists  of  the  gild  merchant  of  Shrewsbury  (Hibbert,  English  Gilds,  p.  28).  While 
it  is  probable  that  in  all  of  these  cases  corn  retailers  are  referred  to,  it  is  uncertain 
whether  they  were  corn  mongers  or  corn  regrators,  or  both. 

1  Facsimile  of  .  .  .  MS.  .  .  .  of  the  Grocers,  pt.  i,  pp.  4,  5  (ed.  J.  A.  Kingdon). 

In  the  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  E,  p.  233,  the  term  Bladarii  is 
erroneously  translated  Beaders. 

*  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  G,  p.  171. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  H,  p.  443.  The  meaning  of  the  agreement  of  1293  by  which  "  no 
one  in  future  should  meddle  with  brokerage  of  corn  or  malt "  is  uncertain  (Calendar 
of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  C,  p.  18).  Brokers  were  usually  "  elected  "  in  the 
fourteenth  century  by  the  craft  of  the  trade  concerned,  and  this  policy  of  1293 
regarding  corn  brokers  is  enunciated  at  the  end  of  a  list  of  such  recorded  "  elec- 
tions." A  religious  craft  or  fraternity  of  corn  mongers  may  have  existed  in 
London  in  1 293  and  may  have  been  accustomed  to  elect  the  brokers  of  com.  If 
so,  this  practice  was  henceforth  to  cease. 

4  Ibid.,  vol.  H,  p.  206. 

1  Unwin,  Gilds  and  Companies  of  London,  pp.  167,  370,  371,  quoting  the  Brewers' 
records,  p.  167. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  371. 

7  Herbert,  The  Twelve  Great  Livery  Companies  of  London,  i,  pp.  134,  135. 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 69 

companies  in  the  city  Repertories  and  Journals  for  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries.1 

Little,  if  anything,  except  the  above  is  known  about  the  corn 
mongers'  craft.  Much  of  the  history  of  the  other  companies 
might  be  read  into  this  company  to  explain  its  history,  but  the 
records  themselves  are  silent  as  to  its  particular  story.  It  is 
probable  that  the  corn  mongers'  mystery  rose  under  the  three 
Edwards  and  decayed  or  died  out  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  relative  position  of  the  craft  among  the  London  companies 
and  the  explanation  of  that  position  are  of  interest.  In  1364  the 
company  of  the  corn  mongers  is  not  listed  among  those  crafts 
giving  an  offering  to  the  king,  at  least  not  in  the  chamberlain's 
accounts 2  in  which  no  company  is  put  down  as  giving  less  than 
£2,  while  the  corn  mongers  seem  to  have  given  only  two  marks.3 
In  1377  a  list  of  forty-eight  companies  electing  the  common 
council  of  London  has  no  mention  of  the  corn  mongers'  craft.4 
In  1398  Thomas  Blosse,  who  had  been  apprentice  to  a  corn 
monger  and  had  been  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  London  in 
1369,  undoubtedly  as  a  corn  monger,  in  the  mystery  of  corn 
mongers,  now  (1398)  wanted  to  be  admitted  to  the  freedom  of 
the  City  in  the  mystery  of  stockfish  mongers,  saying  that  "  he 
had  always  used  "  the  mystery  of  stockfish  mongers,  and  not  the 
mystery  of  the  corn  mongers.6  Can  it  be  inferred  from  this  that 
at  these  dates,  1369  and  1398,  the  mystery  of  the  corn  mongers 
was  either  of  little  importance  or  in  disrepute  ? 

One  reason  for  the  lack  of  growth  and  minor  importance  of  the 
corn  mongers'  craft  may  have  arisen  from  the  fact  that  the  Lon- 
don corn  mongers  never  had  a  monopoly  of  their  own  trade.  The 
corn  mongers  of  St.  Albans,  of  Great  Marlow,  and  many  other 
neighboring  towns  and  villages  shared  in  the  business  of  providing 
London  markets  with  corn,  and  it  was  obviously  to  the  interest 

1  See  Appendix  H.  In  a  list  of  fifty  crafts  in  the  city  of  York  of  the  year  1623 
there  is  likewise  no  mention  of  a  corn  mongers'  gild.  The  History  and  Antiquities 
of  .  .  .  York  (York,  1788),  i,  p.  322. 

2  Herbert,  op.  cit.,  i,  pp.  31,  32. 

*  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  G,  p.  171. 

4  Herbert,  op.  cit.,  i,  pp.  33,  34. 

5  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  H,  p.  443. 


170  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

of  London  consumers  thus  to  prevent  monopoly  prices  of  a  com- 
modity of  such  general  and  necessary  use.  Then,  too,  the 
farmers  of  the  immediate  neighborhood  no  doubt  brought  some 
of  their  corn  to  London  markets.  Competition  in  the  trade  with 
outsiders,  "  strangers,"  as  well  as  a  general  distrust  of  all  corn 
dealers,  felt  by  the  London  consumers,  tended  to  check  the  growth 
of  the  corn  mongers'  craft. 

4.  Rise  of  the  Corn  Merchant  under  the  Local 
Market  System 

The  word  "  merchant  "  in  the  middle  ages  had  a  much  broader 
application  than  today,  for  it  included  craftsmen  who  manu- 
factured goods;  *  perhaps  even  manorial  tenants  2  whose  only  or 
chief  merchandise  consisted  in  the  products  of  the  soil;  men  who, 
like  pedlars  or  hucksters,  went  from  place  to  place  selling  their 
wares; 3  petty  retailers,  shopkeepers  or  boothmen 4  whose  activi- 
ties were  confined  to  a  limited  field;  as  well  as  the  monger  5  or 
seller  of  goods  in  general,  or  indeed  any  one  who  bought  and  sold.8 

The  recognition  of  this  fact  makes  it  necessary  to  reject  such 
inexact  and  untechnical  usage  in  favor  of  a  nomenclature  more 
discriminating.  Adopting  the  modern  practice,  I  apply  the 
term  "  merchant  "  to  a  wholesaler 7  who  sells  not  to  consumers, 

1  Mercatores  se  trahunt  ibidem  sicut  tannatores  et  alii  mercatores  a  civitate 
praedicta  [Canterbury].     Rotuli  Hundredorum,  i,  p.  203a  (3  Ed.  I). 

*  e.g.,  Adam  Mercator  tenet  de  eodem  Simone  viii  acras  terrae.  Ibid.,  ii, 
p.  419a  (7  Ed.  I).  Cf.  also  Rogerus  Carnifex,  Philippus  le  Tannour,  Thomasius 
Mercator,  Nigellus  Piscator,  etc.     Ibid.,  pp.  640-641  (9  Ed.  I). 

1  Mercator,  de  quacunque  patria  sit,  portans  mercimonia  sua  super  dorsum 
suum,  vocatus  haukers,  Black  Book  of  Winchester,  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Add.,  6036,  cited 
in  Gross,  Gild  Merchant,  i,  p.  107,  n.  2. 

*  "  Merchauntes  of  come  called  Bothemen,"  in  Newcastle,  1516.  Gross,  Gild 
Merchant,  ii,  p.  383. 

6  Mangere,  nostra  lingua  mercator.  Liebermann,  Die  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen, 
ii,  p.  493- 

8  Nus  Marchans  de  grain,  c'est  a  savoir  vendeur  ou  acheteur  de  grain.  Le  Livre 
des  Millers  d'Etienne  Boileau  (ed.  Lespinasse  and  Bonnardot),  p.  20  (13th  century). 

7  Four  types  of  urban  "  merchants  "  may  be  distinguished,  possibly  equiva- 
lent to  four  stages  of  development.  They  are:  (1)  traders,  shopkeepers,  or  handi- 
craftsmen, who  bought  and  sold,  (2)  those  who,  not  being  handicraftsmen,  bought 
to  sell  again,  whether  in  large  or  small  amounts,  (3)  those  who  dealt  only  in  large 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  171 

but  to  the  trade,  usually  to  the  retailer.  It  is  necessary  further 
to  qualify  this  definition  to  distinguish  the  corn  merchant  from 
the  general  dealer  casually  trading  in  corn.  At  least  the  greater 
part  of  his  goods  should  be  corn,  or  in  case  of  the  merchant 
shipper,  only  the  greater  part  of  the  cargo  outwards  or  inwards. 

A  search  for  the  native  corn  merchant  importing  corn  under  the 
local  market  system  is  needless,  since,  as  has  already  been  ob- 
served, the  import  trade  during  this  period  was  insignificant  and 
unorganized. 

The  problem  of  the  existence  of  the  corn  merchant  in  the 
domestic  trade  is  not  so  simple.  It  has  already  been  noted  that 
the  typical  trade  under  the  local  system  lay  within  the  area  and 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  corn  monger.  Some  scattered  instances 
of  inter-area  trade  may,  however,  be  found  in  which  the  middle- 
man participated.  In  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  a 
citizen  of  London  bought  120  quarters  of  wheat  in  the  county  of 
Cambridge,  which  was  loaded  on  a  small  vessel  to  be  carried  to 
London,  doubtless  by  way  of  Lynn.1  Granted  that  such  trade 
was  unusual,  could  such  a  cargo  have  been  wholesaled  in  London  ? 
In  favor  of  the  view  that  an  importing  merchant  could  wholesale 
his  corn  are  the  following  facts.  The  regrator  was  at  hand  to 
purchase  incoming  supplies,  especially  in  years  of  dearth  when 
profits  were  large.  Warehousing  and  selling  in  gross  seemed  to 
have  been  given  some  sanction.2  And  the  Hanseatic  merchants 
were  privileged  to  store  up  their  grain  for  forty  days  and  to  "  sell 
it  in  their  store-houses  and  granaries." 3  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
doubtful  if  these  operations  were  ever  unaccompanied  by  retailing. 
It  was  a  usual  regulation  that  corn  arriving  by  ship  had  to  be  left 
open  for  sale  to  all  comers  for  at  least  "  one  whole  day," 4  or 
according  to  another  rule,  "  for  three  market  days."  5 

amounts,  and  (4)  those  who,  usually  dealing  in  large  amounts,  sell  only  to  retailers, 
that  is  to  the  "  trade."     See  Gross,  Gild  Merchant,  i,  p.  157,  for  "  three  stages." 

1  Calendar  of  Letters  from  the  Mayor  and  Corporation  of  the  City  of  London,  p.  60 
(I352-54)- 

2  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  H,  p.  147  (1380);  Liber  Albus,i,  p.  261. 
J  Hansisches  Urkundenbuch,  i,  §  902  (1282). 

*  Liber  Albus,  \,  p.  261. 

5  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  G,  p.  77  (1356);  Liber  Albus,  i,  p.  460. 


172  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Bearing  in  mind,  then,  that  such  inter-area  trade  was  excep- 
tional, that  the  regrator  was  a  suspected  dealer,  and  that  the 
theory  and  law  were  that  all  corn  thus  brought  in  should  be  first 
open  to  consumers,  we  are  justified  in  concluding  that  the  out- 
and-out  wholesaler  as  a  class  was  practically  non-existent  in  the 
purely  domestic  corn  trade. 

There  still  remains  the  merchant  engaged  in  the  corn  export 
trade.  The  Cambridge  district  best  lends  itself  to  the  study  of 
such  a  dealer,  on  account  of  the  considerable  export  trade  through 
Lynn. 

Very  scanty  information  exists  of  the  activities  of  twelfth 
century  corn  exporting  merchants.1  It  is  only  in  the  first  half  of 
the  fourteenth  century  that  we  get  sufficient  specific  information 
to  be  of  service.  Lynn  merchants  of  that  period  came  into 
prominence  in  national  affairs,  and  their  doings  are  amply  re- 
corded in  the  Patent  and  Close  Rolls,  and  to  some  extent  in  the 
Ancient  Correspondence  of  the  period. 

Thomas  de  Melcheburn  was  the  head  of  a  prosperous  mercan- 
tile house  in  Lynn.  His  commercial  and  political  doings  can  be 
followed  for  the  period  from  1319  to  1352,  during  which  time 
he  dealt  in  cloth,  stockfish,  ale,  wool,  but  above  all  in  corn. 
For  thirty  years  he  was  engaged  in  buying  and  selling  corn,  and 
exclusive  of  the  numerous  entries  referring  to  his  supplying  the 
king  or  the  army  with  victuals  and  corn,  we  find  between  13 19 
and  1349  at  least  thirteen  notices  of  his  dealing  in  corn  purely  as 
a  commercial  venture.  Twelve  were  exportations:  six  to  Nor- 
way,2 two  to  Holland  and  Zealand,3  one  to  Zealand  and  Norway,4 
one  to  Flanders,6  one  to  Gascony,6  and  one  to  "  foreign  parts." 7 
And  on  one  occasion,  he  traded  with  Norway  and  other  foreign 
lands  "  for  corn  and  other  victuals."  8 

1  Cf.  Madox,  The  History  .  .  .  of  the  Exchequer,  i,  p.  558  (24  and  29  Hen.  II). 

*  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Ed.  Ill,  ii,  p.  302  (1332);  ibid.,  p.  420  (1330);  ibid., 
p.  424  (1333);  ibid.,  iii,  p.  S7.(i334-3S);  *"*«*•>  P-  542  (1337);  ibid.,  vii,  p.  287  (1349). 

1  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  339  (1336);  ibid.,  p.  456  (1337). 

*  Ibid.,  iv,  p.  46  (1338). 

6  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  Ed.  Ill,  vi,  p.  694  (1342). 
8  Ibid.,  Ed.  II,  iii,  p.  216  (1319). 
T  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Ed.  Ill,  iii,  p.  57  (1334-35). 
8  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  372  (1332). 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 73 

William  de  Melcheburn,  brother  of  Thomas,  exported  corn  for 
at  least  twenty-one  years,  from  1332  to  1353,  to  Norway,1 
Flanders,2  Zealand,3  and  Holland.4 

Another  Lynn  merchant  trading  in  corn  was  John  de  Wesen- 
ham,6  a  contemporary  of  the  Melcheburns  and  in  business  and 
other  relations  with  them.  All  three  merchants  were  in  close 
connection  with  the  court  and  the  administration  of  the  country. 
But  while  the  Melcheburns  were  constantly  engaged  in  the 
corn  trade,  Wesenham,  active  as  a  corn  merchant  for  at  least 
nineteen  years,  ultimately  became  a  royal  official  pure  and 
simple,  the  king's  clerk,  one  of  the  collectors  of  customs  at 
Boston,  one  of  the  three  farmers  of  the  customs  and  subsidy,  the 
king's  chief  butler,  farmer  of  alien  benefices,  king's  sergeant, 
changer  of  the  king's  moneys  in  London,  farmer  of  the  temporali- 
ties of  the  bishopric  of  Ely  in  the  King's  hands,  and,  finally,  the 
recipient  of  an  annual  life  pension  of  £46  13  s.  4  d.,  as  reward  for 
his  services.  We  find  him,  when  he  was  a  merchant,  exporting 
1000  quarters  of  corn  to  Norway  "  to  make  his  profit  of,"  6  and 
800  quarters  "  to  trade  with  in  foreign  parts;  " 7  he  also  had 
license  to  buy  up  1000  quarters  in  northern  parts  to  sell  in  Lynn 
or  London  "  to  make  his  profit  of."  8 

Undoubtedly  these  Lynn  merchants  could  be  ranked  with 
such  fourteenth  century  capitalists  as  John  Lovekyn,  fishmonger 
of  London,9  John  de  Pulteney,  draper,9  the  De  la  Poles  of  Hull, 
and  the  Canynges  of  Bristol. 

But  granted  their  wide  trade  connections,  their  wealth  and 
position,  were  they  really  wholesalers  ?  The  answer  to  this 
depends  upon  the  laws  and  practices  of  the  several  foreign  yorts 
where  they  sold  their  corn.  These,  as  is  well  known,  however, 
had  practically  the  same  regulations  with  respect  to  the  sale  of 

1  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Ed.  Ill,  ii,  p.  372  (1332). 

2  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  171  (1335). 

8  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  171  (1335);  ibid.,  ix,  p.  477  (1353). 

4  Ibid.,  ix,  p.  477  (1353).       8  Lived  about  13 10-1390. 

6  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  41S  (I332-33)- 

7  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  80  (1335-36)-     8  Ibid.,  ix,  p.  363  (1352). 

9  Law,  "  Nouveaux  Riches,"  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society  (n.  s.), 
ix,  p.  59. 


174  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

i 

foreign  goods  as  London,  and  so  like  the  domestic  corn  merchants, 
dealing  in  London,  they  were  probably  both  wholesalers,  for  the 
greater  part  of  their  sales,  and  also  retailers. 

One  other  case  remains  to  be  considered,  the  local  trade  organ- 
ization supplying  the  export  merchant  with  corn.  The  Cartu- 
lary of  Ramsey  Abbey  contains  an  account  of  such  a  local  trade 
dating  from  about  1300  to  133 1.1  The  occasion  of  this  account 
was  the  judicial  trial  resulting  from  the  blocking  up  of  the  river 
Ouse  at  Outwell  in  Norfolk.  The  writ  sent  to  the  Justices  as 
well  as  the  separate  reports  of  the  juries  of  Cambridgeshire, 
Huntingdonshire,  Norfolk,  Northamptonshire,  and  Lincolnshire 
are  all  preserved. 

Corn,  wood,  wool,  fish,  etc.,  were  being  traded  in  between 
Lynn  and  the  nearby  shires.  The  question  at  once  arises  as  to 
who  did  the  carrying,  the  lords  of  manors  and  the  tenants  them- 
selves, Lynn  dealers,  or  middlemen  from  the  local  villages.  The 
answer  to  this  question  depends  in  part  upon  the  determination 
of  the  direction  in  which  the  various  commodities  were  carried. 
We  have  already  seen  that  Lynn  was  a  great  corn  depot  and  that 
it  drained  the  nearby  district  of  corn  for  export  abroad.  A 
similar  trade  in  wool,  though  of  smaller  dimensions,  was  probably 
also  carried  on.  But  the  chief  business  was  the  transportation 
of  corn  from  the  neighboring  shires  to  Lynn,2  and  the  transporta- 
tion back  from  Lynn  of  various  kinds  of  victuals,  especially  fish.3 

1  Cartularium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia  (Rolls  Series),  iii,  pp.  141-157. 

1  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  144.  Formerly  the  common  route  of  ships  and  boats  was  from 
Crowland  to  Lynn,  cum  bladis  et  aliis  mercimoniis. 

The  Nen  flows  directly  from  Peterborough  to  Lynn  by  which  the  men  of  the 
county  of  Northampton  were  accustomed  carfare  et  recariare  cum  navibus  et 
naviculis,  mercimonia,  blada,  et  omnimoda  victualia.     Ibid.,  p.  147. 

"  Corn  brought  for  sale  to  the  town  "  of  Lynn,  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Ed.  Ill, 
vii,  p.  388  (1347)- 

1  Quod  homines  ibidem  transire  volentes,  cum  navibus  et  naviculis,  cum  bonis 
et  mercandisis  suis,  de  Holm',  Jakesle,  et  de  aliis  partibus  superioribus,  usque  ad 
praedictum  portum  de  Lenne  Episcopi  in  comitatu  Norff[olciae]  necnon  homines 
redire  volentes  directe  a  praedicto  porto  versus  Holm',  Jakesle,  Burgum  Sancti 
Petri  et  alibi,  versus  partes  superiores,  ibidem  transire  nequeunt  cum  navibus  et 
naviculis  suis,  sicut  antiquitus  ibidem,  ante  obstructionem  praedictam,  transire 
solebant.     Cartularium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  iii,  p.  141. 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 75 

But  who  did  the  carrying,  who  stood  the  venture  ?  As  might  be 
expected,  perhaps,  both  the  men  of  Lynn  and  the  men  of  the 
counties  round  about  were  engaged  in  the  trade.  "  The  men  of  the 
the  ports  of  Lynn  and  elsewhere  in  the  counties  of  Norfolk  and 
Suffolk,  with  their  victuals  and  merchandise  "  came  to  "  the 
markets  of  Holm  "  in  Huntingdonshire.1  It  is  probable  that 
these  dealers  took  fish  and  other  "  merchandise  "  up  to  Holm  and 
corn  back  to  Lynn.  Most  of  the  references,  however,  are  to 
corn  being  carried  to  Lynn  by  men  living  in  Huntingdonshire, 
Cambridgeshire,  and  other  adjacent  districts  in  "the  upper  parts." 
We  find  men  going  to  Lynn,  and  "  wishing  to  return  direct  "  to 
their  homes  by  water,2  and  others  "  wishing  to  pass  .  .  .  towards 
the  aforesaid  port  [of  Lynn]  and  then  returning  to  the  upper 
places."  3  It  would  seem  that  there  were  two  groups  of  dealers 
sending  corn  to  Lynn,  those  of  Lynn  and  those  of  the  nearby 
places.  The  former  may  have  been  either  factors  of  the  export 
merchants  of  Lynn  or  local  merchants  of  Lynn  feeding  the  export 
trade.  The  latter  came  from  such  places  as  Yaxley,  Glatten, 
Holm,  Ramsey,  Peterborough,  and  Crowland,  and  carried  "  corn 
and  other  merchandise  and  goods  of  theirs  "  to  Lynn.4  Al- 
though the  agents  of  manorial  lords  and  the  tenant  farmers 
themselves  doubtless  participated  in  supplying  Lynn,  neverthe- 
less it  would  seem  that  middlemen  were  especially  active  in  the 
trade,  for  in  the  enumeration  of  the  outlying  villages  of  supply 

1  Dicunt  etiam,  quod  dominus  Rex  est  dominus  manerii  de  Glatton',  ad  quod 
mercatum  de  Holm'  pertinet,  ad  quod  mercatum  homines  partium  de  Lenne  et 
aliunde  de  comitatibus  Norff[olciae]  et  Suff[olciae],  cum  victualibus  et  mercandisis 
suis  transire  nequeunt,  cum  navibus  et  naviculis  suis,  nee  redire,  causa  obstructionis 
supradictae.     Cartularium  Monasterii  de  Rameseia,  p.  146. 

2  See  above,  p.  174,  n.  3. 

3  Quod  cursus  cujusdam  aquae  descendentis  de  Burgo  Sancti  Petri  in  comitatu 
praedicto,  usque  ad  portum  de  Lenne  Episcopi,  in  comitatu  Norff[olciae],  viginti 
et  octo  annis  elapsis,  obstruebatur  apud  Outwelle,  in  dicto  comitatu  Norff[olciae], 
per  quendam  Walterum  de  Langeton  .  .  .  per  quod  prata,  pascuae,  pasturae,  et 
marisci  erant  superundata,  ad  nocumentum  hominum  comitatuum  praedictorum, 
ac  comitatuum  Hunt[ingdoniae],  Lincoln[iae]  et  Cantebr[igiae],  contiguo  adjacen- 
tium,  necnon  omnium  hominum  ibidem  transire  volentium,  cum  bonis  et  mercan- 
disis suis  versus  portum  praedictum,  et  abinde  redeuntium  versus  partes  superiores, 
cum  victualibus  et  aliis  necessariis  suis.     Ibid.,  p.  151. 

*  Ibid.,  iii,  pp.  144,  146,  147. 


176  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

only  market  centers  are  mentioned.  Support  is  given  to  this 
inference  by  the  existence  of  analogous  local  dealers  about 
Bristol,  who  were  said  to  have  suffered  in  their  trade  of  carrying 
and  selling  corn  by  the  forestalling  of  the  corn  exporters.  The 
exporters  bought  direct  from  the  producer  and  thereby  elimi- 
nated the  local  merchants  who  had  been  supplying  the  export 
trade.1  Though  most  of  the  corn  arriving  in  Lynn  was  sent 
abroad,  it  need  not  be  assumed  that  the  local  dealers  (and  much 
less  those  about  Bristol)  sold  all  their  corn  to  exporters  and  none 
to  consumers  in  Lynn.  But  the  evidence  on  the  subject  is  not 
sufficient  to  enable  us  to  follow  the  local  trader  into  the  town  of 
Lynn.  It  would  be  unsafe  to  apply  the  analogy  of  most  medi- 
eval towns  to  Lynn  in  respect  to  the  rule  for  the  first  sale  of  corn 
to  consumers,  because  Lynn's  position  was  unique,  and  such  a 
rule,  except  in  years  of  great  dearth,  would  have  been  entirely 
superfluous. 

To  the  discussion  as  to  the  existence  and  character  of  the  medi- 
eval wholesale  merchant,  carried  on  in  Germany,2  the  study  of  the 
English  corn  merchant  under  the  local  market  system  adds  but 
one  conclusion  of  value.  No  clear  case  can  be  made  out  for  the 
existence  of  the  wholesaling  apart  from  the  retailing  function. 

5.  Comparison  of  the  Corn  Dealer  with  other 
Middlemen 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  generalizations  concerning  mercantile 
classes  in  the  middle  ages  are  fraught  with  difficulty,  a  comparison 
of  the  position  of  the  corn  middlemen  with  that  of  other  dealers 
yields  some  results  of  interest.  The  variation  between  the 
town  regulations  regarding  middlemen  was  on  the  whole  not  great, 
but,  nevertheless,  there  was  some  variation.  And  though  it 
cannot  be  exactly  measured,  there  was  a  difference  between 
theory  and  practice,  legislation  and  its  enforcement. 

The  corn  merchant  and  analogous  dealers  may  be  first  con- 
sidered.     We  search  in  vain  for  examples  of  importing  corn 

1  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Rich.  II,  iii,  p.  281  (1386-87). 

*  For  a  discussion  of  the  subject  and  a  review  of  the  literature,  see  Keutgen, 
"  Der  Grosshandel  im  Mittelalter,"  Hansische  GeschichtsbUitter,  xxix  (1902),  pp.  67  f. 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 77 

merchants  who  were  restricted  by  law  to  wholesaling.  By 
wholesaling  of  course  is  meant,  not  selling  in  bulk,  but  selling  to 
"  the  trade."  *  Such  restrictions,  however,  existed  as  between 
handicraftsmen  and  traders.  For  example,  in  the  thirteenth 
century  in  Stendal  and  other  German  towns  weavers  were 
forced  to  sell  to  drapers  (Gewandschneider)  and  drapers  in  their 
turn  were  compelled  to  give  up  all  manufacture  of  cloth.2  In  the 
fourteenth  century,  London  drapers  were  granted  the  monopoly 
of  the  sale  of  English  cloth  to  the  exclusion  particularly  of 
weavers,  fullers,  and  dyers.3  Thus  local  manufacturers  were 
compelled  to  sell  to  the  drapers,  in  other  words,  to  wholesale 
their  products.  These  are  but  early  examples  of  a  general  move- 
ment, seen  more  clearly  in  the  modern  period,  toward  the  dif- 
ferentiation between  trade  and  industry  which  had  been  so 
closely  associated  in  the  handicraft  system,  and  toward  the 
growing  dominance  of  commercial  interests  in  industry  which 
was  a  marked  feature  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries. 

The  theory  of  medieval  town  trade  was  that  the  importing 
merchant  was  to  sell  both  to  the  consumer  and  to  the  retailer, 
though  in  the  case  of  the  stranger  not  to  sell  in  small  parcels.  The 
actual  working  out  of  this  theory,  however,  would  seem  to  justify 
a  distinction  between  those  who  normally  sold  only  to  retailers 
and  those  who  were  usually  compelled  to  dispose  of  part  of  their 
wares  directly  to  the  consumer.  Examples  of  the  first  class 
would  be  importing  grocers  and  mercers;  of  the  second  class, 
importing  vintners,  who,  in  London  at  least,  during  the  first 
three  days  after  storing  their  wines  could  sell  only  "  to  great 
lords  and  to  other  good  folks,"  4  after  which  they  might  sell  to 
local  vintners  and  taverners. 

The  corn  merchant  apparently  does  not  come  under  these 
categories.  Since  the  town  was  supplied  from  the  local  area, 
corn  was  imported  from  other  areas  or  from  abroad  only  in  years 

1  See  above,  p.  170,  n.  7. 

2  Keutgen,  "  Der  Grosshandel  im  Mittelalter,"  Hansische  Geschichtsblatter,  xxix, 
p.  92. 

3  Unwin,  Industrial  Organization  in  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries,  pp. 
75,  79- 

*  Riley,  Memorials  of  London,  pp.  81-82  (131 1). 


178  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

of  dearth,  when  regulations  about  selling  to  the  consumer  would 
be  enforced.  In  this  respect  importing  corn  merchants  would 
resemble  importing  vintners.  But  while  the  latter  sold  to  lords 
and  wealthy  burgesses  who  bought  in  bulk,  the  former  sold  also 
to  poorer  consumers.  This  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  it 
was  the  poor  who  needed  the  regulation  most,  and  from  such 
fragmentary  direct  evidence  as  the  proclamation  of  1258,  cited  by 
Matthew  Paris.1 

Retailers  or  regrators  may  be  divided  into  two  groups.  The 
first  consists  of  shopkeepers,  such  for  example,  as  retailing  vint- 
ners, taverners,  grocers,  mercers,  butchers,2  and  "  free  "  poul- 
terers.3 The  second  is  made  up  of  non-shopkeepers,  those  who 
were  allowed  to  sell  their  wares  upon  the  streets,  such  as  hucksters 
of  cheese  and  butter,4  and  those,  chiefly  the  corn  regrators,  who 
were  permitted  to  dispose  of  their  goods  only  upon  the  markets.6 

No  such  distinction  was  made  in  the  case  of  the  corn  monger 
who  occupied  a  position  in  nowise  different  from  that  of  other 
mongers.  Victualling  mongers,  whether  free  of  the  town  or  not, 
and  non-victualling  mongers,  whether  citizens  or  strangers,  were 
encouraged  to  go  into  the  nearby  district  and  bring  supplies  to 
the  town  markets  for  sale,  first  of  all  to  consumers  and,  if  any 
remained  after  this,  to  other  retailers. 

The  town  authorities,  judging  each  case  upon  its  merits,  looked 
differently  upon  different  trades.  Some  they  encouraged  to 
organize  into  craft  gilds;  others  they  discouraged.  The  non- 
victualling  crafts  in  general  and  at  least  one  victualling  craft  in 
particular,  the  poulterers,  were  encouraged  and  trusted  by  being 
given  supervising  functions  in  their  own  trades.  Others,  notably 
the  taverners,  were  apparently  not  allowed  to  organize,  and 

1  See  above,  p.  161,  n.  4. 

1  "  All  butchers,  as  well  freemen  as  foreigners,  who  are  wont  to  sell  flesh-meat 
within  the  City,  shall  close  their  shops  in  the  day,  before  the  time  for  candles  being 
lighted."     Riley,  Memorials  of  London,  p.  426  (1378). 

a  "  No  person  resident  of  the  City  who  sells  poultry,  shall  be  so  daring  as  to 
come  to  the  Leaden  Hall,  to  sell  or  buy  poultry  there  among  the  strangers,  on  pain  of 
imprisonment;  but  let  such  persons  sell  their  poultry  at  the  stalls  [in  the  Poultry], 
as  of  old  they  were  wont  to  do."     Ibid.,  p.  221  (1345). 

4  Ibid.,  p.  406  (1377). 

8  See  above,  p.  162. 


TEE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 79 

certainly  not  given  any  official  supervision  over  the  trade,  which 
was,  indeed,  entrusted  to  the  vintners.1 

Considering  the  corn  middleman's  organization,  we  note  first 
of  all  that  there  could  be  no  question  of  a  gild  of  corn  merchants 
owing  to  the  undeveloped  state  of  the  merchants'  trade.  A 
corn  mongers'  gild,  however,  did  exist,  but  so  little  is  known 
about  it  that  we  are  left  to  surmise  the  attitude  towards  it  of  the 
town  magistracy,  whether  the  latter  regarded  it  favorably,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  poulterers,  or  unfavorably,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
taverners.  The  friendly  attitude  of  the  City  of  London  towards 
corn  mongers  in  general  would,  however,  indicate  that  the 
authorities  would  have  classed  it  with  the  poulterers'  craft,  a 
victualling  craft  worthy  of  trust. 

Brokers  in  non-victualling  trades  were  regarded  as  desirable 
and  necessary,  as  in  the  case  of  the  grocers,  skinners,  and  vintners. 
Information  about  brokers  in  victualling  trades  seems  to  be 
confined  to  corn  brokers,  who,  as  has  been  seen,  were  refused  any 
official  position.2 

In  conclusion,  then,  the  town,  realizing  the  importance  of  the 
victualling  trades  to  the  welfare  of  the  municipality,  put  them 
into  a  special  class  by  themselves,3  and  conscious  of  the  purely 
local  nature  of  the  corn  trade,  distrusted  all  those  corn  middle- 
men (who  of  course  fell  within  the  class  of  victuallers),  such  as 
merchants,  regrators,  and  brokers,  who  did  not  play  a  part  in  the 
all-important  business  of  supplying  the  town  from  the  nearby 
country  district. 

1  Riley,  Memorials  of  London,  pp.  213-214,  341. 

2  Calendar  of  Letter  Books  of  London,  vol.  C,  pp.  17,  18  (1293). 

3  This  is  recognized  also  in  the  following  instances:  — 

Quod  nullus  negociator  seu  mercator  in  villa  predicta  de  cetero  merces  suas  seu 
venalia  venditioni  exponat  aut  vendat  nisi  in  hallis  communibus  ville  predicte  et 
quod  omnes  negociatores  seu  mercatores,  causa  emendi  vel  vendendi  seu  contractus 
faciendi,  ad  eorum  hallas  communes  et  non  alibi  debeant  convenire,  victualibus 
tamen  cothidianis  preter  carnes  exceptis.     Giry,  St.  Otner,  p.  435  (1282). 

No  merchant  stranger,  being  an  alien,  "  shall  put  to  sale  [at  '  retail ']  any 
Manner  of  Wares  or  Merchandises,  except  Livings  (provisions)  and  Victuals." 
Statutes  of  the  Realm,  ii,  p.  83  (1392-93). 


180  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

6.  Factors  in  the  Development  of  the  Local 
Middleman 

The  chief  factor  in  the  development  of  the  corn  dealer  was  the 
corn  market.  In  normal  years  the  local  market  gave  rise  to 
three  classes  of  middlemen,  the  monger,  the  regrator,  and  the 
broker.  The  corn  monger  was  a  necessary  supplement  to  the 
corn  producer  who  brought  his  own  products  to  market  for  sale. 
It  is  evident  that  since  the  producer  was  not  always  able  to  go  to 
market,  notably  in  the  spring  and  summer  when  tillage  occupied 
his  attention,  and  since  the  market  had  to  be  regularly  supplied, 
a  special  dealer  such  as  the  corn  monger  was  necessary.  Further, 
since  the  tenant-farmer  needed  his  capital  for  tillage,  the  capital 
of  the  corn  monger,  even  though  small  in  individual  cases,  was  an 
important  factor  in  the  trade. 

The  corn  regrator,  also,  arose  naturally  under  the  local  market 
system.  The  very  poor  people  of  the  town  might  not  have  the 
time  nor  the  money  with  which  to  buy  their  corn  upon  the  market, 
even  though  the  latter  was  open  to  them  two  or  three  times  a 
week.  Or  the  market  might  be  void  of  corn  when  they  went  to  it, 
a  serious  matter  in  case  the  household  supply  was  exhausted. 
Although  the  poor  did  not  need  much  corn,  for  they  purchased 
their  bread  from  the  baker,  and  although  they  could  in  theory 
buy  it  in  small  quantities  from  all  sellers  upon  the  market,  they, 
nevertheless,  found  the  corn  regrator,  or  the  baker  acting  as 
such,  a  great  convenience  in  the  purchase  of  just  such  small 
quantities  as  they  needed. 

The  corn  broker,  doubtless,  served  the  purpose  of  bringing  the 
corn  grower  or  the  corn  monger  into  touch  with  the  corn  regrator, 
when  the  former  had  corn  remaining  on  his  hands  after  having 
met  the  needs  of  the  consumer. 

In  years  of  dearth  the  local  market  system  was  inadequate. 
Corn  had  to  be  brought  in  from  distant  areas  or  from  abroad. 
The  domestic  corn  merchant,  or  the  merchant  importer,  was  then 
called  into  requisition,  or,  perhaps,  we  should  say  the  general 
merchant  was  tempted  to  venture  into  the  corn  trade.  Upon 
such  occasions  the  corn  broker  would  bring  together  the  merchant 


'    THE  MEDIEVAL  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  l8l 

selling  the  corn  and  the  corn  regrator  willing  to  buy  it,  but  this 
he  could  do  legally  only  after  the  consumers  had  been  supplied. 

There  was  in  addition  to  the  influence  of  the  market,  the 
influence  of  town  regulations,  which  conformed  on  the  whole  to 
the  marketing  conditions.  The  underlying  principle  of  these 
regulations  was  that  the  interest  of  the  consumer  was  para- 
mount, a  very  different  situation  from  that  found  in  other  trades. 
The  question  is,  however,  whether  this  bias  in  favor  of  the 
consumer  was  a  factor  determining  in  any  way  the  course  of 
middleman  development. 

In  the.case  of  the  corn  monger  the  answer  is  simple,  as  has  been 
seen,  for  town  policy  allowed  him  a  free  hand  so  long  as  he  carried 
on  purely  corn-mongering  functions.  The  town  magistracy, 
then,  did  not  seek  to  modify  in  this  case  the  business  of  a  dealer 
made  necessary  by  the  conditions  of  the  market.  But  the  town 
regulations  did,  nevertheless,  see  to  it  that  the  corn  monger  sold 
his  goods  as  a  monger  should,  that  is,  first  to  the  consumer,  and 
only  after  the  latter  was  supplied,  to  the  regrator.  In  other 
words,  the  tendency  of  the  corn  monger  to  become  a  local  whole- 
saler, while  not  prohibited  altogether,  was  checked.  This  was, 
of  course,  not  peculiar  to  the  corn  trade.1  The  object  was  to 
prevent  the  regrator  from  wedging  himself  in  between  the  monger 
and  the  consumer  as  an  indispensable  middleman. 

The  restricted  nature  of  the  market  area,  on  the  other  hand,  did 
not  call  for  any  marked  development  of  the  corn  merchant,  as  it 
did  of  the  corn  monger.  To  some  extent,  also,  the  local  ordi- 
nances tended  to  work  in  the  same  direction,  in  so  far  as  they 
prohibited  him  from  selling  to  the  trade  till  after  the  consumers 
had  been  satisfied.  In  the  case  of  most  articles  of  trade,  the 
importer  wanted  to  retail,  not  to  wholesale.  Not  so,  however, 
in  the  case  of  the  corn  trade,  for  the  regrator  in  time  of  dearth 
found  it  profitable  to  buy  up  the  corn  of  the  importer  in  moderate 
quantities  even  at  a  rate  higher  than  the  market  price  with  the 

1  A  Worcester  ordinance  of  1467  reads:  "  That  no  ffyssher  citezenby  noffysshe 
of  no  foreyn,  commyng  to  vitelle  the  cyte,  tylle  the  comyns  be  served,  yf  they 
wylle  bye  of  yt.  And  that  the  straunge  vittellers  sille  it  them  self,  and  none  other 
ffyssher."     English  Gilds  (ed.  J.  T.  Smith),  p.  396. 


1 82  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

idea  that  prices  would  of  themselves  rise  further,  or  that  he  could 
force  them  up. 

The  corn  regrator,  most  of  all,  was  interfered  with  by  town 
authorities.  He  was  prevented  from  capturing  the  supply  of 
corn  whether  brought  in  by  the  local  market  organization,  or  by  a 
corn  merchant  when  that  organization  broke  down.  Was  the 
town  justified  in  so  hampering  this  dealer  ?  The  answer  can  be 
neither  emphatically  in  the  negative  nor  in  the  affirmative. 
While  he  performed  such  services  as  the  purchase  of  the  surplus 
corn  on  the  markets  and  the  sale  of  this  to  the  poor  according  to 
their  necessities,  he  did  not,  through  lack  of  capital,  store  up  any 
large  amount  of  grain  which,  in  years  of  dearth,  could  be  regarded 
as  a  relief  to  the  stringency  of  supply.  Thus  the  chief  service 
open  to  him,  he  did  not  perform.  And,  also,  in  years  of  dearth 
he  stood  as  a  costly  and  often  unnecessary  middleman  between 
the  importer  and  the  consumer. 

In  estimating  the  respective  influences  of  market  development 
and  town  policy,  we  must  obviously  focus  attention  upon  the 
position  of  the  corn  regrator.  The  necessity  that  the  town  mag- 
istracy felt  of  regulating  his  activities  points  undeniably  to  the 
fact  that  market  conditions  were  favorable  to  his  existence.  The 
question  is,  however,  not  one  of  regrator  or  no  regrator,  but  of  a 
regrator  without  monopoly  or  one  with  a  practical  monopoly. 
Although  the  town  ordinances  worked  against  monopoly,  it  was 
primarily  market  development  that  determined  the  question.  A 
monopolistic  regrator  class  involved  an  increase  in  the  price  of 
corn  sold  to  consumers.  So  long  as  the  area  of  supply  was  local, 
however,  producers  and  country  corn  mongers  would  always  enter 
into  direct  competition  with  regrators  to  profit  by  the  higher 
price.  Municipal  authorities  gauged  the  situation  nicely. 
Their  regulations  were  largely  reflections  of  market  conditions. 
The  former  decreed  that  at  no  particular  moment  should  the 
corn  regrator  monopolize  supply;  the  latter  really  made  such 
a  monopoly  impossible  as  a  normal  condition. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  UNDER  THE  METROPOLITAN 
MARKET  SYSTEM 

i.  Development  of  the  Corn  Monger  and  the  Corn 
Regrator  in  the  Metropolitan  Period 

In  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  the  corn  monger,  or 
town  purveyor  of  the  middle  ages,  came  to  be  known  by  the  name 
of  badger  1  (bodger,  bagger,  brogger,  etc.).  The  identity  of  the 
badger  and  corn  monger  is  proven,  not  merely  by  the  alternative 
use  of  the  words,  but  by  the  similarity  of  activities  as  described 
by  contemporaries.2  Other  analogous  but  less  usual  terms  are 
lader,  kidder,  carrier,3  and  cornman.4 

It  is  easier  to  follow  the  activities  of  the  corn  mongers,  or  corn 
badgers,  as  we  may  now  call  them,  during  the  sixteenth  and 

1  "  Badgers  and  such  other  Commongers  "  were  in  1600  accused  of  engrossing 
corn.     Dyson,  All  suche  proclamacons,  p.  374. 

An  early  occurrence  of  the  word  badger  is  found  in  a  miracle  play  of  1415,  in 
which  "  Broggours  "  played  the  parts  of  "  Jesus,  Luke  and  Cleophas  in  the  guise 
of  pilgrims."     A.  W.  Pollard,  English  Miracle  Plays,  p.  xxxiv. 

2  "  The  Bagers,  such  as  bryngeth  whete  to  towne,  as  wele  in  trowys,  as  other- 
wyse,  by  lande  and  by  watir."     English  Gilds  (ed.  J.  T.  Smith),  p.  424  (1500). 

On  21  Feb.,  1586-87  the  justices  of  the  peace  wrote  to  the  Privy  Council:  "  yt 
is  necessarye,  that  bodgers,  and  cariers  of  corne  &  mault,  be  permitted  to  buy  in 
other  places  where  store  remayneth  to  be  brought  to  our  marketts  to  furnishe  & 
relieve  them."  MS.,  R.  O.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  vol.  cxcviii,  no. 
77iii. 

In  1594  the  Book  of  Orders  (ed.  1594,  p.  15)  declared  that  millers  "  have  begunne 
lately  a  very  corrupt  trade,  to  be  common  byers  of  Corne,  both  in  markets,  and  out 
of  markets,  and  the  same  doe  grinde  into  meale,  and  doe  use  as  Badgers,  or  other- 
wise to  sell  the  same  at  markets  and  in  other  places,  seeking  therby  an  inordinate 
gaine." 

3  The  mealmen  of  London  petitioned  in  1646  that  the  justices  of  the  peace 
should  allow  "  noe  Badger. Lader  Kidder  Carrier  or  Bager  of  Corne  or  Graine  " 
to  violate  the  act  of  1563.     MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Repertory,  lviii,  fol.  82. 

*  In  1590,  over  46  quarters  of  wheat  were  bought  by  London  bakers  "  Off  Thomas 
Hastier  of  Purley  in  the  county  of  Essex  Corneman."  MS.,  Bakers'  Hall,  Wheat 
Book,  fol.  63  (18  Dec), 

183 


184  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

seventeenth  centuries  than  during  the  preceding  period,  for 
the  dealers  were  increasing  so  greatly  in  number  l  and  in  the 
amount  of  their  business  as  to  attract  the  special  attention  of 
contemporaries  2  and  of  the  authorities.  They  were  required 
to  be  licensed  3  and  were  limited  in  purchases  to  ten  quarters  of 
any  one  kind  of  grain.4  Some  badgers  were  becoming  "  country 
mealmen,"  and  both  badgers  and  country  mealmen  were  coming 
into  sharp  competition  with  the  regrators  or  corn  chandlers,  as 
they  were  later  called. 

The  evidence  as  to  the  transmutation  of  badgers  into  mealmen 
is  threefold.  There  is  the  general  fact  that  as  time  went  on  the 
records  to  an  increasing  extent  deal  with  mealmen  rather  than 
with  badgers.  Besides  this  there  are  statements  more  or  less 
explicit.  For  example,  in  1586  a  corn  dealer  of  Herts  was  called  a 
"  mealeman  or  Badger" ; 6  in  1594  it  was  asserted  that  millers,  like 
badgers,  were  selling  meal  on  the  markets;6  and  in  1630  that 
barley  flour  was  being  mixed  with  wheaten  flour  through  the 
connivance  of  millers  and  badgers.7  There  are  also  ordinances 
prohibiting  the  change  from  selling  corn  on  the  markets  after  the 
fashion  of  the  badger,  to  selling  meal.  It  was  to  the  interest  of 
the  town  millers 8  that  those  bringing  in  meal  should  also  be 
forced  to  bring  in  a  specified  amount  of  unground  corn  for  sale,9 
an  unmistakable  blow  aimed  at  the  metamorphosis  from  badger 
to  mealman. 

1  The  opinion  as  to  the  excessive  number  of  badgers  was  especially  likely  to  be 
expressed  in  time  of  dearth.  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  clxxxiv,  no.  38 
iii  (10  Nov.,  1586);  Book  of  Orders,  fols.  22-23  (1622). 

2  Harrison,  Description  of  England,  Book  II,  ch.  18  (1587);  Best,  Rural  Econ- 
omy in  Yorkshire,  p.  101  (1641). 

1  See  pp.  152  f.,  237  f. 

4  Dyson,  fols.  86-87  (24  Sept.,  1550);  MS.,  Treasury  Office,  Council  Register, 
Car.  I,  vi,  fols.  191-192  (31  Nov.,  1630). 

5  One  "  Sebrooke  of  Waterford  in  the  Countie  of  Hertford  mealeman  or  Badger, 
who  dothe  weeklie  sell  &  utter  in  the  said  markett  of  wheat  &  Rye  meale  IIte  [?] 
quarters  or  there  abouts."     MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  49,  no.  7. 

8  Book  of  Orders  (1594),  p.  15.        7  Council  Register,  Car.  I,  vi,  fols.  191-192. 

8  Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fol.  378  (1575). 

•  Repertory,  xv,  fol.  249b  (10  Jan.,  1563-64);  ibid.,  fol.  303b  (25  Jan.,  1563- 
64);  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xviii,  fol.  156  (25  Jan.,  1563-64),  Letter  Book, 
vol.  X,  fol.  378  (16  Apr.,  1575). 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 85 

Most  of  the  dealers  called  "  mealmen  "  were  foreigners,1  that 
is,  not  citizens  but  inhabitants  of  the  nearby  rural  districts.2 
Their  normal  work  was  to  carry  meal  to  London  for  sale  upon  the 
City  markets.  Nevertheless,  there  were  others  handling  corn, 
also  called  "  mealmen,"  who  lived  in  the  city  and  normally 
purchased  their  supply  at  the  city  markets  rather  than  in  the 
country.  There  was  the  competition  between  these  urban 
mealmen,  corn  regrators  or  corn  chandlers,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  rural  mealmen,  corn  mongers  or  badgers,  on  the  other. 

Before  this  competition  can  be  discussed,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  outline  the  development  of  the  corn  chandler.  The  corres- 
ponding dealer  in  the  middle  ages,  the  local  corn  regrator,  who 
dealt  chiefly  in  unground  corn,  came  in  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth centuries  to  handle  principally  meal,  and,  as  we  have  just 
mentioned  became  an  urban  "  mealman."  This  mealman,  called 
also  a  corn  chandler,  commenced  gradually  to  sell  his  wares  in 
shops.  In  provincial  towns  the  rule  was  that  citizens  might  sell 
corn  in  their  shops  or  elsewhere  outside  the  market; 3  but  in  the 
metropolis  the  law  was  that  no  one  had  such  a  right.  Neverthe- 
less, corn  chandlers  did  gradually  arise  in  London  in  the  six- 
teenth century  who  regularly  sold  meal  in  their  shops,4  and  in 

1  Some  Norfolk  wheat  was  to  be  sold  to  the  "  mealemen  &  other  forrey[ner]s." 
Repertory,  xvi,  fol.  35b  (1566). 

2  In  1562  "  The  mealemen  of  the  Contry  "  were  to  be  allowed  for  a  day  or  two 
to  sell  as  they  could  without  having  to  accept  any  official  price.  Repertory,  xv, 
fol.  132. 

In  Aug.  and  Sept.,  1585  and  May,  1587,  the  Drapers  of  London  sold  wheat, 
wheat  meal,  and  rye  to  the  mealmen  of  Stratford  and  Putney.  MS.,  Drapers' 
Hall,  Renters  A  ccounts. 

8  In  the  City  of  York  it  was  decreed  "  That  no  franchised  man  of  this  city  do 
take  upon  him  or  them,  from  henceforth,  to  set  any  stall  within  any  market-place 
of  this  city,  but  that  they  shall  sell  their  wares  only  within  their  shops."  History 
and  Antiquities  of  .  .  .  York  (York,  1788),  i,  p.  296  (19  Mar.,  1549-50). 

Two  men  "  being  not  Citizens  of  Chester,  had  privately  sold  Mault  (out  of  the 
Market)  at  their  own  Houses,  and  were  thereof  convicted  at  the  Quarter  Sessions, 
and  fined  for  the  same."     MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  2104  (15  Sept.,  1609). 

4  A  "  Chaundler,  who  dothe  sell  by  retayle  in  his  shoppe  weekelie  "  four  quar- 
ters of  rye  meal  which  he  gets  "  from  Billingsgate  and  other  marketts  as  he  saithe." 
MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  49,  no.  7  (Dec,  1586). 

Complaint  was  made  "  against  Chaundlers  and  Bakers  and  others,  that  sell 
meale  in  their  shopps  and  other  obscure  places  within  this  Cittie  to  the  great  decay 


1 86  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

1630  they  were,  much  to  our  surprise,  encouraged  to  continue  to 
sell  in  shops.1  Later  evidence,  however,  indicates  that  the 
attitude  of  1630  was  not  regarded  as  a  precedent.2  Only  in  the 
eighteenth  century  did  corn  chandlers  retailing  in  shops  along 
with  all  other  kinds  of  corn  dealers  gain  general  recognition,  and 
only  then  were  they  left,  in  theory  as  in  practice,  to  work  out 
their  own  business  relations.  In  this  respect  corn  dealers  were 
oUscrirninated  against  for  much  over  a  century  after  retailers  of 
butter  and  cheese  had  gained  a  recognized  position  and  a  legal 
status.3 

The  corn  chandlers  of  the  seventeenth  century  displayed  an 
astonishing  activity  in  tapping  the  source  of  supply  in  the 
rural  districts.  In  the  middle  ages  this  was  just  what  the  local 
authorities  had  encouraged  the  urban  retailer  to  do,4  as  indeed, 
was  the  case  also  in  the  year  1574.6     But  when  the  dearths  of 

of  the  Common  Meale  Marketts  within  this  Cittie."  Repertory,  xxxii,  fol.  364 
(10  Oct.,  1616). 

1  It  was  complained  that  the  chandlers  had  engrossed  great  quantities  of  corn 
and  out-sold  the  county  mealmen.  By  way  of  remedy  it  was  ordered  that  "  the 
said  Chandlers  from  henceforth  shall  not  be  permitted  to  bring  or  sell  any  meale 
in  the  said  marketts,  but  that  theye  shall  utter  the  same  by  retayle  in  theire  shopps 
as  formerly  theye  have  bin  accustomed."     Repertory,  xliv,  fol.  242. 

2  "  That  no  Meal  shall  ...  be  sold  in  any  Shops,  Houses,  Warehouses,  or  other 
places  within  the  City  of  London,  or  within  Twenty  miles  thereof;  Nor  ...  in 
any  other  City,  Town,  Borough,  or  other  place  within  this  Commonwealth,  in  any 
Shops,  Houses,  Warehouses  or  other  places,  but  onely  in  the  common  publique 
Market-place  usual  for  that  purpose."  Acts  and  Ordinances  of  the  Interregnum, 
ii,  p.  442  (23  Oct.,  1650). 

A  "  setting  upp  againe  of  Meale  Shopps  "  was  reported  to  the  London  Aldermen. 
Repertory,  lxiii,  fol.  93b  (18  April,  1654). 

"  The  Bill  now  brought  into  this  Court  to  prevent  the  selling  of  Meale  &  Flower 
in  Shops  and  within  this  City  and  Libertyes  &  by  reducing  the  selling  thereof  to 
the  Comon  Marketts  appointed  for  that  purpose  Is  by  this  Court  referred  to  "  a 
committee.  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xlvi,  fol.  77  (4  July,  1665).  See  also 
Appendix  L  (year  1646-47). 

1  Cf.  the  act  of  1549-50,  "  for  buyinge  and  sellinge  of  Butter  and  Cheese  ": 
no  one  "  shall  buy  to  sell  agayne  anye  Butter  and  Cheese,  unlesse  he  or  they  sell 
the  same  agayne  by  retayle  in  open  Shoppe  fayer  or  markett  and  not  in  grosse." 
3  &  4  Ed.  VI,  c.  21.     Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  1,  p.  120. 

4  See  above,  p.  158. 

6  The  Court  of  Aldermen  ordered  "  that  from  hensforthe  yt  shall  not  be  lawf ull 
for  any  parson  retaylinge  of  meale  or  Corne  within  this  Cytie  or  the  liberties  thereof 
to  buy  any  Corne  or  meale  within  any  of  the  Commen  markets  of  the  same  Cytie 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 87 

1622-23  *  and  1630-31 2  came,  the  authorities  found  it  necessary 
to  impose  restrictions  and  attack  the  very  activity  they  had 
formerly  encouraged. 

A  conflict  naturally  arose  between  country  mealmen  and  urban 
corn  chandlers  because  both  aimed  at  supplying  London  with 
meal  and  both  sought  a  monopoly  of  the  trade,  the  former  working 
from  the  basis  of  rural  supply  to  the  marketing  within  the  city, 
the  latter  starting  from  the  marketing  end  and  pushing  back 
to  the  areas  of  supply.  Further,  the  chandlers  sought  to  exclude 
the  country  mealmen  from  the  city  markets.  For  example,  in 
1629,  there  was  a  "  Complaint  against  the  freemen  chandlers," 
a  "  Peticon  of  diverse  mealmen  in  the  Country  resorting  to  the 
severall  Marketts  of  this  Cittie  for  that  they  are  of  late  deprived 
of  their  roome  and  standing  in  the  said  Marketts  by  the  Chaund- 
lers  in  and  aboute  the  Cittie."  3 

This  competition  offered  by  the  corn  chandler  was  the  in- 
evitable outcome  of  a  remarkable  growth  in  his  business  position. 

or  the  lybertyes  thereof  and  cominge  to  be  brought  to  the  same,  but  to  make  his 
or  theyr  provision  in  the  Contrye."     Repertory,  xviii,  fol.  277b  (14  Oct.,  1574). 

1  A  committee  was  appointed  to  consider  engrossing  and  regrating  in  and  about 
London  by  chandlers  to  the  enhancement  of  prices.  Ibid.,  xxxvii,  fol.  211b  (27 
July,  1623). 

2  On  23  Dec,  1630,  the  Privy  Council  wrote  to  the  Mayor  of  Wickham  care- 
fully to  "  restrayne  all  Bakers  and  Chandlers  as  well  of  London,  as  of  other  places, 
from  buying  up  the  same  [corn];  who  doe  usuall  carry  the  Corne  they  buy  to  their 
owne  houses;  and  never  vent  it  in  any  publique  Markett."  MS.,  Treasury  Office, 
Council  Register,  Car.  I,  vi,  fol.  254. 

"  The  Chaundlers  of  London  haunt  all  the  Marketts  neare  unto  London,  and 
sweepe  the  Marketts  of  all  the  Corne  that  comes  offering  a  greater  price  then  the 
Seller  would  aske,  and  by  that  occasion  rayses  the  Markett  prices  exceedingly." 
Ibid.,  fol.  433  (2  April,  1631). 

Chandlers  —  "  many  of  them  in  nature  of  Badgers  bought  up  much  Corne  "  — 
in  Westminster.     Ibid.,  fol.  442  (6  April,  163 1). 

It  was  even  ordered  that  chandlers  should  henceforth  buy  up  no  corn  in  the 
vicinity  of  London  even  if  beyond  the  former  limit  of  thirty-five  miles,  since  they 
had  caused  corn  to  be  taken  outside  that  circuit  and  there  sold  to  them.  Ibid., 
fol.  476  (27  April,  1631). 

3  Repertory,  xliii,  fol.  131  (22  Mar.,  1628-29).  Compare  also  the  following: 
"  the  Chandlers  in  and  about  this  Citie  do  ingrosse  greate  quantities  of  Come,  and 
sell  the  same  in  meale  in  the  severall  marketts  of  this  Citie,  and  thereby  force  the 
Country  Mealemen  out  of  theire  accustomed  standinge  in  the  said  marketts,  and 
by  reason  thereof  do  greatly  enhance  the  Prizes  of  meale."  Ibid.,  xliv,  fol.  242 
(25  May,  1630). 


1 88  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

He  tended  more  and  more  to  buy  from  the  producer  rather  than 
from  the  country  mealman,  invaded,  indeed,  the  country  district 
itself  and  competed  with  the  rural  mealman  for  the  local  supply, 
tapped,  as  will  be  seen  later,  an  even  more  distant  source  of 
supply  in  his  dealings  with  corn  merchants,  and  lastly  sold  meal 
openly  in  shops  as  well  as  on  the  city  market  places.  The 
chandler,  doubtless,  reached  a  climax  when  he  sought  a  charter 
of  incorporation  for  his  craft  in  1662,  1688,  and  1690.1 

The  explanation  of  this  extending  influence  is  more  difficult 
to  discover  than  the  facts  themselves.  Some  determining  factors, 
however,  stand  out  fairly  clearly.  The  rise  of  prices  and  the 
increasing  demand  of  London  for  corn  gave  an  impetus  to  the 
local  corn  trade  that  it  had  never  known  before,  and  encouraged 
competition  to  an  unprecedented  extent.  With  the  supplanting 
of  the  old  town  regulating  system  by  a  less  effective  national 
system,  the  increased  competition  was  subjected  to  less  official 
restraint,  there  was  less  interference  with  operations  carried 
on  for  private  gain.  The  growth  of  capital  enabled  the  corn 
chandler  to  organize  and  expand  to  an  extent  unknown  to  his 
predecessor,  the  corn  regrator.  Capital  enabled  him  to  combine 
milling  and  boulting  with  trading,  to  employ  factors,  to  extend 
operations  into  the  country  and  to  set  up  his  shop  in  the  City. 
Likewise,  the  importation  of  foreign  corn  as  well  as  the  widening 
of  the  corn  supply  area  gave  the  chandler  the  advantage  in  the 
purchase  of  corn,  for  he  could  buy  part  of  his  supply  from  the 
holds  of  ships  on  the  Thames,  often  at  a  lower  rate  than  that 
prevailing  in  the  country-side  about  London.  The  widening  of 
the  area  of  supply  tended  seriously  to  check  the  purchase  of  corn 
by  the  consumer  directly  from  the  producer,  and  thus  the  middle- 
men became  indispensable  as  never  before.  Furthermore,  it  was 
discovered  that  the  best  flour  was  made  from  mixed  grains,  and 
this  explains  in  large  measure  why  the  badgers  (or  corn  mongers) 
and  the  regrators  became  dealers  in  meal  rather  than  in  unground 
corn.  The  discovery  was  probably  originally  made  by  the  urban 
retailers  who  bought  corn  upon  the  city  markets  from  various 

1  Repertory,  lxix,  fol.  100;  Council  Register,  Jac.  II,  i,  fol.  689;  ibid.,  Wm.  Ill, 
i,  fol.  422. 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 89 

sources,  had  it  ground,  and  sold  the  flour  to  consumers.  This 
dealer  thus  obtained  an  advantage  over  the  rural  competitor, 
which,  apparently  at  the  suggestion  of  the  wily  miller,  was  met 
by  the  country  dealer  himself  turning  mealman  and  marketing 
the  products  of  his  own  mill.1 

Of  all  these  factors  the  greatest  was  the  growth  of  the  market 
area,  which  made  direct  dealings  between  consumer  and  pro- 
ducer impracticable,  and  gave  a  great  impetus  to  the  development 
of  the  urban  dealer,  the  regrator  of  the  middle  ages,  the  chandler 
of  the  early  modern  period.2 

2.  An  Elizabethan  General  Merchant 

Before  studying  the  specialized  corn  merchant  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries,  it  is  advisable  to  consider  the  general 
merchant  who  traded  in  corn  along  with  other  commodities. 
Much  information  about  the  dealings  of  such  general  merchants 
may  be  compiled  from  private  accounts  and  from  customs 
accounts.  A  London  merchant,  for  instance,  recorded  in  his 
private  books  during  the  period  46  Edward  III  (1372-73)  to 
19  Richard  II  (1417-18)  that  he  had  bought  corn  in  Kent,  sent 
it  to  Bayonne,  bought  another  lot  from  a  Lombard  Street  baker, 
sent  herrings  from  Scarboro  to  Sandwich,  sold  iron  to  citizens  of 
London  and  to  a  Croyden  squire,  wainscots  to  a  Londoner,  iron 
and  herrings  to  another,  and  so  on.3  Numerous  examples  of 
this  sort  could  be  given  which  show  the  corn  trade  among  the 
miscellaneous  activities  of  the  general  merchant  throughout  a 
long  period,  but  a  typical  case  is  presented  in  a  document  from 
the  Elizabethan  State  Papers.  During  the  last  decade  of  the 
sixteenth  century  or  thereabouts,  a  merchant  of  the  southwestern 
part  of  England  wrote  a  practical  treatise  on  the  foreign  trade  of 

1  This  was  stated  in  the  Book  of  Rates  of  1594.     See  above,  p.  183,  n.  2,  par.  3. 
In  1758  it  was  stated  that  "  Mealmen  and  Mealfactors  are  employed  in  Meal 

and  Flour,  as  Merchants  and  Factors  are  in  Corn,  and  often  have  Mills  of  their 
own,  tho'  they  sometimes  hire."  Many  millers  have  added  "  to  their  old  Occupa- 
tions those  of  Mealmen  and  Mealfactors."  Short  Essay  on  the  Corn  Trade  and 
Corn  Laws,  p.  17. 

2  See  chart,  p.  200. 

*  MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Accounts,  509/19. 


190  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

his  day,  giving  special  directions  about  the  goods  sent  to  various 
nations  and  those  received  from  them.1  This  tract  is  of  partic- 
ular interest  since  it  shows  clearly  the  position  of  corn  in  the 
cargo  of  a  general  merchant;  and  not  only  does  it  state  where 
corn  was  sent,  but  also  where  it  was  not  sent.  It  forms,  there- 
fore, the  basis  for  an  interesting  comparison  with  the  trade  of  a 
century  later,  about  which  abundant  statistics  exist. 

To  all  parts  of  Galicia,  the  treatise  begins,  should  be  sent 
coarse  cloth,  Bridgewaters,  and  many  other  kinds  of  cloth,  hides, 
calf-skins,  sheep-skins,  wheat,  butter,  and  cheese.  From 
Galicia  come  the  wines  of  Ribadeo,  oranges,  lemons,  chestnut 
and  walnut  boards,  which  are  to  be  found  there  in  plenty  and 
very  cheap. 

To  Bayona  in  Galicia  and  Oporto,  we  send  the  same  goods 
(enumerated  below)  as  to  Lisbon,  excepting  only  certain  cloths 
and  wheat.  From  these  places  we  can  ship  only  oranges,  lemons, 
and  great  onions  of  twelve  or  fourteen  inches  in  circumference. 
Merchants  use  these  places  to  "  make  monnye  twyse  a  yeare." 

Bilbao  in  Biscay  receives  our  hides  and  calf-skins  in  great 
numbers,  and  a  variety  of  English  cloths  are  welcomed  by  both 
Bilbao  and  St.  Sebastian.  In  these  parts  we  load  the  best  iron 
in  all  Spain,  whale  oils  from  Newfoundland,  pitch,  rosin,  liquorice, 
cross-bows,  and  sword-blades.  From  them  we  carry  all  our 
money,  both  gold  and  silver,  to  Bordeaux,  and  in  doing  this  we 
incur  great  risks. 

Wheat,  butter,  cheese,  fine  cloths,  lead,  tin,  hides,  and  calf- 
skins are  sent  to  Lisbon,  which  in  turn  supplies  oils,  salt,  soap, 
calico,  spices,  and  cloths  from  the  East  Indies. 

To  Andalusia  we  ship  hides,  calf-skins,  fine  white  kerseys, 
Reading  and  Newbury  kerseys,  lead,  tin,  pipe  staveys,  and  many 
other  articles.  From  it  we  get  all  our  wines  called  sack,  all 
our  wool,  oils,  rosins,  spices,  cordovan  skins,  silks,  and  Seville 
soap. 

From  the  port  of  Santa  Cruz,  we  carry  Barbary  sugars,  both 
fine  and  coarse,  saltpetre  in  abundance  and  of  the  best  quality, 
dates,  molasses,  carpets,  and  cotton. 

1  Appendix  J. 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  191 

To  the  Canaries  and  Madeira  we  send  Newfoundland  fish, 
English  and  Galician  pilchards,  herrings,  lead,  and  coarse  cloths. 
We  take  away  various  wines  and  the  finest  sugar.  This  is  only  a 
summer  trade,  for  winter  storms  make  their  harbors  unsafe. 

Wheat,  many  kinds  of  cloths,  and  calf-skins  are  sent  to  the 
islands  of  St.  Michaels  and  Terceira  of  the  Azores  group,  where 
everything  is  exchanged,  not  for  money,  but  for  woad,  which 
is  the  chief  export  from  the  islands. 

To  the  West  Indies  and  Brazil  our  merchants  send  cloths  and 
small  wares.  From  the  former  they  bring  back  gold,  silver,  and 
pearls;  from  the  latter  various  kinds  of  woods. 

The  best  merchandise  to  be  sent  to  the  Levant  is  lead,  very 
fine  cloths,  hides,  calf-skins,  a  small  quantity  of  dry  fish  from 
Newfoundland,  pilchards,  red  herrings,  and  wrought  tin.  The 
cloths  sent,  it  is  to  be  noted,  must  be  the  finest  we  can  get,  for  the 
people  of  the  Levant  prefer  fine  cloths  to  velvet  or  any  other  silk. 

Barbary  takes  from  us  very  fine  cloths,  "  sad  "  blues  of  the 
value  of  £30  per  cloth,  red  caps  for  sailors,  all  kinds  of  great 
ordnance  and  other  artillery,  ash  for  oars,  and  armor  of  all 
kinds.  But  if  the  Spaniards  capture  us  while  engaged  in  such 
trade,  we  die  for  it,  so  it  is  advisable  to  go  in  great  ships  and 
with  safe  conduct. 

We  go  to  Tripoli  in  Syria  in  the  winter  to  avoid  the  Moorish 
galleys.  Our  cargo  consists  of  kerseys,  expensive  cloths,  and  lead 
which  we  sell  in  the  ports  on  the  way.  Returning  we  carry 
currants,  galls,  cottons,  and  the  sweet  oils  of  Greece. 

The  places  in  the  Mediterranean  most  frequented  are  Leghorn, 
Majorca,  Minorca,  Barcelona,  Civitavecchia,  and  Venice.  From 
them  we  get  oils,  notably  from  Majorca  when  there  is  a  restraint 
of  trade  with  Spain,  as  well  as  all  kinds  of  silks,  galls,  cotton, 
muscatels  of  Candia,  malmseys,  currants,  alum,  cypress  chests, 
and  the  finest  earthern  dishes  called  porcelain. 

To  St.  Jean  de  Luz  in  France  are  exported  all  kinds  of  coarse 
wares,  wax,  tallow,  butter,  cheese,  wheat,  rye,  beans,  biscuits 
about  Christmas  so  as  to  be  available  for  the  Newfoundland  men, 
candles,  hides,  calf-skins,  and  Irish  friezes.  This  port  serves 
when  trade  with  Spain  is  prohibited.     From  it  we  get  pitch  and 


192  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

rosin  at  a  very  low  rate,  the  best  feathers  in  all  France,  Navarre 
iron,  and  the  white  wines  of  Toulouse. 

To  Bordeaux  in  Gascony  we  ship  friezes  of  many  sorts,  some  at 
30  s.  and  others  at  seven  nobles.  We  must  see  to  it  that  we  have 
all  the  new  collars  that  we  can  find  in  England  to  send  to  this 
place,  for  they  sell  most  readily.  To  this  port  our  merchants 
carry  a  great  amount  of  English  gold,  more,  indeed,  than  French, 
Portuguese,  or  Spanish  gold.  Wines  and  woad  are  carried  back 
from  this  port.  For  the  benefit  of  the  merchants  there  are  two 
fairs  held  yearly,  in  March  and  October,  at  which  we  are  free  of 
customs,  both  on  entering  and  leaving. 

To  Rochelle  we  send  such  English  wares  as  lead,  tin,  hides,  calf- 
skins, tallow,  cloth,  Irish  hides,  friezes,  ordnance,  and  "  any 
kinde  of  victualls,  wheat  only  except,  because  they  have  greate 
store  of  their  owne."  Here  we  take  on  salt,  pitch,  tar,  and  many 
other  goods.  We  can  buy  in  this  port  from  the  pirates  of  France 
many  commodities  from  the  Indies  at  a  lower  rate  than  in  Portu- 
gal, but  it  is  necessary  to  use  a  big  ship  in  trading  with  this  port 
for  fear  of  robbery. 

In  Rouen,  Morlaix,  and  St.  Malo  are  sold  lead,  fine  Devonshire 
kerseys,  and  many  other  kinds  of  cloth  fine  in  texture  and  varie- 
gated in  color.  At  these  ports  are  loaded  linen  cloth,  Normandy 
canvas,  and  small  wares  such  as  cords,  pins,  paints,  bolts  of 
black  thread,  and  a  number  of  other  commodities  for  mercers. 

To  Flanders,  Emden,  and  Hamburg  the  Merchant  Adven- 
turers send  our  wools  and  unfinished  cloths.  To  these  places  are 
also  shipped  a  great  quantity  of  English  beer  both  in  times  of 
peace  and  of  war.  In  return  for  these  articles  we  get  groceries 
and  other  small  wares. 

We  supply  Neva,  Riga,  and  Revel  with  all  kinds  of  coarse 
cloths,  corrupt  wine,  cony-skins,  dressed  and  undressed,  salt, 
and  some  aqua-vitae.  We  must  always  take  heed  not  to  trust 
any  one  in  this  country,  and  demand  ready  money,  for  the  inhabi- 
tants are  very  false  people  and  they  will  deny  both  the  bargain 
and  the  receipt  of  our  wares  if  we  sell  on  credit.  From  these 
places  we  get  flax,  hemp,  pitch,  tar,  tallow,  wax,  and  all  kinds  of 
furs.     Much  of  our  traffic  was  with  them  before  we  opened  up  the 


THE  CORN'  MIDDLEMAN  1 93 

trade  with  Saint  Nicholas  in  Russia.  Our  cables  and  all  our  best 
ropes,  however,  came  from  Danzig  in  Poland  and  also  "  greate 
store  of  wheate  and  Rye  yf  it  be  skante  in  england." 

St.  Nicholas  in  Russia  takes  from  us  decayed  and  refuse  wines, 
salt,  and  coarse  cloths.  In  return  we  get  a  large  amount  of  wax, 
skins,  hides,  and  furs. 

For  the  fish  trade  of  the  out-islands  of  Scotland,  we  must  be 
ready  early,  for  the  best  returns  of  cod  and  linge  are  at  Michael- 
mas. In  these  islands  and  in  the  north  of  Ireland,  we  buy  sal- 
mon and  sell  all  kinds  of  decayed  wines.  We  must,  however, 
take  heed  of  the  people  for  they  are  false  and  full  of  treachery  to 
such  an  extent  that  it  is  necessary  to  keep  good  watch  by  night 
and  rely  upon  our  own  strength  for  safety. 

The  western  part  of  Ireland  takes  our  sack,  Gascon  wines,  raw 
silk,  and  a  little  woad  and  alum.  The  natives  bargain  well  and 
are  much  more  civil  than  those  of  the  north.  From  this  place  we 
carry  a  great  amount  of  salt,  hides,  tallow,  salt-beef,  Irish  cover- 
lets, mantles  and  friezes,  cotton,  linen  yarn,  herrings,  and  sal- 
mon which  we  send  to  Rochelle,  Newhaven,  Rouen,  or  Flanders. 

Finally,  we  must  always  take  heed  not  to  export  prohibited 
goods  to  a  foreign  country;  and  in  loading  our  cargo  there  we 
have  to  deal  very  circumspectly  to  avoid  being  undone. 

In  brief,  our  informant  tells  us  that  English  merchants  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  imported  corn  from  Danzig 
in  years  of  dearth;  and  in  ordinary  years,  particularly  during  the 
winter,  they  exported  corn,  notably  wheat,  to  Galicia,  St.  Jean  de 
Luz,  Lisbon,  and  the  Azores.  It  is  specifically  stated  that  no 
corn  was  sent  to  Bayona,  Oporto,  or  Rochelle,  and  by  implication 
to  no  other  places  than  those  above  mentioned. 

3.  Development  of  the  Corn  Merchant  in  the 
Metropolitan  Period 

The  alien  corn  merchant  has  so  far  not  been  considered.  The 
customs  accounts  for  the  years  1303-11  show  considerable 
activity  on  his  part  in  the  export  trade,  and  less  in  the  import 
trade.  Although  much  information  about  the  dealings  of  these 
merchants  is  recorded,  it  is  uncertain  whether  they  were  merely 


194  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

general  merchants  or  corn  merchants.  At  any  rate,  no  remark- 
able development  took  place  until  the  sixteenth  century,  up  to 
which  time  the  alien  dealer  handled  small  amounts  of  corn  as 
advantageous  opportunity  offered.  In  the  Tudor  period  he  came 
to  the  rescue  of  London,1  and  throughout  the  century  did  a 
large  import  trade.  As  the  rest  of  England  imported  practically 
no  corn  at  all,  his  import  trade  was  confined  to  the  metropolis. 
But  while  in  years  of  dearth  he  brought  in  corn  in  considerable 
amounts,  still  in  normal  years,  as  the  petty  customs  accounts 
show,  his  imports  were  insignificant  or  non-existent. 

In  the  period  1600-60,  there  was  no  marked  change;  but  for 
this  period  we  have  some  interesting  facts  concerning  individual 
Dutch  corn  merchants. 

Lucas  Jacobs,  "  corn  merchant  "  of  London,2  imported  corn  to 
the  metropolis  for  at  least  thirty-seven  years  (1 608-45). 3  Be- 
tween  1608  and  1639,  he  is  said  to  have  brought  in  120,100 
quarters,  and  to  have  lost  £3000  in  this  trade  during  the  years 
1638-40.  His  example  during  the  earlier  years,  it  is  stated, 
caused  others  to  enter  the  trade,  whereby  London  "  has  been 
from  time  to  time  provided."  4  His  activities  were  characteristic 
of  the  second  period  of  the  metropolitan  market,  for  he  exported 

1  The  evidence  for  this  is  most  abundant  in  the  Customs  Accounts  in  the  Record 
Office.     See  Appendix  B,  London  and  Members. 

There  are  also  many  specific  references  in  the  records  to  foreign  merchants  im- 
porting corn.  For  example,  in  the  year  1528,  Joachim  Hochstetter  of  Augsburg 
was  said  to  be  "  one  of  the  richest  merchants  in  this  land  (Flanders),  and  a  great 
importer  of  wheat  to  London."  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic,  iv,  pt.  2, 
§  4018.  Cf.  R.  Ehrenberg,  Das  Zeitalter  der  Fugger,  i,  p.  214.  In  1539  it  was 
estimated  that  two  German  merchants  of  the  Steelyard  had  in  one  year  supplied 
London  with  15,000  quarters  of  corn.  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic, 
xiv,  pt.  1,  §  210.  In  1550  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London  "  made  bargaine  with  divers 
merchauntes,  both  Englishe  and  straungers,  for  grayne  for  the  city  of  London,  to  be 
had  out  of  Danske  and  Hambrough,"  Wriothesley,  A  Chronicle  of  England,  ii,  p.  45. 
And  in  the  following  year  "  in  Easter  weeke  their  came  tenne  or  twelve  shippes 
with  rie  and  wheate  out  of  Hollande,  which  merchantes  of  the  Styliard  and  English- 
men brought  thence,  and  some  out  of  Brittanie."     Ibid.,  p.  47. 

2  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Repertory,  Ivii,  pt.  ii,  fol.  123b  (1645);  MS.,  Treasury 
Office,  Council  Register,  Car.  I,  iv,  fol.  465  (1628). 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Car.  I,  xvi,  p.  4  (1640);  Repertory,  lvii, 
pt.  ii,  fol.  123b  (1645). 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Car.  I,  xvi,  p.  4  (1640). 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 95 

corn  (at  least  once  by  his  English  factor)  as  well  as  imported  it.1 
Jacob  Cornelisson  of  Amsterdam,  about  whom  less  is  known, 
claimed  to  have  imported  48,543  quarters  of  corn  in  the  "  last 
two  years  of  scarcity  "  (1621-23),  and  to  have  lost  three  corn 
ships  in  the  trade,  for  which  he  believed  himself  entitled  to  a 
license  to  export  20,000  quarters  of  English  corn  to  the  Low 
Countries.2 

Peter  van  Velde  in  1640  received  a  license  to  export,  claiming 
that  he  "  had  often,  in  times  of  scarcity  in  England  brought  over 
hither  a  supply  for  his  Majesty's  subjects."  3 

At  least  from  1549,  when  certificate  books  begin,  foreign  mer- 
chants took  no  part  in  the  coast  trade  in  corn,  and  when  London 
ceased  to  need  foreign  corn,  they  lost  their  strongest  hold.  And 
as  if  the  double  or  treble  duties  on  imports  of  aliens'  corn,  together 
with  the  Navigation  Acts,  were  not  enough,  the  foreign  merchant 
desirous  of  exporting  English  corn  was  further  handicapped  by  the 
superior  position  of  the  English  dealer  who  received  a  handsome 
premium  on  every  quarter  of  corn  sent  to  foreign  ports,  so  that 
between  the  year  of  the  Restoration  and  the  year  of  the  Revo- 
lution, the  alien  was  ousted  from  all  branches  of  the  corn  trade. 

It  is  quite  practicable  to  compile  elaborate  statistics  illustrating 
the  activity  of  the  denizen  as  well  as  the  alien  merchant  in  every 
port  of  England  from  the  fourteenth  century  onwards.  Where 
this  has  been  done,  the  following  facts  for  the  period  up  to  1600 
have  been  observed :  (a)  the  corn  merchant  was  a  general  dealer 
trading  in  commodities  other  than  corn,  and  only  in  Lynn 
approached  the  condition  of  specialized  corn  dealer;4  (b)  the 
normal  foreign  trade  in  corn  was  too  precarious,  uncertain,  and 
insignificant  to  give  rise  to  any  important  class  of  corn  mer- 
chants; 5  (c)  the  metropolitan  domestic  trade,  which  arose  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  was  not  at  first  attractive  to  the  merchant 

1  Ibid.,  Hi,  p.  594  (1629);  ibid.,  iv,  p.  203  (1630);  ibid.,  xvi,  p.  4  (1640). 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Jac.  I,  x,  p.  607.       8  Ibid.,  Car.  I,  xvi,  p.  240. 

4  For  example,  between  29  Sept.,  1549,  and  14  June,  1550,  the  ten  merchants 
transporting  coastwise  from  Lynn  four  or  more  shipments  of  corn  each,  out  of  a  total 
of  97  merchants,  handled  in  all  59  shiploads,  only  two  of  which  contained  aught 
but  corn.     MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Customs,  100/5. 

5  An   example  of   the  more  progressive   foreign   dealers   is  Henry  Middle- 


196  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

because  of  the  regulations  and  restrictions  which  hedged  him  in, 
both  in  the  coast  trade  and  overland,  especially  in  years  of  dearth 
when  the  Book  of  Orders  was  in  force,  and  when  much  of  the 
provision  was  made  by  general  merchants,  by  drapers,  grocers, 
and  others  of  the  city,  by  brewers  and  bakers  direct  and  by  gen- 
tlemen and  yeomen,  the  corn  producers  themselves.  In  London 
itself,  the  corn  merchant  was  liable  to  be  forced  to  take  less  than 
a  fair  market  price,  since  he  had  to  compete  with  municipal 
non-profit  institutions  ready  to  incur  any  cost  to  keep  prices 
down.  The  Certificate  Books,  therefore,  though  they  show 
merchants  regularly  shipping  corn  to  London,  fail  to  disclose  any 
increasing  specialization  in  this  trade.1 

What  has  been  said  of  the  first,  may  also  be  said  of  the  second 
metropolitan  period,  only  to  a  less  degree.2  But  in  the  third 
period  there  was  a  marked  development.  Corn  merchants  came 
upon  the  scene,  who  transported  large  amounts  of  corn  to  the 
metropolis,  both  for  sale  there  and  for  export  abroad.  The 
period  of  their  coming  into  existence  coincides  with  that  of  the 
ousting  of  the  alien  merchant,  the  decline  of  the  London  corn 
import  trade,  and  the  practical  abolition  of  restrictions  upon 
engrossing  and  regrating,  the  final  decay  of  the  municipal  provi- 
sions of  corn,  and  the  growth  of  a  considerable  and  unrestricted 
export  trade.  It  is,  indeed,  significant  that  one  of  these  mer- 
chants, Anthony  Sturt,  should  have  rented  the  granaries  formerly 
used  by  the  City  companies,3  and  when  an  attempt  was  made  to 
revive  the  old  municipal  system,  some  of  the  companies  engaged 

more.  He  exported  beans  in  the  following  amounts  (quarters)  and  from  the  fol- 
lowing ports:  — 

Year          Bridgewater    Gloucester       Boston 
33  Eliz 406  100 

24  "    *34  54 

25  '    666J  6a  87 

MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  306,  fols.  26-31. 

1  From  Michaelmas,  1549,  to  14  June,  1550,  the  merchant  who  sent  most  corn 
from  Lynn  to  London  was  John  Baynarde,  4  of  whose  9  shipments  went  to  the 
metropolis.  No  other  merchant  equalled  or  approached  this  record  in  the  period. 
K.  R.  Customs,  100/5. 

*  From  Christmas,  1646,  to  Christmas,  1647,  John  Lowry  sent  13  cargoes  from 
Lynn,  10  being  corn  only,  and  all  to  London.     K.  R.  Port  Books,  435/12. 

'  MS.,  Haberdashers'  Hall,  Court  Assistant,  i,  fol.  64a  (4  Mar.,  1658-59). 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN 


197 


him  to  provide  their  yearly  complement:  in  the  case  of  the  Fish- 
mongers for  a  period  of  seven  years.1  The  merchants  of  the 
companies  saw  that  the  old  order  had  passed  away  and  that  the 
new  type  of  corn  merchants,  with  granaries  and  large  stores  of 
corn,  had  come  to  stay.2  Besides  Anthony  Sturt,  some  of  the 
most  prominent  of  the  metropolitan  corn  merchants  were  Robert 
Buckle  of  Thames  Street,3  George  Moore,  and  William  Russell, 
all  of  whom  may  be  compared  with  the  importing  alien  merchants, 
Lucas  Jacobs  and  Jacob  Cornelisson,  of  the  early  Stuart  period. 


Shipments  of 

Corn  Abroad  from 

London  * 

Buckle 

Moore 

Russell 

Sturt 

Total 

Year 

No. 

Amount 

No. 

Amount 

No. 

Amount 

No. 

Amount 

No. 

Amount 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

1676-77 

18. 

5,°44i 

48. 

I3,S675 

I. 

60 

14. 

4,261 

81. 

22,9325 

1677-78 

13- 

3,i68* 

42. 

17,355* 

8. 

5,826 

17- 

4,399* 

80. 

30,749* 

1682-83 

8. 

990 

8. 

663 

13- 

1,027 

13- 

2,"3 

42. 

4,793 

Average 

13.0 

3,068 

32.6 

10,528! 

7-3 

2,3°4l 

14.6 

3,59il 

67.7 

19,492 

When  we  compare  these  figures  with  the  totals  for  the  three 
years,  we  find  that  thirty  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  corn 
shipments  were  made  by  these  four  merchants,  that  fifty  per 
cent  of  the  total  amount  of  corn  exported  was  through  their 
agency,  and  that  the  average  shipment  of  these  dealers  was 
seventy  pe»  cent  greater  than  the  general  average. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  proceed  farther  in  statistical  inquiry. 
The  export  corn  trade  of  London  was  fully  organized.  A  few 
merchants  exported  corn  in  shipments  averaging  from  100  to 
200  quarters.     The  others  sent  smaller  amounts. 

1  MS.,  Haberdashers'  Hall,  Court  Assistant,  ii,  fol.  146a  (3  July,  1668);  MS., 
Fishmongers'  Hall,  Wardens  Accounts,  i,  fols.  658-682  (25  Mar.,  1670  to  25  Mar., 
1677). 

2  Compare  the  custom  that  grew  up  among  the  companies,  on  the  decay  of  the 
municipal  provision,  of  relying  upon  chandlers,  etc.,  for  provision.  The  magis- 
trates constantly  sent  warnings  against  this  practice.  Cf.  MS.,  Stationers'  Hall, 
Liber  A,  fol.  92b  (1618),  fol.  106  (1626-27),  fol.  116  (1630),  etc. 

»  Cf.  K.  R.  Port  Books,  96/8  (9  May,  1681);  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Repertory, 
xcvi,  fol.  138  (1691). 

4  Compiled  from  MS.,  R.  0.,  K.  R.  Port  Books. 


I98  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Under  the  medieval  local  system  the  corn  merchant  had  arisen 
only  in  the  most  favored  local  districts  such  as  in  Lynn,  and  there 
chiefly  in  the  foreign  trade  which  for  long  periods  at  a  time  was 
precarious,  especially  in  the  fourteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries, 
and  which,  as  the  statistics  of  export  show,  was  often  non- 
existent. The  growth  of  London  ultimately  introduced  the 
necessary  basis  for  the  creation  of  an  important  merchant  class. 
There  was  a  continuous  demand  for  corn  in  the  metropolis,  and, 
when  the  supply  there  was  so  great  as  to  reduce  prices,  there  was 
a 'good  opportunity  of  disposing  of  it  abroad  through  the  excellent 
commercial  connections  of  that  city. 

We  have  seen  that  the  medieval  corn  regrator  (urban  mealman 
or  corn  chandler),  originally  limited  to  the  sale  of  corn  upon  the 
market  place,  added  to  his  activities  the  sale  of  corn  in  shops.  As 
a  shopkeeper  he  purchased  his  supply  of  corn  upon  the  urban 
market  as  of  old,  scoured  the  nearby  country-side  for  it,  or 
bought  it  from  merchants  who  drew  upon  more  distant  domestic 
areas  of  supply  as  well  as  upon  foreign  countries.1  The  purchase 
from  the  corn  merchant  tended  to  become  the  normal  method  of 
supply.  In  other  words,  the  growth  of  the  metropolis  in  the 
Tudor  and  Stuart  periods  not  only  added  to  the  recognized 
activities  of  the  corn  regrator,  but  provided  a  regular  outlet 
whereby  the  corn  merchant  might  dispose  of  his  corn  entirely  by 
wholesale. 

Once  the  regrator  and  merchant  shipper  have  become  estab- 
lished, it  is  natural  that  an  intermediary  should  arise,  the  engross- 
ing merchant  buying  from  the  shipper  and  selling  to  the  regrator. 
This  capitalist  performs  the  same  functions  for  the  wholesale 
trade  as  the  regrator  does  for  the  retail  trade;  he  buys  up  corn 
shipped  to  the  town  and  sells  it  later  within  the  same  place. 
While  the  shipper  and  the  monger,  both  regarded  with  favor  under 
the  medieval  local  market  system,  increased  the  utility  of  the 
corn  by  transporting  it  from  one  place  to  another,  these  two  newly 

1  For  the  relief  of  the  merchants  who  had  imported  corn  the  Privy  Council 
ordered  in  1638  that  the  "  Chaundlers  Mealmen,  and  some  others  trading  for 
Corne  "  along  with  the  bakers  and  the  City  companies,  should  take  up  3000 
quarters.     MS.,  Treasury  Office,  Council  Register,  Car.  I,  xv,  fol.  349. 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  1 99 

recognized  dealers  were  concerned,  not  with  the  element  of  place, 
but  of  time.  They  stored  corn  primarily,  it  is  true,  to  sell  for 
current  use,  but  secondarily  for  profitable  sale  in  dear  years. 
They  were  thus  in  large  part  responsible  for  the  diminishing 
hardships  felt  in  times  of  dearth  or  failure  of  crops,  because  of  the 
fact  that  their  stock  or  supply  was  then  available. 

Expressed  in  terms  of  the  corn  trade,  the  medieval  town  policy 
was  so  framed  as  to  make  all  would-be  corn  merchants  into  corn 
mongers.  At  least  the  town  assumed  that  the  corn  monger,  who 
bought  in  the  open  country  market  and  sold  in  the  open  town 
market,  was  the  normal  dealer.  It  is,  indeed,  as  we  have 
seen,  doubtful  whether  there  were  specialized  corn  wholesalers 
in  medieval  England.  During  the  first  period  of  the  metro- 
politan market,1  though  gradually  declining,  and  to  a  less  degree 
during  the  second  period,  the  old  policy  continued.  The  third 
period  of  the  metropolitan  development,  however,  gave  rise 
to  a  recognized  class  of  regrators  retailing  corn  and  meal  in 
shops,  who  made  it  possible  for  a  corn  merchant  to  sell  to  the 
"  trade  "  all  the  corn  brought  to  the  metropolis.  The  increasing 
distance  of  supplies  gave  rise  to  new  middleman  complexities, 
which  necessitated  domestic  laissez  faire  or  the  abolition  of  the 
restriction  that  one  part  of  the  country  put  on  the  activities  of  the 
middlemen  of  another.  The  medieval  mercantile  organization 
was  broken  through  by  the  preponderating  development  of  one 
community,  the  metropolitan.  And  the  direct,  if  not  the  lineal, 
successor  of  municipal  provision,  domestic  restraint,  staple 
policy,  and  granary  proposals  was  in  part  the  wholesale  trade 
made  possible  by  the  combined  activities  of  corn  merchant  and 
corn  regrator. 

4.   Growth  of  Appreciation  of  Corn  Middleman 
Functions 

One  of  the  considerable  gaps  in  economic  history  is  our  lack  of 
knowledge  of  the  changes  in  the  attitude  of  successive  generations 
of  men  towards  middlemen  functions.  We  need  a  careful 
analysis  of  the  attitude  of  the  public  towards  dealers  in  certain 

1  See  ch.  VIII. 


z 
u 
S 
bl 
J 
Q 
Q 


Z 

o 

O 

lu 

O 

CO 

CO 
bl 

z 
u 
o 

u 

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si 

<  5 
->  § 
O   2 

2  I 
U  3 

5 

Z  5 


Chart  IV 


TEE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  201 

classes  of  goods  under  certain  market  conditions.  A  preliminary 
analysis  is  here  attempted  for  the  English  corn  trade  in  the  town 
and  metropolitan  stages  of  market  development.  Such  an  inquiry 
necessitates  a  classification  of  corn  dealers  according  to  the  favor 
received  from  the  public,  and  an  examination  of  the  attitudes  of 
successive  economic  schools  to  middlemen  in  general  and  to  corn 
dealers  in  particular.  It  will  then  be  possible  to  indicate  the 
classes  of  persons  first  recognizing  the  value  or  necessity  of  corn 
middlemen  as  a  class,  and  the  determining  factors  in  the  formation 
of  public  opinion. 

Dealers  who  shipped  corn  from  place  to  place,  whether  it  was 
in  the  foreign  or  domestic  trade,  were  in  normal  times  favorably 
regarded  by  the  public.  It  mattered  not  whether  the  dealer 
exported  the  surplus  from  an  overflowing  local  market,  imported 
it  into  a  hungry  metropolis,  sent  abroad  the  corn  remaining  after 
that  metropolitan  center  had  been  satisfied,  or  transported  grain 
from  a  producing  to  a  consuming  area  —  such  a  dealer  was  re- 
garded as  a  legitimate  middleman.  But  on  the  other  hand,  he 
who  bought  up  part  of  the  supply  for  sale  in  the  same  district  was 
looked  upon  as  performing  no  necessary  service,  and  to  be  either 
restrained  or  legislated  out  of  existence.  In  other  words,  the 
element  of  space,  not  that  of  time,  was  appreciated  in  middleman 
activities. 

Regarding  the  attitude  of  the  successive  schools  of  economic 
thought  towards  corn  middlemen  a  few  points  may  here  be 
noted. 

What  the  schoolmen  thought  of  corn  traders  may  be  inferred. 
Agriculture  and  industry  were  "  god-fearing  "  occupations,  but 
commerce  was  not.  The  corn  dealer  would,  doubtless,  have  been 
tolerated,  if  he  exacted  only  a  "  just  price  "  and  never  deceived 
his  customers  in  the  matter  of  quality  or  quantity. 

Of  far  more  practical  importance  for  the  corn  trade  was  the 
urban  mercantile  policy,  which  was  made  up  of  the  practical 
rules  of  buying  and  selling  evolved  by  town  magistrates  them- 
selves. The  essence  of  this  policy  was  local  advantage,  at  the 
expense  of  other  towns  and  of  the  rural  district  around  the  town. 
The  method  of  bringing  about  this  desired  end  was  the  grant  to 


202  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

citizens  of  a  monopoly  of  production,  sale,  and  regulation. 
Certain  trades  were  favored  with  full  municipal  confidence; 
others  were  not.  In  the  case  of  the  former  the  regulation  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  organized  trades;  in  the  case  of  the  latter,  of 
which  the  corn  trade  was  a  conspicuous  example,  it  was  generally 
kept  in  the  hands  of  the  magistrates.  More  than  this,  the  town 
authorities  firmly  believed  that  they  were  able  to  distinguish 
between  corn  dealers  who  were  serviceable  and  those  who  were 
not.  The  former,  such  as  the  corn  mongers,  were  encouraged,  but 
such  dealers  as  the  corn  regrators  were  regulated  and  restricted.1 

To  the  mercantilists,  whether  public  authorities  or  writers, 
it  was  no  longer  local  but  national  advantage  that  was  sought. 
In  aim  and  methods  mercantilism  was  largely  a  glorified  urban 
economic  policy,  with  certain  additional  elements  not  here  of 
concern.  The  differentiation  between  corn  mongers  and  corn 
regrators  disappeared,  but  one  of  the  new  features  was  the 
critical  attitude  towards  foreign  trade.2  In  a  brief  statement 
worthy  of  quotation,  John  Hales,  writing  probably  in  1549, 
divided  all  traders  and  artificers  into  three  classes. 

"  And  now,  because  we  are  entred  into  communication  of 
artificers,  I  will  make  this  devision  of  theim.  Some  of  theim  doe 
but  bringe  monie  oute  of  the  countrie;  some  other,  that  which 
they  doe  get,  they  spend  againe  in  the  countrie;  and  the  third 
sorte  of  artificers  be  they  that  doe  bringe  treasour  into  the  coun- 
trie. Off  the  first,  I  recken  all  mercers,  grocers,  vinteners,  haber- 
dashers, mileyners,and  such  as  doe  sell  wares  growinge  beyond  the 
seas,  and  doe  fetche  oute  oure  treasure  of  the  same.  Which 
kinde  of  artificers,  as  I  recken  theim  tollorable,  and  yet  are  not 
so  necessarie  in  a  common  wealth  but  they  might  be  best  spared 
of  all  other;   yet  yf  we  had  not  other  artificers,  to  bringe  in  as 

1  pp.  160  {.,  182. 

2  Witness  the  following  passage  of  the  period  1500-1536:  "  merchauntes  in 
London  hath  gretly  distroyed  the  common  weale  of  the  holl  realme  by  receyvyng 
such  thinges  of  strangers  as  hath  been  to  the  distinction  of  the  common  people, 
for  no  strangers  could  hurte  Englond  by  bringing  in  any  merchaundises  into  the 
realme,  yf  no  English  merchauntes  wold  by  it  and  receyve  it  to  the  distraction  of 
the  Realm."  "  How  to  reforme  the  Realme,"  etc.,  Pauli,  Drei  volkswirthschafttiche 
Denksckriften,  p.  77  (1509-36). 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  203 

much  treasoure  as  they  bringe  furth,  we  should  be  greate  losers 
by  theim.  Of  the  second  sort  be  these:  Shomakers,  tailors, 
carpenters,  masons,  tilers,  bowchers,  brewers,  bakers,  vitailers  of 
all  sortes,  which  like  as  they  get  theire  livinge  in  the  countrie,  so 
they  spende  it;  but  they  bringe  in  no  treasour  unto  us.  Thear- 
fore  we  must  [cherishe]  well  the  third  sorte;  and  these  be  clothiars, 
tannars,  cappers,  and  worsted  makers,  only  that  I  knowe, 
[which,]  by  theire  misteries  and  faculties,  doe  bringe  in  anie 
treasour."  l  Applying  this  classification  to  the  corn  trade  we  see 
that  the  importer  of  corn  would  be  regarded  with  least  favor,  the 
domestic  trader  would  be  tolerated,  while  the  exporter  would  be 
held  most  beneficial  to  the  realm.  Just  how  far  Hales  himself 
would  have  included  the  corn  trade  in  his  analysis  is  not  clear, 
though  he  did  advocate  the  unrestricted  export  of  corn,  as  well 
as  a  free  domestic  trade.2 

The  economic  doctrines  of  the  schoolmen,  and  of  the  exponents 
of  the  town  economy  and  the  national  economy  in  its  mercan- 
tilistic  aspects,  all  upholding  a  policy  of  regulation  and  restraint, 
gave  place  to  the  advocates  of  liberty  or  unrestricted  trade,  the 
metropolitan  free-traders,  the  physiocrats,  and  the  "  classical " 
economists. 

■  Following  the  Restoration  in  1660,  came  a  group  of  Tory  free- 
traders, chief  of  whom  was  Sir  Dudley  North.  These  protag- 
onists of  freedom  in  trade  did  not  often  deal  directly  with  the 
corn  trade;  but  one  of  the  leading  members  of  the  school,  Sir 
William  Petty,  has  expressed  himself  in  a  way  that  indicates  that 
he  at  least  did  not  approve  the  unrestricted  activity  of  middle- 
men. He  held  that  "  a  large  proportion  of  these  [merchants  and 
retailers]  also  might  be  retrenched,  who  properly  and  originally 
earn  nothing  from  the  Publick,  being  onely  a  kind  of  Gamesters, 
that  play  with  one  another  for  the  labours  of  the  poor;  yielding 
of  themselves  no  fruit  at  all,  otherwise  then  as  veins  and  arteries, 
to  distribute  forth  and  back  the  blood  and  nutritive  juyces  of  the 

1  Hales,  A  Discourse  of  the  Common  Weal  of  this  Realm  of  England,  pp.  91-92 
(1549).  Cf.  "How  to  reforme  the  Realme,"  etc.,  Pauli,  Drei  volkswirthschafUiche 
Denkschriften,  p.  77  (1509-36);  Thos.  Starkey,  A  Dialogue,  pp.  80-81  (Hen.  VIII). 

1  Hales,  A  Discourse  of  the  Common  Weal  of  this  Realm  of  England,  pp.  53-56, 
123. 


204  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Body  Politick,  namely  the  product  of  Husbandry  and  Manufac- 
ture." *  This  antagonism  is,  perhaps,  the  more  surprising  in 
view  of  the  contemporary  public  attitude  towards  the  dealers  in 
corn,  as  expressed  in  legislation,2  which  at  this  period  was  giving 
them  a  new  recognition  as  performing  legitimate  functions  in  the 
trade  of  the  country. 

The  physiocratic  school  in  France  drew  its  inspiration  from  the 
Tory  free-traders,  and  in  turn  profoundly  influenced  the  founder 
of  classical  political  economy,  Adam  Smith.  The  physiocrats, 
like  their  prototypes,  reacted  strongly  from  the  position  of  the 
mercantilists  in  their  emphasis  upon  exchange.  Some  physio- 
crats maintained  that  the  only  useful  exchange  was  that  between 
farmer  and  consumer.  Buying  to  sell  was  a  perversion  of 
function.  Although  such  was  the  attitude  of  the  school  in 
general,  there  were  some  notable  exceptions.  Turgot  seemed 
fully  appreciative  of  the  middleman's  value  to  society.3  The 
physiocrats  in  general  laid  great  stress  on  free-trade, '  and  espe- 
cially free-trade  in  grain,  its  export  abroad,  and  its  transportation 
from  place  to  place  within  the  realm.  And  also,  they  made 
an  exception  for  the  dealer  in  com;  they  deprecated  his  har- 
rowed existence  and  indicated  that  he  played  a  useful  part.4 

Herbert  (1700-58),  who  may,  perhaps,  be  classed  as  a  moderate 
physiocrat,6  developed  in  some  detail  the  social  utility  of  the  corn 

1  A  Treatise  of  Taxes  and  Contributions  (1662),  p.  11. 
1  pp.  156,  196,  252. 

*  C'est  l'object  de  la  profession  des  Marchands,  qui  achettent  la  denree  de  la 
main  du  producteur  pour  en  faire  des  amas  ou  des  magasins,  dans  lesquels  le  con- 
sommateur  vient  se  pourvoir. 

Par  ce  moyen  l'entrepreneur  assure1  de  la  vente  et  de  la  rentree  de  ses  fonds, 
s'occupe  sans  inquietude  et  sans  relache  a  de  nouvelles  productions,  et  le  con- 
sommateur  trouve  a  sa  portee  et  dans  tous  les  momens  les  choses  dont  il  a  besoin. 
Turgot,  Oeuvres,  v,  p.  75. 

4  See  Gide  et  Rist,  Histoire  des  doctrines  fconomiques,  pp.  32  f. 

•  Herbert  is  to  be  associated  with  the  physiocratic  school  in  that  he  protested 
against  restriction  and  regulation  and  emphasized  the  importance  of  agriculture 
by  way  of  reaction  from  the  mercantilist  exaggeration  of  the  value  of  industry. 
He  was,  however,  not  an  extremist,  for  he  maintained  that  though  the  welfare  of 
the  state  depends  ultimately  upon  agriculture,  it  requires  also  prosperous  trade  and 
industry. 

He  deals  with  such  subjects  as  granaries,  liberty,  merchants,  plenty  and  dearth, 
commerce,  the  history  of  prices,  and  agriculture.     Clear  in  statement,  presenting 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  205 

middleman.  The  merchant,  he  points  out,  in  buying  up  the 
surplus  crop  in  plentiful  years,  releases  the  peasant  from  the 
necessity  of  keeping  his  corn  till  another  year.  Since  the  mer- 
chant buys  up  only  part  of  the  peasant's  supply  two  sets  of  corn 
reserves  exist,  that  in  the  hands  of  the  merchants  and  that  in  the 
hands  of  the  peasants.  The  private  merchant  is  a  more  economi- 
cal husbander  of  grain  than  the  state  and,  when  left  alone  by  the 
state,  does  not  establish  a  monopoly  for  undue  gain,  but  is 
content  with  moderate  profits.  The  merchant  equalizes  supply, 
when  let  alone,  by  carrying  corn  from  places  of  plenty  to  places  of 
dearth.  "  It  is  the  free  merchant  who  should  do  this  and  not  the 
peasant,  who  cannot  undertake  this  duty;  and  moreover,  it  is 
important  not  to  turn  him  aside  from  his  daily  work."  The 
merchant  also  prevents  the  lowering  of  prices,  as  injurious  as  a 
bad  harvest,  by  equalizing  the  supply  from  year  to  year.  Mer- 
chants enrich  the  realm  by  exportation  and  in  times  of  stress  they 
can  import  most  easily  and  cheaply.1 

"  Ah!  what  profession,"  he  continues,  "  is  more  useful  than 
that  which  provides  the  needs  and  food  of  men  ?  We  fear  that 
our  subjects  may  get  rich  from  trading  in  our  products;  we  hold 
such  profits  illegal;  and  we  do  not  see  that  we  pay  to  the  foreigner 
the  expenses  of  storage  and  transportation,  and  the  usurious 
interest  of  his  loans.  Thus  it  follows  that  we  know  neither  how 
to  avoid  a  dearth  nor  to  take  advantage  of  plenty."  2 

He  advocates  not  governmental  granaries,  but  those  in  private 
hands,  in  accordance  with  an  economic  system  based  upon  the 
"  self-interest "  of  merchants  following  "  a  natural  instinct."  3 
In  no  clearer  way  could  his  views  regarding  the  service  of  mer- 
chants be  summed  up  than  in  the  following  sentence:  "  It  is  a 
new  value  that  they  introduce,  and  that  encourages  them  to 
continue  this  trade."  4 

his  subject  in  the  form  of  general  principles,  but  exemplifying  his  points  by  histori- 
cal reference  and  contemporary  instance,  he  suggests  somewhat  in  form  as  in 
attitude  Adam  Smith  himself,  who  probably  made  a  study  of  his  treatise. 

1  Essai  sur  la  police  gSnSrale  des  grains,  pp.  48-53 

2  Ibid.,  p.  55. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  21-22. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  182. 


206  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

It  was  left  to  Adam  Smith  to  popularize  the  conclusions  of 
Herbert,  to  point  out  most  convincingly  the  services  of  the 
middleman  to  trade  in  general  and  to  the  corn  trade  in  particular. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  quote  from  Adam  Smith  at  length.  Two 
passages  are  typical  of  all. 

"  The  interest  of  the  inland  dealer,  and  that  of  the  great  body 
of  the  people,  how  opposite  soever  they  may  at  first  sight  appear, 
are,  even  in  years  of  greatest  scarcity,  exactly  the  same." 

"  After  the  business  of  the  farmer,  that  of  the  corn  merchant  is 
in  reality  the  trade  which,  if  properly  protected  and  encouraged, 
would  contribute  the  most  to  the  raising  of  corn.  It  would 
support  the  trade  of  the  farmer,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  trade 
of  the  wholesale  dealer  supports  that  of  the  manufacturer."  l 

Followers  of  Adam  Smith  were  not  less  explicit.  Thus  in  1826, 
Torrens  said:  "  As  Dr.  Smith  most  justly  observes,  next  to  the 
trade  of  the  farmer,  no  trade  encourages  the  growth  of  corn  so 
much  as  that  of  the  corn  merchant:  and,  if  his  trade  were  un- 
fettered, it  would  not  be  easy  to  calculate  the  impulse  which 
agriculture  would  receive  through  all  the  growing  countries  of  the 
world."2  Much  later  Thorold  Rogers  declared:  "The  corn 
dealer  equalizes  supply,  and  if  by  withholding  his  corn  from  mar- 
ket he  makes  it  dearer,  he  also  makes  it  cheaper  than  it  would  be 
by  bringing  it  out  when  it  otherwise  would  be  scarce."  3 

The  third  task  set  before  us  is  to  discover  who  first  recognized 
the  value  of  corn  middlemen  as  a  class.  To  do  this  it  is  in  large 
part  necessary  only  to  refer  back  to  the  preceding  sections,4  and 
here  simply  to  put  together  evidence  used  above. 

The  people  may  at  once  be  eliminated,  because  in  times  of 
plenty  they  do  not  consider  the  matter  at  all,  and  in  times  of 
dearth  they  rise  in  revolt,  or  at  least  did  so  in  the  middle  ages 
and  in  the  Tudor  period,  and  are  today  prejudiced  judges  in  the 
matter.  It  rests,  then,  with  the  local  or  metropolitan  govern- 
ment, national  government,  and  publicists. 

1  The  Wealth  of  Nations,  Book  IV,  Ch.  v. 
1  An  Essay  on  the  External  Corn  Trade,  p.  35. 
'  Work  and  Wages,  p.  143. 
«Ch.VI,§§i,2,S,6;  Ch.  VII,  §§1,3. 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  207 

The  corn  merchant  does  not  seriously  enter  into  the  situation 
for  his  services  were  generally  and  widely  recognized.  The  most 
unreserved  appreciation  of  this  dealer  was  shown  by  Adam  Smith, 
who  maintained  that  the  merchant  importer,  the  merchant 
exporter,  and  the  merchant  carrier  increased  the  available  supply 
of  corn  in  a  country  and  were  in  other  ways  of  benefit. 

Corn  mongers,  as  has  been  seen,  were  actively  encouraged  by 
town  governments  in  the  middle  ages,  though  their  excesses  were 
checked.1  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  periods, 
the  national  government,  considering  not  only  the  interest  of  the 
urban  consuming  centers,  but  of  the  country-side  and  market 
towns  as  well,  held  that  there  were  too  many  such  dealers,  that 
they  should  be  licensed  to  carry  on  their  trade,  and  that  they 
should  submit  to  rules  laid  down  for  their  guidance.2  Some  of  the 
latter  were  that  they  should  not  buy  in  large  quantities  till  after 
the  poor  had  been  served,  that  their  supplies  should  be  purchased 
in  open  market,  and  that  no  corn  should  be  laid  up  in  granaries 
when  beyond  a  certain  price.3  The  last  official  editions  of  the 
Book  of  Orders  embodying  the  national  government's  policy  was 
issued  in  1630,  and  the  last  corn  law  setting  forth  important 
limitations  upon  the  activities  of  corn  middlemen,  and  thereby 
displaying  distrust  in  them,  was  passed  in  1663.  It  is  significant 
that  in  1758,  the  Book  of  Orders  was  privately  printed  and  dedi- 
cated to  Pitt,  Secretary  of  State,  and  to  Legge,  Chancellor  and 
Under-treasurer  of  the  Exchequer,  with  a  recommendation  that 
they  be  again  put  in  force  to  remedy  the  prevailing  dearth.  The 
government  did  not  adopt  the  suggestion,  which  was  inopportune 
indeed,  in  so  far  as  it  came  at  a  time  when  freedom  of  trade  was 
in  the  air. 

Regrators,  whether  dealing  within  or  without  shops,  came  in 
for  a  great  deal  of  attention  at  the  hands  of  local  authorities  in 
the  middle  ages  and,  indeed,  throughout  the  Tudor  period  and 
the  early  part  of  the  Stuart  period.  It  is  difficult  to  discover  just 
what  the  attitude  of  the  national  government  to  this  class  of 

1  pp.  157,  167,  above. 

1  See  the  Book  of  Orders,  various  editions,  1586-87  to  1630. 

'  s  and  6  Ed.  VI,  c.  14.     See  above,  pp.  152-156. 


208  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

dealer  was,  for  his  own  activities  were  essentially  local.  Cer- 
tainly, however,  some  of  the  legislative  enactments  of  Tudor  and 
Stuart  parliaments  would  seem  to  act  as  a  check  upon  his  opera- 
tions. 

In  1680,  the  author  of  Britannia  Languens  said:  "  It  is  im- 
possible that  the  occasions,  vanities,  or  the  remaining  stock  of  the 
Kingdom  can  ever  support  such  a  prodigious  Increase  of  Retailers 
and  Shop-keepers  as  are  in  and  about  London,  being  near  1 00000 
in  number,  when  in  Amsterdam  they  are  not  5000."  *  Contrast 
this  with  the  later  view.  Although  Adam  Smith  did  not  single 
out  the  regrator  for  special  treatment,  he  apparently  included  him 
among  "  the  inland  dealers  "  whose  trade  is  "  so  beneficial  to  the 
public." 

It  is  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  the  theories  of  Adam 
Smith  had  great  influence  in  moulding  the  enlightened  opinion  of 
the  nation  on  many  economic  questions.  And  this  probably 
applies  to  some  extent  to  the  corn  trade.  But  although  it  was 
the  theorist  in  France  and  England  who  gave  to  the  world  a 
statement  of  the  contributions  of  traders  to  economic  life,  it 
was,  nevertheless,  the  urban  magistracy,  itself  largely  mercantile, 
that  stood  first  in  point  of  time  in  fully  recognizing  the  value  of  the 
corn  middleman.  This  applies  to  the  merchant,  the  monger,  and 
to  the  regrator  whether  shopkeeper  or  not.2  The  urban  magis- 
trates, although  they  made  mistakes,  had  truer  instincts  than 
those  at  the  head  of  the  nation's  affairs,  because  they  had  more 
knowledge  of  the  facts,  and  more  quickly  learned  the  lessons  that 
experience  taught. 

The  explanation  of  the  conclusion  that  the  metropolitan 
magistrates  were  the  first  to  appreciate  fully  the  value  of  the 
middleman  functions  is  doubtless  that  they  most  clearly  under- 
stood the  needs  of  a  wider  market,  the  metropolitan.  We  may 
accept  it  as  a  well-established  fact,  that,  up  to  the  modern  period 
of  rapid  and  easy  communication  and  transportation,3  the  wider 

1  P-  455  (ed.  McCulloch).  Cf.  also  Petty,  A  Treatise  of  Taxes  and  Contributions 
(1662),  p.  11. 

1  See  above,  p.  186,  n.  i. 

1  On  this  ultra  modern  phase,  see  Shaw,  "  Some  Problems  in  Market  Distribu- 
tion," Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  xxvi,  pp.  728-731  (1912). 


THE  CORN  MIDDLEMAN  209 

the  market  the  more  necessary  the  middleman.  The  year  1630 
may  be  regarded  as  a  landmark,  for  it  was  then  that  the  metro- 
politan authorities  acknowledged  the  part  that  shopkeepers 
were  to  play  in  the  corn  trade,  an  acknowledgment  of  a  chain 
of  mutually  dependent  mercantile  relationships. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  AND  THE  EVOLUTION  OF 
CORN  POLICY 

i.  Nature  of  a  Corn  Policy 

On  the  subject  of  the  English  grain  trade  policy,  there  are  two 
excellent  German  monographs  by  Faber  x  and  by  Naude,2  and 
most  writers  on  English  economic  history  have  much  to  say  on  the 
subject.  It  is  not  intended  here  either  to  review  or  systematically 
to  emend  the  analyses  already  made,  because  any  treatment  of 
the  subject  on  so  narrow  a  basis  as  that  of  Faber  and  Naude 
must  end  in  misleading  and  unsatisfactory  results.  Neverthe- 
less, many  of  the  arguments  and  deductions  of  those  who  have 
written  about  the  corn  policy  will  be  touched  upon  in  this  fresh 
examination  of  the  subject. 

The  explanation  of  corn  policy  which  makes  constitutional 
development  the  determining  factor  deals  only  with  the  obvious, 
not  with  the  underlying,  causes.  Briefly  put  it  is  this:  up  to 
1394  the  crown  managed  the  corn  trade  for  its  fiscal  advantage; 
thenceforth  parliament,  gaining  the  upper  hand,  introduced  a 
mercantile  policy;  the  early  Tudors,  victorious  over  parliament, 
reverted  to  the  fourteenth  century  policy,  while  Elizabeth 
beneficently  re-introduced  the  mercantile  policy;  Charles  I, 
rode  rough-shod  over  this  policy  substituting  one  of  restraint, 
the  licensing  system;  the  Civil  War,  however,  brought  the  mer- 
cantile system  to  the  front  again,  a  system  which  the  Restoration 
parliaments  carried  to  its  fullest  development.3  What  is  here 
not  apparent  is  the  relation  these  changes  bore  to  the  actual  trade 
in  corn. 

1  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  Strassburg,  1888. 
1  Die  Getreidehandelspolitik  der  Europaischen  Staaten  vom  13.  bis  zum  18.  Jahr- 
hundert  {Acta  Borussica),  Berlin,  1896. 

'  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  pp.  138-140. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  211 

This  conception  of  the  English  corn  policy  has  two  main 
defects:  firstly,  it  is  the  policy  of  the  central  government  as  a 
unity  that  is  alone  considered;  and  secondly,  the  statutory  corn 
policy,  for  the  period  it  covers,  is  taken  to  be  the  only  policy  of 
importance,  a  gross  anachronism. 

Corn  policy  is  here  understood  to  refer  to  those  policies, 
personal  (inter-manorial),  local,  metropolitan,  or  national,  in 
accordance  with  which,  in  normal  as  well  as  abnormal  times,  the 
corn  trade  was  carried  on.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  possible  per- 
mutations and  combinations  here  introduced  are  considerable, 
but  no  simpler  analysis  of  the  subject  is  adequate  either  at  any 
given  moment  or  over  a  long  period  of  years. 

The  full  meaning  of  this  conception  will  appear  in  what  follows, 
but  it  is  essential  to  note  that  the  chief  purpose  here  is  not  so 
much  to  explain  the  evolution  of  corn  policy  as  to  examine  the 
corn  policy  for  the  light  it  may  throw  on  the  development  of  the 
market. 

2.  Manorial  Marketing  and  Corn  Policy 

In  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  only  crude  elements  of  a 
governmental  corn  policy  are  found.  The  king  thought  chiefly 
of  the  political  and  fiscal  advantage  to  be  derived  from  the  export 
trade.  To  keep  corn  from  an  enemy  and  to  supply  it  to  an 
ally  is  a  state  policy  not  peculiar  to  any  age  or  nation,  though 
it  occupied  an  important  place  in  the  unwritten  annals  of  the 
early  grain  trade  of  England. 

The  fiscal  was  the  first  interest  taken  by  the  king  in  the  affairs 
of  his  subjects,  and  there  are  two  points  at  which  this  fiscal  interest 
touched  the  corn  trade.  On  the  internal  trade  in  corn  the  king, 
like  other  feudal  chiefs,  collected  a  regular  toll  on  the  grain 
brought  from  the  country  to  the  town,  or  from  town  to  town  by 
those  not  "  free  "  of  the  town  receiving  the  corn,  or  by  those  not 
"  free  "  of  any  privileged  town.  The  accounts  of  the  tolls 
throw  considerable  fight  upon  the  internal  trade,  and  are  among 
the  earliest  extant  evidences  of  the  domestic  trade.  When  the 
export  of  corn  to  foreign  lands  was  first  seized  upon  as  a  legiti- 
mate object  of  taxation,  it  is  difficult  to  say.     The  earliest  export 


212  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

tax  on  corn  in  England  was  in  all  probability  the  lastage,1 
which  probably  antedated  the  Conquest,2  and  where  not  feudal- 
ized, appears  as  an  item  of  income  in  the  earliest  pipe  rolls.3 
Henry  II,  by  means  of  a  system  of  fines,  taxed  the  carrying  of  corn 
to  foreign  lands.  Licenses  to  export,  for  which  a  fee  was  charged, 
were  frequent  throughout  the  thirteenth  century,  especially  in 
time  of  war.  The  national  subsidy,  generally  a  tenth  and  fif- 
teenth, was  a  tax  upon  the  production  of  corn  {inter  alia)  and  not 
primarily  upon  the  trade.  It  appears  that  the  export  of  corn 
was  subject  to  no  regular  national  tax  throughout  the  period, 
except,  perhaps,  the  early  lastage  and  the  abortive  export  and 
import  tax  of  John,  due  alike  from  aliens  as  from  denizens.4  The 
history  of  these  impositions  belongs,  however,  more  to  the 
domain  of  indirect  taxation  than  to  that  of  the  grain  trade. 

The  absence  of  a  policy  of  corn  supply  on  the  part  of  the 
central  government  is  a  commentary  upon  the  economic  condi- 
tion of  the  country.  Export,  not  import,  came  under  the  pur- 
view of  the  government.  Nor  did  the  internal  trade  in  corn 
receive  any  special  consideration.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  no 
national  corn  trade  policy  was  necessary  during  a  period  when 
we  have  assumed  the  manorial  organization  to  be  satisfactorily 
functioning.  Manorial  marketing,  already  tentatively  outlined,6 
undertook  to  have  one  manor  supply  the  deficiencies  of  another 
manor,  to  sell  the  surplus  in  the  local  market,  and  in  exceptional 
years  to  export  part  of  this  surplus.  It  is  possible  that  we  see 
in  the  Magna  Charta  a  reflection  of  what  might  be  called  mano- 
rial policy,  the  policy  of  the  lords  of  manors.  When,  in  this 
document,  it  is  declared  that  weights  and  measures,  including 
the  measure  of  corn,  shall  be  uniform,  and  that  foreign  mer- 
chants are  to  be  allowed  to  import  and  export  without  excessive 
tolls,  we  may  hear  the  protest  of  the  lords,  whose  interests  were 
not  local,  against  the  annoying  local  variations  in  standards  of 

1  MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Customs,  i6/i7a.  Corn  is  not  specifically  mentioned. 
At  a  later  date,  however,  corn  exported  from  Lynn  was  subject  to  this  tax. 

2  Domesday  Book,  i,  p.  262b. 

*  Magnum  Rotulum  Scaccarii  (31  H.  I),  p.  91. 

*  Rotuli  Lilterarum  Patentium,  i,  pp.  42-43  (6  John). 
5  See  above,  pp.  17  f. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  21 3 

weights  and  measures  and  the  protest  of  those  who  occasionally 
sold  to  exporters,  against  the  fiscal  policy  of  the  king.  This  was, 
to  be  sure,  not  confined  to  the  corn  trade,  but  the  inter-manorial 
situation  is  a  factor  which  cannot  be  overlooked. 

As  towns  of  importance  grew  up  within  the  kingdom,  the  local 
market  system,  according  to  our  hypothesis,  came  to  replace  the 
manorial  marketing  system.  Synchronous  with  the  decline  of 
the  inter-manorial  organization  and  policy,  came  the  develop- 
ment of  a  local  territorial  organization  and  a  corresponding  local 
corn  policy.  The  former  was  aristocratic  and  personal,  and  was 
peculiarly  fitted  to  an  agrarian  form  of  economic  organization ; 
the  latter  was  bourgeois  and  regional,  and  adapted  to  the  neces- 
sities of  growing  commercial  and  industrial  communities. 

3.  Local  Market  and  Corn  Policy 

It  is  in  connection  with  the  local  market,  that  we  find  arising  a 
corn  policy  based  upon  territorial  or  local  interests  as  contrasted 
with  the  personal  interests  of  king  or  magnate.  Here  we  find  two 
policies  coming  into  existence  and  diametrically  opposed  the  one 
to  the  other,  policies  which  correspond  to  the  analysis  made  of 
local  market  areas,  policies  on  the  one  hand  of  the  consuming 
area,  and  on  the  other  of  the  producing  area. 

The  consuming  area,  tending  towards  an  insufficiency  of 
supply,  and  having  a  high  average  price,  looked  with  disfavor 
upon  exportation  abroad,  or  the  carriage  of  corn  to  other  parts 
of  England,  and  was  suspicious  of  those  who  dealt  in  corn  at  all, 
as  the  agents  who  diminished  supply  either  by  sending  corn  out 
of  the  district  or  by  raising  prices  for  their  personal  gain.  The 
result  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the  development,1  where  possible,  of 
local  regulations  against  exportation,2  and  regulations  restricting 

1  Chap.  VI,  §§  1,  2. 

*  e.g.  in  Bristol  in  the  fifteenth  century:  "  Further  it  is  ordained  that  no  bur- 
gess of  the  town  of  Bristol  by  himself,  nor  by  his  servants,  nor  by  any  one  else  in 
his  name,  purchase  or  cause  to  be  purchased  any  grain  ...  in  the  counties  of 
Gloucester,  Worcester,  Somerset,  or  the  county  of  Glamorgan  in  the  parts  of  Wales, 
before  the  feast  of  St.  Michael  next  ensuing,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  it  out  of  the 
kingdom,  or  of  the  liberty  of  Bristol  in  any  manner,  under  a  penalty  of  twenty 
pounds,  provided  however  that  if  any  one  otherwise  shall  wish  to  purchase  beans 


214  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

the  activity  of  corn  dealers.  Where  such  regulations  were  not 
possible,  through  lack  of  political  organization,  there  occurred 
sporadic  riots  and  deeds  of  violence  to  enforce  the  policy  of  the 
district. 

At  the  other  pole  was  the  producing  area,  with  a  strong  ten- 
dency to  a  surplus  of  corn,  and  with  a  low  price  level,  whose  chief 
desire  was  to  profit  by  this  surplus,  whether  it  be  by  sale  abroad, 
or  in  distant  parts  of  England.  Here  the  corn  merchant  first 
showed  his  head;  here  were  made  the  first  attempts  to  export 
corn  and  to  organize  a  regular  trade. 

The  policy  of  the  central  government  remained  practically  the 
same  in  the  early  part  of  this  period  as  before.  Permanent 
machinery  was  set  on  foot  in  1303  to  tax  the  foreign  corn  trade, 
whether  export  or  import,  when  carried  on  by  aliens.  In  1347 
was  initiated  the  tax  on  the  exports  and  imports  of  both  denizens 
and  aliens.     Here  royal  innovations  ceased. 

One  of  the  great  contributions  of  this  period  to  political  organ- 
ization was  the  working  out  of  a  national  institution,  the  parlia- 
ment, representative  of  local  desires  and  needs.  It  is  obvious  that 
the  corn  policies  of  town  consumers,  manorial  producers,  and  of 
the  crown  had  few  points  of  contact.  The  work  of  parliament 
was  to  unify  the  local  interests  and  to  fuse  these  with  royal  aims. 
The  compromise  of  the  three  interests  was  effected  in  the  statu- 
tory corn  policy. 

One  of  the  results  of  the  development  from  the  manorial  or 
inter-manorial  organization  to  the  local  and  inter-local  organiza- 
tion was  the  gradual  dislocation  of  the  whole  trade.  The  surplus 
corn  had  formerly  gone  abroad  in  years  of  plenty;  but  under 
the  new  order  the  tendency  was  to  check  exportation.1  The 
somewhat  meagre  records  seem  to  indicate  that  from  1315  to  1327 
export  took  place  only  when  permitted  by  royal  license;  from 
1327  to  1339  export  was  generally  unrestrained; 2  but  from  1339 
to  1394  there  was,  by  the  request  or  order  of  the  Commons,  a 

for  the  purpose  of  taking  them  into  the  parts  of  Ireland,  he  shall  in  no  wise  pur- 
chase these  beans  for  twelve  leuce  round  the  liberty  of  Bristol."  The  Little  Red 
Book  of  Bristol,  ii,  p.  64. 

1  Patent  and  Close  Rolls,  passim.  *  Except  in  1330  and  1333. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  215 

continuous  restraint  of  corn  exportation.1  Though  the  local  corn 
trade  was  developing  much  earlier  than  this  legislative  expression 
of  its  characteristic  policy,  it  was  not  until  the  fourteenth  century 
that  the  local  trade  became  of  sufficient  importance  to  have  its 
interests  voiced  by  its  recently  developed  representation  in 
parliament. 

Up  to  the  Remembrance  of  Parliament  of  1339,2  the  Commons 
seem  to  have  been  content  with  the  restraint  on  export  imposed 
by  the  Crown.  From  that  time  onward  they  frequently  peti- 
tioned against  even  licensed  export,  and  in  136 1  the  Crown 
assented  to  their  petition,  which  thereby  became  the  first  im- 
portant statute  on  the  subject.3  This  expressed  the  policy  of  the 
consuming  districts  and  towns. 

Judging  from  the  letters  patent  and  close  of  the  period,  we 
should  say  that  importation  of  corn  in  the  fourteenth  century  was 
not  inconsiderable;  but  the  customs'  statistics  do  not  substan- 
tiate this  view.4  What  is  of  greater  importance  here,  however, 
is  that  importation  was  not  only  unrestricted  but  even  favored  by 
the  government,  a  policy  which  doubtless  agreed  well  with  that 
of  consuming  districts.  We  find  the  Commons  petitioning  in 
13  7 1  for  unrestricted  trade  in  corn  throughout  England.5  Again 
Crown  and  parliament  were  in  agreement,  and  the  petition 
received  royal  assent. 

It  might  be  expected  that  the  increased  demands  on  corn 
production,  and  the  advantage  of  the  new  market  conditions, 
would  have  given  rise  to  improvements  in  agriculture.     But  an 

1  Rotuli  Parliatnentorum,  ii,  p.  106a  (1339);  ibid.,  p.  277a  (1363);  ibid.,  p.  287a 
(1364-65);  ibid.,  p.  350a  (1376);  ibid.,  iii,  p.  141b  (1382);  ibid.,  p.  164a  (1383). 

2  Item,  Qe  Briefs  soient  faitz  a  touz  Viscountz  d'Engleterre,  et  as  Mairs  & 
Baillifs  de  Portz  sur  meer,  de  crier  &  defendre  et  de  per  nostre  Seignur  le  Roi,  que 
nul  de  qecunque  estat  ou  condition  q'il  soit,  amene  ne  face  amener  Bledz  hors  du 
Roialme,  sur  greve  peine,  tan  que  le  Roi  ent  eit  autrement  ordenez.  Rotuli  Parlia- 
menlorum,  ii,  p.  106a. 

8  34  Ed.  Ill,  c.  20.     See  above,  pp.  134,  135.  *  Cf.  above,  p.  100. 

5  Item,  Qe  chescun  soit  a  la  commune  Leye,  sanz  estre  restreint  per  nulle  Ordi- 
nance faite  a  l'encountre,  de  vendre  ou  achater  tote  manere  des  Bledz  &  toutes 
autres  maners  de  Vitailles  &  Biens  qiconqes  deinz  le  Roialme,  come  avant  ces 
heures  ont  fait,  sanz  empeschement,  ou  d'estre  restreint  per  nulle  Commission  notre 
Seigneur  le  Roi.    Responsio.     II  plest  au  Roi.     Rotuli  Parliatnentorum,  ii,  p.  305a. 


2l6  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

examination  of  the  manorial  accounts  of  over  thirty  manors 
of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester,  for  the  years  1208-09,  1 299-1300, 
1396-97,  while  it  shows  an  increase  during  the  thirteenth, 
indicates  none  for  the  following  century.1 

The  new  market  conditions  were  first  met  by  restricting 
exports,  by  favoring  imports,  by  furthering  internal  transporta- 
tion, and  probably  by  an  increase  of  the  surplus  corn  of  tenants 
who  had  commuted  their  services  on  the  demesne,  as  well  as  by 
bringing  new  lands  under  cultivation.  But  even  these  develop- 
ments and  precautions  were  not  for  some  time  sufficient  to 
restore  the  equilibrium  of  the  market. 

Such  is  the  explanation  of  the  otherwise  unsolved  policy  of 
plenty  of  the  fourteenth  century,2  necessitated  by  occasional 
"  dearths  "  and  met  by  prohibitions  of  exportation,  otherwise 
unsolved  because  the  alternative  explanation  would  be  a  century 
of  bad  harvests. 

The  course  of  adjustment  of  the  local  market  had  almost  run 
out  by  1394,  when  the  policy  of  the  producing  area  was  listened 
to  in  parliament.  The  result  was  an  act  allowing  exportation 
with  a  reservation  of  the  political  and  fiscal  interests  of  the 
Crown.3  In  1401  a  concession  was  made  to  the  consuming  areas, 
when  imported  corn  was  exempt  from  the  poundage  subsidy; 
that  is,  on  corn  brought  in  (chiefly  by  aliens),  a  petty  custom,  but 
no  extra  duty,  no  poundage,  was  to  be  paid.4     But  the  producing 

1  Production  Per  Acre  in  Quarters 

1208-09     uoo-1300     1396-97 

Wheat (32)  0.54      (38)  1.38      (43)  0.76 

Barley (25)  0.92      (36)  1.56      (37)  1.86 

Oats (32)  1.03      (38)  1. 13      (39)  1.24 

Total  Average 0.83  1.3s  1.29 

The  figures  for  1 208-09  are  from  Hall,  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester, 
pp.  xliv-xlv.  Cf.  above,  p.  14.  See  Appendix  A.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  these 
results  are  not  beyond  criticism.  It  has  been  assumed  that  the  number  of  acres 
sown  in  the  previous  years  to  produce  these  crops  was  the  same  as  in  these  years 
to  produce  the  next  year's  crops.  The  averages  of  groups  of  years  would,  of  course, 
be  preferable  to  the  averages  of  single  years.  The  number  of  manors  is  placed  in 
parenthesis. 

*  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  p.  139. 

•  17  Rich.  II,  c.  7.     See  above,  p.  136. 

4  Rotidi  Parliamentorum,  iii,  p.  455b,  et  passim. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  21 7 

areas  were  not  satisfied  with  their  gain  of  1394,  and  in  1426 
petitioned  (with  special  reference  to  "  the  Commens  of  the 
Shire  of  Kent ")  against  the  royal  restrictions  placed  upon  the 
export  of  corn  and  victuals  to  Calais,  Guines,  and  other  places 
within  Picardy.  The  reply  to  this  petition  was  that  the  act  of 
1394  should  be  kept  in  all  points,  that  is,  the  corn  trade  should 
remain  under  the  control  of  the  Crown.1  In  1437,  however,  a 
compromise  was  reached,  by  which  the  Crown  gave  up  its  right 
to  check  or  regulate  exportation  when  wheat  prices  were  not  above 
6  s.  8  d.,  up  to  which  price  corn  might  be  exported  at  will.2  This 
was  only  a  tentative  measure,  but  was  prolonged  in  1442  3  and 
made  permanent  in  1445 .4 

But  the  corn  producing  areas  were  still  not  content,  and  having 
carried  their  point  with  the  Crown,  they  tackled  the  problem  of 
importation,  which,  while  not  greatly  affecting  the  Crown,  since 
the  import  duty  was  not  high,  very  much  concerned  the  consum- 
ing areas.  Again,  a  compromise  resulted  (1463):  no  corn  was 
to  be  imported  unless  prices  were  high,  that  is,  until  there  was  a 
dearth  in  the  supply  of  home-grown  corn.6  Thus  at  the  close  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  a  very  understandable  statutory  policy  was 
actually  carried  out,  based  on  the  needs  and  possibilities  of  the 
corn  trade  organization  of  the  day.  Conditions  of  corn  produc- 
tion and  market  organization  had  arisen  which  enabled  the  pro- 
ducing areas  to  supply  the  consuming  areas  whenever  necessary, 
and  also  to  have  a  surplus  to  export  abroad.  Stated  briefly,  the 
corn  policy  at  the  end  of  the  period  was  a  follows:  in  times  of 
emergency,  the  regulation  of  the  trade  reverted  to  the  Crown;  in 
normal  years,  exportation  was  allowed  on  the  payment  of  duty, 
unless  prices  were  above  a  moderate  level,  when  importation 
without  excessive  duty  was  possible. 

Taken  as  a  whole,  the  period  under  consideration,  prior  to 
1500,  presents  two  main  phases  of  market  organization  and  of 
corresponding  corn  policy.     The  first  up  to  1394  covered  the 

1  Rottdi  Parliamentorum,  iv,  p.  307;  cf.  4  Hen.  VI,  c.  5.  Statutes  of  the  Realm, 
ii,  pp.  230-231. 

a  15  Hen.  VT,  c.  2.    See  above,  p.  137.       J  20  Hen.  VI,  c.  6.  See  above,  p.  137. 
4  23  Hen.  VI,  c.  5.    See  above,  pp.  137-138. 
6  3  Ed.  IV,  c.  2.    See  above,  pp.  147-148. 


2l8  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

growth  of  local  market  areas  having  differential  price  levels  due 
to  local  (more  or  less  isolated)  territorial  trade,  falling  more  and 
more  into  the  hands  of  tenants,  and  marked  (especially  during 
the  last  few  decades)  by  market  disorganization.  The  second, 
from  1436  onwards,  was  one  of  stability,  in  which  the  inter- 
manorial  had  wholly  given  way  to  the  local  territorial  organiza- 
tion. The  earlier  emphasis  on  importation  was  followed  by  an 
interest  in  exportation.  The  policy  of  the  consuming  area  gave 
way  to  that  of  the  producing  district.  The  years  from  1394  to 
1437  may  be  regarded  as  transitional. 

4.  Inclosures,  1450-1600 

In  the  agrarian  history  of  England  the  pendulum  has  swung 
to  the  right  and  to  the  left,  now  in  favor  of  the  tenant  or  peasant 
now  in  favor  of  the  landlord:  whatever  may  have  been  the 
case  prior  to  the  ninth  century,  apparently  from  that  time  to 
the  twelfth  century  favoring  the  landlord;  in  the  direction  of 
the  tenant  farmer  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  sixteenth  and 
thenceforward  again  swinging  toward  the  landlord.  But  the 
metaphor  is  inaccurate  since  it  is  by  no  simple,  regular,  un- 
impeded movement  that  social  forces  operate  and  social  classes 
rise  and  fall.  Struggles  and  manifold  complications  mark  the 
devious  path  of  social  advance. 

The  tenants  who  had  gained  practical  freedom  in  the  period  of 
the  local  market  area  (1 100-1500),  became,  with  the  rise  of  the 
metropolitan  market,  actually  divorced  from  the  soil.  The 
connection  between  the  agrarian  change  and  the  market  organiza- 
tion is  intimate. 

But  before  exarnining  more  closely  this  interesting  correlation, 
attention  should  be  directed  to  a  much-discussed  phenomenon 
which  forms  a  vital  part  of  the  process  of  change.  The  break 
with  the  old  agricultural  organization  goes  by  the  name  of  the 
inclosure  movement.  The  open  fields  of  the  traditional  hus- 
bandry were  fenced  in.  For  what  object  ?  The  question  is, 
how  far  in  the  period  from  1450  to  1600  were  inclosures  made  for 
pasture  and  how  far  for  tillage,  how  far  for  the  production  of 
wool  and  how  far  for  the  production  of  corn  ? 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  219 

The  writers  who  have  treated  this  question,  whether  they 
rely  chiefly  on  contemporary  statements  and  legislation,1  or 
whether  they  adduce  also  statistical  evidence,2  do  not  agree.3 
From  the  point  of  view  of  this  study,  the  problem  of  inclosures 
resolves  itself  into  one  of  corn  surplus.  On  this  subject  there  are 
three  opinions:  Professor  Gay  holds  that  though  the  inclosures 
were  chiefly  for  pasture,  they  were  insufficient  in  extent  to  produce 
any  serious  effect  upon  the  corn  productivity  of  the  country;  Pro- 
fessor Ashley  maintains  that  inclosures  were  both  extensive  and 
for  pasture,  and,  therefore,  a  stringency  of  corn  was  inevitable; 
on  the  other  hand,  both  Leadam  and  Nasse  conclude  that  there 
was  no  dearth  of  corn  because  the  inclosures,  though  consider- 
able, were  chiefly  for  tillage. 

The  test  of  a  surplus  of  corn  is  to  be  found  in  the  amounts  of 
corn  (a)  exported  abroad,  (b)  imported  from  abroad,  (c)  sent 
from  producing  areas  to  consuming  districts  either  in  the  coast 

1  Nasse,  The  Agricultural  Community  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  Inclosures  of  the 
16th  Century  in  England  (trans.  1872). 

Ashley,  An  Introduction  to  English  Economic  History  and  Theory  (1st  ed.,  pt.  ii, 

1893). 

2  Leadam:  "The  Inquisition  of  1517.  Inclosures  and  Evictions,"  Transac- 
tions of  the  Royal  Historical  Society  (n.s.),  vi  (1892).  "  The  Inquisitions  of 
Depopulation  in  1517,  and  the  Domesday  of  Inclosures,"  Trans.  Royal  Hist. 
Soc,  xiv  (1900). 

Gay:  "  The  Inquisitions  of  Depopulation  in  1517,  and  the  Domesday  of 
Inclosures,"  Trans.  Royal  Hist.  Soc,  xiv  (1900).  "  Zur  Geschichte  der  Einhegun- 
gen  in  England,"  Berlin  (1902).  "  Inclosures  in  England  in  the  Sixteenth 
Century,"  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  xvii  (1903).  "  The  Midland  Revolt 
and  the  Inquisitions  of  Depopulation  of  1607,"  Trans.  Royal  Hist.  Soc,  xviii 
(1904). 

3  Two  noteworthy  recent  books  have  been  written  by  Tawney  and  Gonner. 
Mr.  R.  H.  Tawney  (The  Agrarian  Problem  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,  London, 

191 2),  using  all  types  of  evidence  available,  comes  to  conclusions  roughly  approach- 
ing those  of  Professor  Ashley,  that  the  inclosures  of  the  sixteenth  century  were 
mainly  for  pasture  and  that  the  movement  was  so  considerable  as  to  justify  the 
name  Agrarian  Revolution. 

Professor  E.  C.  K.  Gonner  (Common  Land  and  Inclosure,  London,  191 2)  covering 
the  whole  course  of  the  inclosure  movement,  takes  a  position  of  his  own,  to  some 
extent  at  least.  He  seems  to  regard  the  movement  of  the  Tudor  period  as  less 
than  a  revolution,  and,  dividing  up  that  period  as  to  the  use  to  which  the  inclosed 
land  was  put  he  holds  that,  while  up  to  about  1550  the  inclosed  land  was  chiefly 
for  pasture,  after  that  date  it  was  for  tillage.  One  of  the  merits  of  both  these  works 
is  that  the  influence  of  market  development  is  to  some  extent  taken  into  account. 


220  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

trade,  or  (d)  overland.  For  the  three  first,  statistical  evidence  is 
deducible  from  the  Custom  Accounts,  and  from  the  Certificate 
Books.  For  the  fourth  only  fragmentary  statistics  exist,  and 
they  are  quite  inconclusive  one  way  or  the  other.  But  the 
coast  trade  is  doubtless  typical  and  indicative  of  developments  in 
the  domestic  trade.  All  of  these  three  classes  of  evidence  have 
been  examined  above,1  and  show  in  brief  no  increase  in  importa- 
tion except  to  London,  a  gradual  increase  in  exportation  through- 
out the  period,  and  a  great  increase  in  the  coast  trade  to  London 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  In  other  words, 
the  corn  producing  sections  of  the  country  show  a  surplus  (for 
export)  increasing  in  amount  not  only  throughout  the  period,  but 
at  the  very  time  when  the  movement  was  attracting  most  atten- 
tion and  arousing  most  opposition,  the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  It  is  apparent  then  that  the  fewer  people  on  the  soil 
(after  the  exodus  to  the  towns)  were  producing  a  greater  corn 
surplus  for  the  consumption  of  non-producers  at  home,  and  for 
exportation  abroad. 

It  may  be  well  in  this  connection  to  restate  the  evidence  already 
presented  as  to  the  exportation  of  corn,  which  shows  that  the 
amount  of  the  surplus  of  corn  exported  bore  no  relation  to  the 
progress  of  the  inclosure  movement.  Before  1470  the  exporta- 
tion of  corn  was  inconsiderable,  since  the  export  trade  had  not  re- 
gained its  position  lost  in  the  disorganization  of  the  market  in  the 
fourteenth  century.  From  1470  to  1500  there  was  practically 
no  change  at  all.  But  while  the  inclosure  movement  was  active, 
from  1500  to  1534,  corn  exports  doubled.  From  1534  to  1554 
exportation  diminished,  and  almost  ceased  in  the  period  from 
1554  to  1563,  after  which  it  increased  rapidly.  In  the  early 
seventeenth  century  exportation  quickly  declined,  except  in  the 
case  of  London.  It  seems  clear  that  the  amount  of  corn  surplus 
did  not  vary  with  the  known  activity  of  inclosers  and  the  chain 
of  cause  and  effect  forged  to  explain  the  agrarian  policy  of  that 
most  interesting  century  of  Tudor  rule  seems  to  be  defective. 
Our  explanation  must  be  sought  in  the  development  of  the 
metropolitan  market. 

1  Ch.  IV,  §§  2,  3,  and  4.     See  also  Appendices  B,  C,  D. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  ,        221 

5.  First  Phase  of  Metropolitan  Policy  under 
the  Tudors 

It  has  been  urged  that  in  the  attitude  of  the  early  Tudors  to  the 
corn  trade,  no  "  settled  policy  "  can  be  detected,  except  that  of 
revenue.1  But  this  is  not  the  view  of  such  writers  as  Schanz,2 
Faber,3  Hasbach,4  and  Tawney.5  Henry  VII,  according  to  the 
generally  accepted  explanation,  desiring  the  political  support  of 
the  middle-class  townsmen,  sought  to  win  them  over  to  his  line  at 
any  cost.  They  were  interested  in  an  abundant  supply  of  wool 
for  the  chief  manufacturing  industry  and  in  low  corn  prices.6  The 
result  was  the  initiation  of  the  license  system  for  the  exportation 
of  corn.  By  this  means  corn  was  kept  within  the  country  and 
made  cheap,  and  pasture  farming  was  stimulated  to  produce  more 
wool.  There  are  some  serious  objections  to  this  theory.  Prices 
did  not  rise  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VII;7  the  exportation 
of  corn  nourished  to  a  greater  extent  than  immediately  before 
this  reign; 8  the  license  system  was  not  established  till  later; 9 
and  as  Busch10  remarks,  a  policy  hostile  to  exportation  would  have 
been  "  strange  "  indeed,  when  we  remember  that  Henry  VII 
aimed  at  the  encouragement  of  agriculture.  The  whole  theory, 
in  short,  seems  to  rest  upon  a  mistaken  conception  of  the  procla- 
mation of  1491,11  that  it  introduced  a  new  and  regular  policy  of 
restraint  on  exportation.12 

1  Cunningham,  The  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce,  ii,  pt.  1,  p.  87. 

*  Schanz,  Englische  Handelspolitik,  i,  p.  479. 

3  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  pp.  87-89. 

*  Hasbach,  History  of  the  English  Agricultural  Labourer,  p.  31. 

6  Tawney,  The  Agrarian  Problem  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,  pp.  113,  197. 

6  Schanz,  Englische  Handelspolitik,  i,  p.  409. 

7  The  average  price  of  wheat  for  the  three  decades,  1461-90,  was  5  s.  8^  d.  and 
for  the  three  decades,  1491-1510,  5  s.  9  d.  These  figures  are  based  on  Rogers' 
decennial  averages.  8  p.  112  above. 

9  That  is  when  the  system  of  prohibitions  had  begun,  in  1515.  Cf.  p.  226,  n.  3, 
below. 

10  Busch  {England  under  the  Tudors,  i,  p.  261)  holds  to  the  restriction  view  and 
accepts  the  inconsistency,  pointing  to  the  petition  of  the  Pope  in  1504  for  a  license 
to  export  corn  from  England. 

u  Letters  and  Papers  illustrative  of  the  Reigns  of  Richard  III  and  Henry  VII 
(Rolls  Series),  ii,  p.  372. 
12  Schanz  (Englische  Handelspolitik,  i,  p.  641)  made  this  unwarranted  assumption, 


222  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

The  sequel  to  this  theory  is  that  the  encouragement  given  to 
inclosures  for  pasture  by  governmental  restriction  on  corn  export 
was  counteracted  in  1563,1  in  accordance  with  the  policy  enun- 
ciated by  Hales  in  1549,  by  permitting  exportation,  and  that, 
therefore,  tillage  after  that  date  flourished.  This  act  will  be 
considered  later,2  but  the  flaw  in  the  argument  is  the  assumption 
that  there  was  any  close  connection  between  the  unrestricted 
exportation  of  corn  and  a  flourishing  condition  of  the  trade. 
This  assumption  is  particularly  inapplicable  at  a  time  when  the 
characteristic  and  important  trade  was  domestic  and  not  foreign. 

The  rise  in  the  price  of  corn  cannot  be  taken  as  the  sole,  though 
it  was  the  partial,  explanation  of  Tudor  policy  of  restraint  and 
supervision.  The  two  were  closely  connected,  and  of  course  it 
is  impossible  at  any  time  to  disconnect  price  from  supply.  The 
persistent  rise  in  prices  aggravated  the  difficulty  of  supply,  but 
that  was  all.  In  the  early  seventeenth  century,  when  prices 
went  up  far  higher  and  faster  than  in  Tudor  England,  there  were 
signs  of  the  lessening  and  even  the  ending  of  the  metropolitan 
difficulty.  What  London  objected  to  at  first  was  not  so  much  the 
general  rise  in  prices,  as  that  the  level  of  prices  within  its  midst 
should  be  higher  than  in  any  other  place  in  the  kingdom,  a  de- 
velopment which  shows  that  the  seat  of  the  trouble  was  not 
primarily  in  far-off  mines  newly  opened  up,  nor  a  less  aggregate 
corn  production,  but  a  reorganization  of  the  market  at  home 
which  put  London  into  a  new  category,  a  reorganization  com- 
parable to  that  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  although 
the  latter  was  not  accompanied  by  an  increase  in  prices. 

There  is  one  undeniable  fact  about  the  much  discussed  in- 
closures: they  did  much  to  depopulate  many  rural  districts,  and 
helped  people  the  towns,  notably  London.  The  growth  of  Lon- 
don's trade,  population,  and  corn  consumption  has  been  dealt 
with.     The  policy  arising  therefrom  was  to  secure  sufficient  corn, 

and  Faber  (Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  p.  88)  has  followed  it. 
Naudfi  (Die  Getreidehandelspolitik  der  Europaischen  Staaten,  p.  80),  with  truer  in- 
stinct assigned  the  date  151 5  as  the  time  when  the  law  of  1437,  allowing  the  unre- 
stricted exportation  of  corn,  broke  down.     See  also  below,  p.  226. 

1  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  p.  92. 

*  p.  231. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  223 

if  possible  at  home,  if  not,  abroad.  And  the  corollary  of  this  was 
that  London  was  opposed  to  all  exportation  which  tended  to 
divert  corn  from  its  gates. 

The  difficulty  of  the  situation  was  not  caused  solely  by  the 
growth  of  London,  but  in  part  also  by  the  agrarian  and  urban 
movement  which  sent  people  to  the  towns  to  be  supplied  with 
corn,  and  left  fewer  upon  the  land  to  supply  them  with  it.  The 
difficulty  was  enhanced  by  the  continuance  of  the  hampering 
restriction  on  sale  and  purchase  in  accordance  with  the  medieval 
policy.  But  London  was  not  the  government  and  its  actual 
power  was  confined  to  its  walls  and  its  liberties.  Nevertheless, 
it  made  its  policy  felt  beyond  its  own  precincts  by  inducing  the 
national  government  to  adopt  its  policy,  just  as  the  producing 
areas  had  done  in  the  period  from  1394  to  1463,  though  with 
modifications  where  the  rights  of  others  were  closely  concerned. 

An  examination  of  the  correspondence  between  the  London 
magistracy  and  the  central  government,  to  be  found  in  the  city 
Letter  Books,  Repertories,  and  Journals,  has  thrown  new  light 
on  the  corn  policy  of  the  sixteenth  century.  From  this  source 
we  get  some  idea,  not  only  of  what  the  policy  of  the  city  was,1 
but  of  how  this  policy  was  thrust  upon  the  Privy  Council  and 
taken  over  as  the  national  policy. 

At  least  as  early  as  15 16,  London  began  to  send  agents  out  to 
see  if  corn  was  going  abroad,2  a  practice  also  found  at  a  later 

1  London's  policy  is  seen  in  the  following  petition:  corn  is  conveyed  "  down  to 
the  sea  by  Lynne  "  from  Bedfordshire,  Cambridgeshire,  Huntingdonshire,  and 
parts  of  Northamptonshire,  by  rivers.  "  Boates  and  barges  come  from  the  sea 
coast  up  into  the  land  by  those  rivers,  both  with  foreign  commodities,  and  with 
sea  coale  and  other  things  nedfull  for  those  contreyes.  These  boates  and  barges 
do  not  willingly  goe  downe  againe  empty,  but  lode  them  with  corne  and  either  by 
the  way  do  sell  it  at  certaine  usuall  places,  or  carrie  it  forward  to  the  sea,  and  being 
once  there  we  know  no  further  accompt  of  it,"  except  that  it  does  not  reach 
London.  "  It  may  please  your  Lordship  that  order  be  taken,  that  of  such  boates 
and  barges  so  laden  with  graine  in  those  inland  partes  and  passing  downeward,  we 
may  have  the  corne  for  the  provision  of  this  citie,  at  such  resonable  prices  as  the 
like  is  then  solde  in  the  markets  thereabout."  MS.,  R.  O.,  State  Papers,  Domestic, 
Elizabeth,  lxxxviii,  no.  53  [1572]. 

2  "  Yt  ys  agreed  that  in  consideracon  of  the  grete  Searcy te  of  Whete  now  beynge 
within  this  Cite  &  dayly  ys  lykley  more  to  be  my  lord  m[ayor]  shall  send  an  Officer 
in  to  be  sent  to  see  what  Shippes  Crayers  &  other  vessals  be  charged  with  whete 


224  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET' 

date.1  In  the  mayoralty  of  Yarford,  1519-20,  two  proclamations 
were  made  out  at  the  suit  of  the  city,  one  "  for  Regratyng  of 
Cornys,"  the  other  "  for  enlargyne  of  Corne,"  for  each  of  which 
the  city  paid  a  mark.2  Such  accounts  are  frequent.3  The  habit  of 
appealing  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord  Treasurer,  or  other  high 
official  to  enlist  his  support  to  London's  policy  began  no  later  than 
1520  when  a  letter  was  sent  to  Wolsey,  for  commissions  inviting 
and  commanding  those  having  corn  to  bring  it  to  London.4  At 
other  times  documents  serving  a  similar  purpose,  under  the 
king's  signet  or  sign  manual,  were  sued  for  and  obtained,6  or 
Letters  Patent  under  the  great  seal  were  made  the  object  of  a 
formal  visit  to  Court  of  the  emissaries  of  the  city.6  Aldermen 
were  appointed  in  1558  to  draw  up  a  petition  to  the  queen  to  have 
the  city's  providers  exempt  from  certain  "  statute  Lawes  lately 

for  to  be  conveyed  over  the  See  and  what  other  vessells  be  lykely  to  be  &  thereof 
in  all  goodly  hast  to  make  reporte  ageyn."  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Repertory, 
iii,  fol.  63  (15  Jan.,  1515-16). 

1  On  11  Jan.,  1569-70,  it  was  reported  that  London  was  sending  out  a  man  to 
"  all  the  ports  Townes  and  Havens  "  in  Kent  and  Sussex  to  discover  whether  there 
was  any  corn  being  exported  abroad,  and  if  so  how  much,  by  whom,  whither  bound 
and  at  what  price.     MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Letter  Book,  v,  fol.  272b. 

On  7  Nov.,  1581,  it  was  recorded  that  a  man  was  to  be  "  sent  into  the  Countye 
of  Kent,  ...  to  make  enquirye  &  searche  what  and  howe  muche  corne  ys  intended 
and  provyded  to  be  shipped  from  the  Coasts  of  the  sayd  Countye  into  the  partyes 
beyond  the  seas  by  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever."      Repertory,  xx,  fol.  257b. 

*  Repertory,  v,  fol.  198  (18  June,  1521). 

*  Ibid.,  fol.  159b  (3  Jan.,  1520-21);  Letter  Book,  vol.  O,  fol.  63b  (21  Nov., 

1527). 

4  Under  the  date  11  Nov.  1520,  it  was  recorded  that  London  sent  to  Wolsey 
that  "  certeyn  comyssions  may  be  directed  in  to  Essex  &  Kent  Commanding  the 
Inhabitaunts  of  the  same  to  lade  &  cary  ther  Whete  in  to  all  parties  of  this  Realme 
at  their  pleasure  in  to  the  Citie  of  London,  Any  Restraint  heretofore-  made  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding."     Repertory,  v,  fol.  71. 

In  1 531,  seven  aldermen  were  appointed  to  ride  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  at  Court 
"  for  provision  of  whete  to  be  made  for  this  Citie."    Ibid.,  viii,  fol.  180b  (28  Sept.). 

On  17  Jan.,  1543-44  it  was  resolved  to  make  an  effort  to  bring  the  Lord  Bishop 
of  Winchester  and  Lord  St.  John  into  "  the  favor  of  thys  Citye  for  &  concerning 
the  provysyon  of  Wheat."     Ibid.,  xi,  fol.  25b. 

Cf.  also  ibid.,  fol.  53b  (3  April,  1544);  ibid.,  fol.  468  (18  Sept.,  1548);  ibid., 
xv,  fol.  167  (7  Jan.,  1562-63);  ibid.,  fol.  468  (18  Sept.,  1565);  ibid.,  xvii,  fol.  111 
(22  Feb.,  1570-71). 

6  Repertory,  vii,  fol.  217b  (26  Sept.,  1527). 

*  Ibid.,  ix,  fol.  122  (27  Aug.,  1535). 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  225 

made,"  doubtless  the  act  against  regrators,  etc.,  a  law  in  itself 
part  and  parcel  of  the  city's  policy  down  to  the  late  seventeenth 
century,  but  in  this  instance  found  to  have  a  double  edge.1  The 
Lord  Mayor  and  other  city  officials  regarded  it  as  part  of  their 
duty  to  watch  closely  the  course  of  foreign  exportation,  a  fact 
which  explains  why  the  London  records  are  so  full  on  the  subject. 
In  1538  the  Mayor  reported  to  the  Court  of  Aldermen  that  a 
general  license  to  export  had  been  given.2  In  1563  the  Aldermen 
ordered  a  speedy  report  to  be  made  to  the  Lord  Mayor  of  the 
amount  of  English  grain  exported  to  Middleborough.3  When 
corn  ships  were  stayed  in  1563,  London  petitioned  to  be  preferred 
in  the  disposal  of  the  corn.4  The  Lord  Mayor's  agents  were  to 
be  sent  to  seize  corn  about  to  be  exported  from  Norfolk.5  And  a 
long  series  of  petitions  sent  to  the  government  to  check  exporta- 
tion is  preserved.6  Indeed,  the  city  went  so  far  in  1586  as  to 
advocate  that  no  corn  ships  putting  in  at  an  English  port  be 
allowed  to  carry  their  cargoes  away  again,  and  that  corn  ships 
passing  by  England  be  forcibly  brought  to  land  their  grain  in 
England,7  a  petition  which  unlike  the  others,  however,  was  not 
adopted  as  governmental  policy.  The  result  of  London's  con- 
stant pressure  upon  the  government  was  a  long  series  of  proc- 
lamations in  its  favor,  an  examination  of  which  shows  to  what 
a  surprising  extent  London  was  dictator  of  the  Tudor  corn  policy. 
The  governmental  policy  reflected  the  market  changes  of  the 
period,  the  development  from  a  local  to  a  metropolitan  market. 
Shortly  after  15  January,  15 16,  when  London  first  began 
sending  out  officials  to  watch  the  corn  exports,8  a  proclamation 

1  Repertory,  xiv,  fol.  12  (8  March,  1557-58).       2  Ibid.,  x,  fol.  46  (17  Sept.,  1538). 

8  Ibid.,  xv,  fol.  169  (12  Jan.,  1562-63). 

4  Ibid.,  fol.  171  (13  Jan.,  1562-63). 

6  The  Lord  Mayor  was  to  "  cause  some  honest  &  dyscret  person  to  go  to  all 
the  haven  Townes  in  Northfok  &  ther  to  sease  all  such  wheate  and  other  graynes 
as  he  shall  fynd  prepared  &  shipped  to  be  carryed  and  conveyed  out  of  this 
Realme  into  any  of  the  partyes  beyond  the  seas."     Ibid.,  xv,  fol.  473b  (25  Sept., 

1565). 

6  Ibid.,  xvi,  fol.  172  (6  March,  1566-67);  et  passim  in  Repertories  and  Journals 
throughout  the  Tudor  period. 

7  Repertory,  xxi,  fol.  359  (15  Nov.,  1586). 

8  Ibid.,  iii,  fol.  63  (15  Jan.,  1515-16). 


226  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

against  export  was  probably  issued,  for  on  30  January,  15 16,  a 
license  was  required  for  exportation l  and  licenses  were  demanded 
for  about  two  years  following.2  The  system  of  prohibitions  of 
corn  exportation  had  begun,3  and  was  to  last  through  the  period.4 
This  was  in  accordance  with  London's  desire,  and  London  officials 
were  expected  to  watch  and  guard  against  its  infraction.6  This 
step  may  be  taken  as  marking  the  beginning  of  the  metropolitan 
period.  An  act  of  1534  ostensibly  made  such  prohibitions  per- 
manent, no  corn  being  exportable  except  by  license.6  This  act 
has  little  importance  in  itself  except  to  show  that  parliament  was 
ready  to  confirm  the  policy  already  adopted  by  the  Crown. 

The  prohibition  of  exportation  might  be  lifted  by  a  permissive 
proclamation,7  often  issued  for  a  stated  period,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  an  extension  might  be  granted  or  the  lid  again 
closed  on  the  trade.  The  system  of  prohibitions  might  also 
be  modified  by  the  granting  of  licenses  to  export.  The  Tudor 
corn  licenses  illustrate  the  individual  characters  of  the  princes, 
and  the  fiscal  necessities  of  the   time,  as  well  as  the  gov- 

1  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic,  ii,  §  1464  (30  Jan.,  1515-16). 

*  Ibid.,  §§  2588,  2595,  2708,  2714,  2945,  3795,  3877,  4253  (23  Nov.,  1516  to  22 
June,  1518). 

1  There  had  been  sporadic  and  isolated  prohibitions  earlier,  for  example  in 
1471  (26  Oct.,  making  a  license  to  export  necessary,  K.  R.  Customs,  52/57),  in 
1482  (21  Nov.,  a  proclamation  prohibiting  exportation  on  account  of  scarcity  and 
in  favor  of  London,  Letter  Book,  vol.  L,  fols.  181-182),  in  1484  (26  Feb.,  a  restraint 
in  East  Anglia.  Harl.,  433,  fol.  155),  in  1487  (3  June,  a  license  to  export,  K.  R. 
Customs,  11/2),  as  well  as  in  the  well-known  years  1491  and  1512.  There  is  as 
much  warrant  for  emphasizing  any  of  these  years,  notably  1482,  as  to  date  the 
beginning  of  a  new  policy  from  1491.  Cf.  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes 
in  England,  p.  88;  Naud6,  Die  Getreidehandelspolitik  der  Europdischen  Staaten, 
pp.  79  f.;  Schanz,  Englische  Handelspolitik,  i,  p.  641;  cf.  also  Encyclopaedia  Brit- 
annica  (eleventh  ed.),  article  "  Corn  Laws,"  where  the  law  of  1437  is  said  to  have 
ceased  to  be  effective  at  the  Wars  of  the  Roses. 

4  e.g.  151O1  iS3i»  1544,  1546,  i547i  1548,  1549,  I55<>i  1565,  1572,  1588,  1590, 
1595-97- 

s  Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fol.  219b  (26  May,  1573). 

6  25  H.  VIII,  c.  2.  "  Noo  person  or  persons  oneles  it  be  by  licence  under  the 
Kynges  greate  seale,  from  hensforth  shall  cary  or  conveye  or  cause  to  be  caryed 
and  conveyed  any  corne  beoffes  muttons  veales  porkes  or  any  other  of  the  above 
said  victualles  to  any  the  parties  behonde  the  see." 

7  e.g.  30  March,  1548,  Bibliotheca  Lindesiana,  Royal  Proclamations  of  the  Tudor 
and  Stuart  Sovereigns,  i,  no.  325. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  227 

ernmental  corn  policy.  The  license  is,  of  course,  about  as 
old  as  the  monarchy.  Often  it  was  a  mere  safe-conduct,  a 
guarantee  of  good  treatment  at  the  hands  of  officials,  at  other 
times  it  partially  or  wholly  exempted  the  recipient  from  the 
payment  of  duties.  But  reference  is  here  made  to  the  special 
permission  given  to  override  a  general  order  prohibiting  expor- 
tation. The  practice  reached  its  height  in  the  reigns  of  Eliza- 
beth and  the  first  two  Stuarts.  In  one  year,  35  Elizabeth 
(1593-94),  the  license  money  for  corn,  etc.,  amounted  to  £4664 
10  s.  6  d.  ("  pro  licentia  grani  &C.")-1  Corn  exported  from 
Milford  in  39  Elizabeth  (1597-98)  was  subject  to  1  s.  duty  per 
quarter,  and  6  s.  8  d.  per  quarter  for  license.2  The  chief  point 
to  be  noted  here,  however,  is  that  exportation  was  carried  on 
under  this  licensing  system,  just  as  the  domestic  trading  in  corn 
was  carried  on  under  a  complicated  and  stringent  system  requiring 
(in  theory)  every  dealer  to  take  out  a  general  license  to  buy  and 
sell,  and  a  special  license  to  buy  and  sell  apart  from  the  common 
market.3 

London  had  an  import  as  well  as  an  export  policy.  This  also 
it  pressed  upon  parliament 4  and  the  government  and  gained  a 
responsive  hearing.5    And  it  is  of  great  significance  that  when  the 

1  MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Customs,  171/21. 

2  Pro  licentia  6  s.  8  d.  pro  quolibet  quarterio,  K.  R.  Customs,  171/21.  Cf.  also 
MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  306,  fols.  26-31. 

3  Cf.  5  &  6  Ed.  VI,  c.  14;  5  Eliz.,  c.  12. 

4  On  5  Dec,  1562,  it  was  recorded  that  the  Lord  Mayor  was  to  "  move  my  lord 
tresorer  for  the  discharge  of  the  Custome  that  is  clamed  in  the  custome  house  of 
the  Cytyes  wheate  &  rye  lately  bought  &  provided  in  the  partyes  beyond  the  sea  for 
the  onely  store  of  the  same  Cytye."     Repertory,  xv,  fol.  154. 

Later  on,  9  Feb.,  1562-63,  "  A  bill  [was]  devised  and  drawen  to  be  presented  unto 
the  parlyament  house  for  the  discharging  of  the  custome  &  Subsidies  of  all  wheate 
meale  and  other  grayne  what  so  ever  provided  and  brought  and  herafter  to  be 
brought  to  the  Cytie  by  merchaunts  Denysyns  or  other  what  so  ever  for  the  pro- 
vicon  and  store  of  the  same  Cytie  was  this  daye  here  red  and  delyvered."  Ibid., 
fol.  189. 

6  The  Lord  Treasurer  wrote  to  the  Lord  Mayor,  according  to  an  entry  of  26 
May,  1573,  that  "  towching  the  bringing  in  of  grayne  out  of  Estland  or  other  forren 
places  and  liberties  ether  to  sell  the  same  at  prices  reasonable  here  or  otherwise 
recarry  the  same  frelie  without  further  charge  into  other  places.  We  think  this 
your  request  reasonable  and  for  the  releve  &  benefite  of  the  Cittie  are  content  to 
be  suters  to  the  Queenes  ma[jes]tie."  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Journals  of  the 
Common  Council,  xx,  pt.  1,  fol.  49b. 


228  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

import  law  of  1463  had  been  nullified  by  the  general  rise  in  prices, 
it  was  not  renewed.  Indeed,  such  a  renewal  would  have  run 
counter  to  the  import  corn  trade  already  well  organized  for 
supplying  London's  needs. 

The  domestic  corn  trade  of  the  period  was,  however,  much 
more  important  than  the  foreign  trade.  Here  also  we  see  the 
metropolitan  corn  policy  taken  over  by  the  government  as  its  own. 
In  1565  Cambridge  petitioned  against  the  transportation  of  so 
much  corn  to  Lynn.  But  the  government  refused  to  check  this 
because  the  corn  was  shipped  by  sea  from  Lynn  for  the  victual- 
ling of  London.1  As  between  London's  needs  and  those  of 
another  district  there  was  no  choice. 

The  institution  of  the  coast-bond  had  nothing  specially  to  do 
with  the  corn  trade.2  But  corn  was  the  most  important  single 
commodity  carried  along  the  coast.  In  1580  the  coast  trade 
in  corn  shipped  to  London  came  in  for  special  treatment  at  the 
hands  of  Lord  Burghley.  The  commissions  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  victuals  3  were  ordered  to  send  periodically  to  the  ports 
of  their  district  a  statement  of  how  much  corn  could  "  be  con- 
veniently spared  out  of  that  cuntrey  (their  district)  for  London." 
This  amount  was  freely  to  be  allowed  to  pass,  but  under  bond 
that  it  should  go  to  the  metropolis.  When  this  amount  of  corn 
had  been  shipped,  the  commissioners  were  to  consider  if  any  more 
grain  might  be  spared  for  London.4  No  clearer  example  than 
this  could  be  found  of  the  pressing  needs  of  the  metropolitan  mar- 
ket. 

So  far  discussion  has  turned  mainly  on  the  difficulty  that 
London  felt  in  normal  years  in  obtaining  a  sufficient  supply  of 
domestic  corn.  This  metropolitan  difficulty,  properly  regarded 
as  normal,  arose,  as  has  been  seen,  through  a  disorganization  of 
the  market  caused  by  the  phenomenal  growth  of  the  metropolis, 

1  MS.,  R.  O.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  xxxvi,  no.  68  (25  June,  1565). 

*  Coast-bonds  had  been  used  in  the  middle  ages.  Some  belonging  to  the  period 
Hen.  VIII-6  Ed.  VI,  are  extant,  and  a  great  many  dating  from  1549,  when 
apparently  they  were  regularly  returned  to  the  Exchequer,  are  preserved  as  ab- 
stracts in  the  Certificate  Books. 

*  Appointed  1565. 

*  Letter  Book,  vol.  Z,  fols.  45-46  (8  March,  1579-80).     See  Appendix  L. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  229 

and  was  unintentionally  aggravated  by  the  practice  of  fixing 
prices  and  minutely  regulating  the  dealings  of  middlemen. 

There  were,  nevertheless,  great  dearths  in  Tudor  England 
caused  by  bad  harvests,  which  gave  rise  to  an  organized  restraint 
of  the  corn  trade.  It  is  fatal  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the 
Tudor  corn  policy  and  practice  if  this  restraint  be  regarded  as 
aught  but  abnormal.  For  a  study  of  this  policy  of  "  restraint," 
the  Book  of  Orders  is  the  most  important  source.1  The  Book  of 
Orders,  along  with  which  must  be  read  the  supplementary  orders 
qualifying  and  adding  to  it,  aimed  at  discovering  the  corn  surplus 
of  the  country,  and  then  controlling  the  sale  of  that  surplus  in  the 
interests  of  consumers.  The  commissioners  of  restraint  were  to 
make  a  survey  of  the  number  of  people  in  their  district,  the 
amount  of  corn,  and  the  surplus  or  deficit,  and  to  regulate  corn 
movement  accordingly.  No  export  was  to  be  allowed;  no 
dealers  were  to  be  permitted  to  engross  or  hoard  corn;  and  no 
waste  in  the  consumption  of  the  precious  grain  was  to  be  toler- 
ated. The  husbanded  surpluses  of  the  country  were  to  be  allowed 
to  go  to  the  towns,  and  especially  to  London.2  By  this  means, 
then,  as  well  as  by  the  importation  of  foreign  corn  (under  en- 
couragement from  the  government),  London's  needs  were  to  be 
met  in  time  of  dearth. 

Having  examined  both  the  "  normal  "  and  the  "  abnormal  " 
corn  policies  actually  in  practice  during  the  Tudor  period,  we 
may  ask  to  what  category  does  the  statutory  policy  belong,  which 
it  has  been  customary  to  regard  as  almost  the  sole  subject  of 
study  ?  The  answer  is  that  the  statutory  policy  is  almost 
negligible  as  far  as  it  concerns  the  actual  trade  in  corn.  It  was 
largely  a  registration  on  the  one  hand  of  the  mercantilist  aims  of 
the  government  under  non-existing  ideal  conditions,  and  on  the 
other,  of  the  policy  of  corn  producing  communities,  to  the  inter- 
ests and  prejudices  of  which  it  was  politic  to  give  attention, 
even  if  it  was  not  possible  to  follow  them. 

1  pp.  236-240. 

*  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xiv,  p.  338  (1586-87);  cf.  also  Book  of  Orders  of  1622, 
p.  50. 


23 O  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

The  reason  why  the  statutory  corn  policy  is  almost  negligible 
is  twofold.  In  the  first  place,  the  acts  regulating  exportation 
were  applicable  only  when  corn  was  sufficiently  cheap,  and,  as 
the  following  table  shows,  this  condition  rarely  existed.     And 

Price  at  Number  of  Number  of 

which  Export       Years  below        Years  below 
Periods  was  Allowed         this  Level     this  Level  +  i  s.« 

15*4-34 6  s.  8  d.  9  11 

1534-54 no  such  limit 

1554-63 6  s.  8  d.  o  o 

1563-71 10  s.  o  d.  i  3 

1571-93 "  reasonable  " 

1593-1600 20  s.  o  d.  o  o 

Total . .  10  14 

in  the  second  place,  the  Crown  used  its  prerogative  to  override 
the  corn  legislation  in  times  of  emergency  which  became  frequent 
with  the  metropolitan  development.  The  Crown  permitted  the 
export  of  corn  only  at  such  prices  as  it  thought  fit,2  or  restored  the 
legislative  limit  of  6  s.  8  d.,  even  during  the  period  when  no  act 
was  on  the  statute  book  to  this  effect.3 

Now  to  argue  that  because  the  corn  statutes  were  not  in  force, 
there  was  no  export,  is  as  far  from  the  truth  as  the  assumption 
that  because  they  were  on  the  statute  book  at  all,  exportation 
must  have  taken  place.  The  statistics  already  examined  4  show 
that  corn  was  exported  throughout  the  period.  They  also  show 
that,  while  corn  was  exported  even  in  the  period  1534-54,  when 
the  export  law  was  in  abeyance,  the  export  was  greater  when  the 
statute  law  was  not  against  it,  than  when  it  did  not  exist  at  all. 
But  this  is  not  saying  very  much,  and  though  the  corn  laws  of  the 
period  should  not  be  neglected,  they  form  no  clue  to  the  situa- 
tion, and  taken  by  themselves  are  positively  misleading. 

Five  Tudor  statutes  dealing  with  corn  exportation  are  of  special 
interest:    (1)  that  of  1534,  substituting  a  royal  license  for  the 

1  This  column  is  added  to  show  that  in  all  but  a  few  years  the  market  price 
was  considerably,  more  than  a  shilling,  higher  than  the  price  at  which  exportation 
was  allowed. 

*  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic,  ii,  §§  2595,  2786,  2817  (1516  to  1517). 

1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xv,  fol.  335  (16  May,  1548);  MS.,  Br.  M., 
Titus  B  II,  fol.  12  (30  March,  1548). 

4  See  above,  p.  112. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  23 1 

6  s.  8  d.  regulation,  (2)  1555,  restoring  the  6  s.  8  d.  limit,1  (3) 
1559,  giving  the  6  s.  8d.  limit  a  special  application  to  Norfolk 
and  Suffolk,2  (4)  1563  3  and  (5)  1593,4  increasing  the  price  limit 
to  10  s.  and  20  s.  respectively.  With  the  exception  of  the  third 
case,  these  acts  did  little  to  promote  exportation.  The  intention 
of  the  first  is  obvious  and  has  been  already  considered.5  The 
second,  fourth,  and  fifth  were  passed  when  prices  were  too  high 
to  allow  them  to  come  into  force.6  If  they  were  not  only  void 
in  effect,  but  also  at  their  passage  manifestly  nugatory,  it  is 
clear  that  they  were  passed  simply  as  a  sop  to  the  producers 
who  thereby  were  enabled  to  register  their  aims,  and  nothing 
more.  In  1559  a  bill  with  a  10  s.  standard  was  introduced,  but 
not  passed.7  As  prices  were  then,  it  would  have  favored  export. 
And  again  in  1571,8  a  bill  raising  the  export  limit  to  13  s.  4  d. 
(for  wheat)  was  drawn  up.  This  would  have  taken  the  regula- 
tion of  exportation  out  of  the  government's  hands,  for  at  the  time 
the  price  of  corn  was  below  13  s.  4  d.  Though  the  bill  was  passed, 
it  was  shorn  of  this,  its  most  important  clause,  in  place  of  which 
was  substituted  the  phrase  "at  al  tymes  as  the  severall  pryces 
thereof  shalbe  so  reasonable  and  moderate,"  etc.,  and  long  regula- 
tions about  the  course  of  action  to  be  taken  by  the  justices  of 

1  See  above,  p.  139.  2  1  Eliz.,  c.  n,  §  10. 

8  5  Eliz.,  c.  5,  §  17.  Cf.  p.  140  above.  Faber  (Die  Entstehung  des  A grarschutzes 
in  England,  p.  92)  and  Naud6  (Die  Gelreidehandelspolitik  der  Europdischen  Staaten, 
pp.  87-88)  both  refer  to  the  law  of  5  Eliz.,  c.  5  allowing  the  exportation  of  grain 
when  not  over  10  s.  (for  wheat)  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  order  of  things;  and  both 
quote  Camden  to  substantiate  their  view.  But  there  is  some  discrepancy  here: 
Camden  (Annates  Rerum Anglicarum  et  HibernicarumRegnanteElizabetha  (ed.  1625), 
p.  6i),  refers  to  the  great  development  of  agriculture  owing  to  the  permission  given 
to  export  corn,  but  the  year  is  1561.  The  date  of  the  act  of  5  Eliz.,  c.  5,  is  given 
by  Faber  and  Naud6  as  1562,  while  it  is  really  1562-63,  and  the  act  was  not  to 
go  into  force  until  1564.  Camden  then  refers  to  a  period  at  least  three  years 
previous  to  the  act  of  5  Eliz.,  c.  5,  undoubtedly  to  1  &  2  P.  &  M.,  c.  5  and  1  Eliz., 
c.  11,  §  10. 

4  35  Eliz.,  c.  7,  §  5.     See  above,  pp.  141-142. 

1  p.  226  above. 

6  p.  230  above. 

7  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  i,  p.  61. 

8  Wrongly  assigned  at  the  Record  Office  to  "  March,  1562-63,"  and  thus  made 
to  refer  to  5  Eliz.,  c.  5;  it  is  verbatim  the  draft  of  the  unamended  bill  of  15  71, 
13  Eliz.,  c.  13,  §  1.     Cf.  above,  p.  141. 


232  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

the  peace,  and  other  officials.  Clause  4  of  the  act  states  that 
the  queen  may  prohibit  exportation.1  The  third  act  making  a 
special  case  for  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  lasted  only  from  1559  to 
1563,  but  it  indicates  clearly  whence  the  export  policy  came. 
The  high-sounding  prefaces  were,  as  usual,  administrative  utter- 
ances of  a  general  mercantilist  policy,  favoring  a  corn  policy 
which  circumstances  did  not  allow  the  government  really  to 
adopt.  The  government  sympathized  with  the  ambitions  of 
corn  producers  to  export  abroad,  but  mindful  of  the  difficulties 
of  London's  corn  supply,  refused  to  allow  the  control  of  the 
corn  trade  to  be  taken  out  of  its  hands.  Exportation  was  in 
itself  no  crime  in  the  eyes  of  the  government,  but  it  must  be 
only  at  such  times  as  the  non-producing  part  of  the  realm, 
notably  London,  was  satisfied.  No  longer  was  the  medieval 
corn  surplus  of  one  district  to  be  sent  to  the  Continent  while 
another  district  lacked  supply.  The  surplus  corn  of  the  metro- 
politan area,  however,  might  go  abroad,  and  under  government 
license  was  exported.  The  uncertainty  of  such  a  surplus  was 
what  held  the  government's  hands  and  nullified  legislation 
ostensibly  made  to  promote  exportation. 

In  the  medieval  period,  as  has  been  seen,2  the  corn  policy  of  the 
time  was  the  resultant  of  three  forces,  the  royal  fiscal  needs, 
and  the  policies  of  the  consuming  and  of  the  producing  areas. 
In  the  sixteenth  century  a  fourth  and  distinctive  force,  the 
metropolitan  policy,  was  added.  The  chief  aim  of  the  Crown, 
so  far  as  its  narrower  interests  were  concerned,  was  still  fiscal; 
witness  the  licensing  system,  the  official  valuation  of  corn  in 
the  Book  of  Rates,  and  the  laws  of  1571  and  1593  increasing  the 
export  tax.  Producers  of  corn  left  their  mark  chiefly  upon  the 
statute  book,  but  not  in  any  marked  degree  upon  the  national 
policy.  Consumers  outside  the  London  area  saw  their  interests 
partly  protected  by  the  "  restraint  "  policy  of  the  Crown.  But 
London  was  able  to  impose  its  policy  upon  the  government  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  metropolitan  policy  is  the  real  key  to  the 
complicated  regulations  of  the  period. 

1  Cf.  35  Eliz.,  c.  7,  §  5;  i  Jac,  i,  c.  25,  §  3;  21  Jac,  i,  c.  28;  3  Car.,  i,  c.  5,  §  6. 
■  pp.  211,  213,  217-218  above. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  233 

6.  Tudor  Regulation  of  the  Corn  Trade 

Trade  ordinances,  licenses  to  trade,  the  customs  system,  the 
staple  system,  the  giving  of  security  or  bonds,  were  all  tools  in  the 
hands  of  the  Crown  for  controlling  the  trade  in  grain.  What  is 
of  particular  interest  here,  and  what  is  peculiar  to  the  corn  trade, 
is  the  commission  for  the  restraint  of  grain  which  came  into 
prominence  in  the  Tudor  period,  especially  in  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth, and  which  touched  the  lives,  directly  or  indirectly,  of  many 
Englishmen. 

Since  restraints  were  exceptional  occurrences  in  the  grain  trade 
of  England,  no  very  lasting  machinery  or  means  of  control  was 
ever  set  up.  Local  machinery  already  in  existence  was  used. 
The  earliest  record  of  such  machinery  comes  from  the  year  13 15, 
when  effort  was  made  to  keep  corn  from  going  to  Scotland.  The 
sheriff  was  made  the  chief  instrument  of  supervision  of  the  corn 
trade.  He  was  to  associate  with  him  two  law-worthy  men  for 
whom  he  was  responsible.  They  were  to  watch  over  the  grain 
trade,  to  see  that  no  grain  sent  down  to  the  ports  and  rivers  went 
abroad  to  the  king's  enemies,  the  Scots.  Security  was  taken  of 
dealers  in  corn  suspected  of  carrying  corn  to  Scotland.1  In  every 
shire,  or  sheriff's  bailiwick,  therefore,  there  were  two  men  whose 
chief  business  was  to  "  survey  all  corn  and  other  victuals  "  leaving 
the  district  by  water.2 

In  1527  special  commissioners  were  appointed  to  search  "  all 
barns,  etc.  for  wheat  and  other  grains,  to  demand  of  all  mayors, 
bailiffs,  etc.  whether  any  be  hidden  or  kept  secret,  to  inquire  as  to 
forestalling,  regrating,  and  engrossing  of  the  same." 3  But 
there  was  no  special  machinery  under  Henry  VIII  to  prevent  the 
transportation  of  corn,  and  so  rewards  were  offered  to  informers.4 
A  local  and  temporary  measure  regarding  the  corn  trade  was 

1  Rymer,  Fcedera,  etc.  (Rec.  ed.),  ii,  pt.  i,  p.  276. 

2  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Ed.  II,  vol.  ii,  p.  420. 

3  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic,  iv,  pt.  ii,  §  3822  (cf.  §§  3544  and  3665). 
Cf.  the  inquisition  of  Charles  I  in  Sicily  in  1269,  Yver,  Le  Commerce  et  les  Marchands 
dans  I'ltalie  Meridionale,  p.  108. 

4  H.  MSS.  C.,  Thirteenth  Report,  App.,  pt.  iv,  Rye  and  Hereford,  etc.,  p.  311 
(i53i)- 


234  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

taken  in  1541  when  three  gentlemen  of  Sussex  were  specially 
appointed  to  investigate  the  transporting  of  grain  from  Chi- 
chester to  other  parts  of  England.1  A  fairly  comprehensive  list 
of  articles  for  the  restraint  of  grain  was  drawn  up  in  1556.2  The 
justices  of  the  peace  were  collectively  to  take  action  in  each  shire. 
They  were  to  make  a  survey  of  all  existing  supplies  of  corn  and 
to  order  the  surplus  sent  to  the  nearby  market  towns.  The 
justices  were  themselves  to  be  present  at  the  sale  of  corn  upon 
the  markets,  and  they  were  to  see  to  it  that  the  customs  officials 
allowed  no  export  abroad. 

It  remained  for  the  advisers  of  Elizabeth  to  elaborate  the 
system  which  influenced  the  corn  trade  throughout  most  of  her 
reign.  The  commissions  of  1315,  1541,  and  1556  were  temporary 
and  transitory.  Following  these  came  a  scheme  for  restraint 
which  lasted,  with  some  breaks,  about  a  generation,  technically 
called  "  The  Commission  for  Restraint  of  Grain."  It  was  an 
order  for  repressing  pirates,3  dated  November8, 1565, that  ushered 
in  a  remarkable  attempt  to  restrain  the  corn  trade.  The  elab- 
orate mechanism  used  to  carry  out  this  policy  of  paternalism  is 
worthy  of  some  attention.  At  the  center  of  all  was  the  queen  in 
council,  or  the  Privy  Council,  which  infused  vigor  into  the  whole 
mechanism  and  by  untiring  zeal  kept  local  officials  to  what  at 
times  was  a  tedious  task.  The  Lord  Treasurer  was  especially 
concerned  in  all  that  pertained  to  the  customs  system.4  Below 
him  were  the  numerous  local  officials  requisitioned  for  this 
special  work,  such  as  the  deputy  lieutenants  of  the  counties,5 
the  sheriffs,6  the  justices  of  the  peace,7  the  justices  of  assize,8  the 
mayors  of  the  towns,9  and  finally  the  officers  of  the  customs,  the 
customers,  comptrollers,  and  searchers.10    In  part  supplementing 

1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  (ed.  Nicolas),  vii,  p.  142. 

2  Appendix  L. 

*  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  vii,  pp.  280  f.;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic, 
Elizabeth,  i,  p.  259  (6  Oct.,  1565).     Cf.  also  13  Eliz.,  c.  13. 

4  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  viii,  pp.  104,  148  (1573). 

5  Ibid.,  vii,  p.  360  (1570). 

6  Ibid.,  xi,  p.  222  (1579);  ibid.,  xiv,  p.  320  (1586-87). 

7  e.g.,  13  Eliz.,  c.  13;  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xxviii,  p.  144  (1597). 

8  13  Eliz.,  c.  13;  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xi,  p.  222  (1579). 

9  Ibid.,  xxvi,  p.  188  (1596).  10  Ibid.,  viii,  p.  104  (1573). 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  235 

these  officers  and  to  a  large  extent  made  up  of  these  were  the 
specially  appointed  commissioners  of  restraint,  and  a  "conven- 
yent  and  sufficient  nombre  "  of  deputies.1 

All  three  sets  of  eyes  were  upon  the  grain  trade,  those  of  the 
customers,  the  commissioners,  and  mayors;  and  keenest  and  most 
vigilant  of  all,  were  the  eyes  of  the  councillors  themselves.2  The 
normal  method  of  procedure  was  for  the  commissioners  or 
justices  to  report  monthly  to  the  Privy  Council  the  condition  of 
the  grain  supply.  If  corn  was  plentiful  in  the  county,  its  trans- 
portation was  allowed,3  and  an  order  to  this  effect  was  sent  to  the 
commissioners  who  in  turn  gave  licenses  to  any  desiring  to  trans- 
port corn.  If  prices  were  below  the  statutory  limit,  this  license 
would  be  an  order  to  the  customers  to  allow  the  corn  to  pass  and 
to  collect  the  customs.  The  Council  would  check  the  reports  of 
one  set  of  officials  by  those  of  another  set  for  the  same  district. 
If  the  commissioners  gave  a  license  to  export  corn,  but  if  prices 
were  above  the  statutory  limit  at  which  the  exportation  of  corn 
might  take  place,  and  if  special  restraint  of  corn  had  been  made, 
the  customs  officials  stopped  the  shipment  and  reported  the 
matter  to  the  Council.4  It  was  probably  in  part  because  the 
government  of  the  day  distrusted  the  customers,  and  had  some 
reason,  indeed,  to  doubt  their  strictness  and  their  honesty,  that 
the  commissioners  of  restraint  were  appointed  to  check  the 
customs  officials  by  their  regular  and  frequent  reports  of  local 
conditions,  but  the  customers  were  useful  in  turn,  as  in  the  case 
just  cited,  to  check  the  commissioners.  Care  was  taken  of  the 
interests  of  the  various  localities  which  might  suffer  through  the 
orders  of  the  administrative  officials  of  the  central  government. 
The  justices  of  the  peace,  if  they  found  the  orders  of  the  justices 
of  assize  "  hurtfull  to  the  County  by  meanes  of  Dearth,  or  to  be  a 

1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  vii,  p.  278  (1565). 

8  e.g.  in  1573  the  Privy  Council  heard  that  two  men  were  going  to  export  200 
qrs.  of  corn  to  Ireland,  and  sent  down  to  the  local  authorities  about  the  matter 
(Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  viii,  p.  105);  in  1577  the  Privy  Council  summoned  the 
Bishop  of  Chichester  and  his  chancellor  before  it,  in  connection  with  the  attempt 
made  by  an  Irishman  to  export  90  qrs.  of  grain  to  Ireland.     (Ibid.,  ix,  p.  318.) 

3  e.g.,  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xi,  p.  222  (1579). 

4  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  ix,  p.  318  (1577);  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic, 
Elizabeth,  vii,  p.  513  (1577). 


236  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

greate  Hyndraunce  to  Tyllage  by  meanes  of  to  much  cheapnes  " 
were  allowed  to  countermand  their  orders.1 

The  earliest  functions  of  the  special  commissioners  were  the 
suppression  of  piracy  as  well  as  the  checking  of  exportation  of 
uncustomed  and  unlicensed  grain.2  They  were  to  see  that  no 
corn  was  exported  abroad  under  color  of  transportation  from 
port  to  port.3  This  was,  perhaps,  their  chief  duty,  and  to  fulfil  it 
they  had  to  watch  all  movements  of  grain  and  to  take  bonds  from 
all  persons  transporting  grain  anywhere  by  water,  ostensibly  for 
another  port  in  England,  that  the  corn  might  not  go  abroad. 
Besides  this  they  were  to  take  "  special  charge  for  the  furnishing 
of  the  several  markets  with  grain,"  4  a  relic  of  the  duties  of  the 
Henrician  commissioners.  They  were  ordered  on  one  occasion 
to  have  250  quarters  of  corn  to  be  provided  for  the  royal  navy.6 
The  justices 6  and  sheriffs,  if  we  may  differentiate  them  from  the 
commissioners,  were  ordered  to  restrain  badgers  and  regrators, 
to  keep  the  markets  duly  supplied  with  corn,  and  to  take  such 
measures  as  to  bring  down  the  price  of  grain  and  keep  it  at  a 
reasonable  level.7 

The  regulations  embodying  the  Tudor  policy  of  restraint  were 
finally  consolidated  in  one  document,  the  Book  of  Orders,  which 
marks  indeed  the  apogee  of  paternalism  in  the  history  of  the  corn 
trade.  Originally  published  on  2  January,  1587,8  the  Book  of 
Orders  was,  in  time  of  need,  frequently  re-issued.  We  have 
such  re-issues  for  1594,9  1608,10 1622,  and  1630.11    Though  its 

1  13  Eliz.,  c.  13,  §  1.     The  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  iv,  pt.  1,  p.  548  (1571). 
1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  vii,  p.  280  (1565);  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic, 
Elizabeth,  i,  p.  585  (1578). 

3  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xiv,  p.  45  (1586). 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  ii,  p.  328  (1586). 

8  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  viii,  p.  174  (1573). 

6  By  13  Eliz.,  c.  13,  the  justices  of  the  peace  were  given  special  functions  in 
regard  to  corn  trade  regulation. 

7  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  ix,  p.  219  (1576);  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic, 
Elizabeth,  ii,  p.  328  (1586);  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xxx,  pp.  733-735  (1600). 

8  Br.  M.,  291  d  33.  The  original  in  manuscript  (Lansd.,  48,  no.  54)  was  prob- 
ably drawn  up  between  Christmas  and  New  Year's,  1586. 

■  Br.  M.,  6426  b  55. 
10  Br.  M.,  104  k  39. 
u  Br.  M.,  1029  e  4.     Reprinted,  1758. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  237 

authorship  is  probably  to  be  assigned  to  Burghley,  it  was  the 
codification  of  past  Tudor  practice,1  not  without  a  very  early 
precedent,2  and  at  first  sight  quite  in  accordance  with  the  med- 
ieval policy  of  self-sufficiency. 

The  best  commentary  upon  the  chief  regulations  of  this  re- 
markable piece  of  administrative  supervision  is  the  "  Book  " 
itself,  which  may  be  summarized  as  follows : 

1.  The  sheriffs  and  justices  of  the  peace  are  carefully  to  divide 
the  county  into  small  sections  for  more  efficient  oversight. 

2.  The  chief  men  of  each  district  are  to  be  summoned,  divided 
into  juries,  and  asked  to  present  all  "  great  farmours  for  come  " 
living  in  the  district  then  absent  from  the  meeting.  Such  per- 
sons are  to  be  forced  to  attend.  The  meeting  thus  augmented  is 
asked  to  take  the  jurors'  oath  of  presentment:  to  enquire  into  the 
corn  supply  of  the  district. 

3.  They  are  to  present  the  names  of  persons  having  corn  in  the 
granary  or  in  the  field,  also  all  agreements  for  the  sale  of  this 
corn. 

4.  Likewise  the  particulars  concerning  badgers  of  corn  are 
to  be  enquired  into,  the  license  under  which  they  buy  and  sell, 
and  the  seat  of  their  activities. 

5.  All  malt-makers,  bakers,  and  brewers  are  to  be  under 
scrutiny  as  to  the  extent  of  their  operations,  the  length  of  time 
they  have  been  so  engaged,  and  whether  they  have  any  sub- 
sidiary occupation. 

6.  Extensive  buyers  of  corn  for  re-sale,  as  well  as  those  who 
buy  grain  growing  in  the  fields  are  to  be  the  subject  of  inquiry. 

7.  Such  persons  as  have  grain  over  and  above  their  personal 
and  household  uses  are  to  be  forced  to  supply  the  nearby  market 
as  directed.  The  determination  of  this  surplus  rests  in  the  hands 
of  the  local  authorities. 

8.  This  corn  is  to  be  sold  to  the  poor  artificers  or  laborers  of 
the  parish  in  small  quantities  as  required  by  the  purchaser. 

1  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and  Domestic,  iv,  §§  3665  (1527),  3822,  3883,  4414 
(1528).  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Ed.  VI,  i,  p.  26  (1549);  All  such  Proc- 
lamacons,  4  Ed.  VI  (20  Sept.  and  20  Oct.);  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Slowe,  152,  fols.  21-22 
(Mary  and  3  Eliz.);  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  vii,  p.  280  (1565). 

2  Rymer,  Fcedera,  etc.  (Rec.  ed.),  ii,  pt.  1,  p.  276  (1315). 


238  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

9.  The  sale  of  larger  amounts  of  grain  is  to  be  made  only  to 
authorized  badgers  or  carriers,  well-known  bakers  and  brewers, 
and  the  purveyors  of  great  households,  all  of  whom  must  be  duly 
authorized  and  able  to  prove  their  identity. 

10.  No  seller  of  corn  may  carry  away  from  the  market  town 
any  unsold  grain;  this  must  be  exposed  for  sale  again  next  market 
day. 

n.  The  farmer  is  not  to  be  allowed  to  buy  the  same  kind  of 
corn  as  he  is  appointed  to  sell  without  special  permission,  and  if 
he  finds  he  has  a  surplus  over  and  above  his  needs  for  consump- 
tion and  seed  as  estimated  by  the  officials,  he  is  to  make  this  fact 
known. 

12.  No  farmer  may  buy  corn  for  sale  again  nor  use  his  servants 
as  badgers. 

13.  All  sale  is  to  be  on  the  open  market  except  to  poor  crafts- 
men and  laborers  of  the  neighborhood  who  are  unable  to  go  to 
market,  and  in  such  case  permission  must  be  obtained  in  writing 
from  the  justices  of  the  peace;  account  is  to  be  kept  of  the  partic- 
ulars of  each  sale,  and  at  no  time  is  such  a  transaction  to  be  for 
more  than  one  bushel. 

14.  The  names  of  all  engrossers,  together  with  particulars  of 
their  dealings,  are  to  be  sent  to  the  attorney  general  for  action. 

15.  Engrossers  may  procure  special  licenses  from  justices  of 
the  peace,  record  of  which  is  to  be  kept  by  the  clerk  of  the  peace 
who  receives  a  fee  from  the  licensee  therefor. 

16.  Inspectors  are  to  be  appointed  to  see  that  bakers  deal 
fairly  with  the  poor,  and  that  clerks  of  the  markets  impose  no 
unlawful  exactions. 

17.  Badgers  of  corn,  bakers,  and  brewers  must  buy  only  in  the 
open  market,  and  must  present  licenses  from  the  justices  of  the 
peace,  which  are  to  specify  the  kind  of  corn  to  be  purchased  and 
the  place  where  the  corn  is  to  be  consumed.  And  the  licenses  are 
to  be  endorsed  with  the  place,  date,  amount,  and  price  of  their 
purchases. 

18.  Badgers  of  corn,  bakers,  and  brewers  are  to  keep  accounts 
of  their  dealings,  which  are  to  be  scrutinized  by  persons  appointed 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  239 

by  the  justices.     These  appointees  are  likewise  to  act  as  censors 
of  the  conduct  of  the  above  dealers. 

19.  No  servant  of  a  justice  of  the  peace  is  to  be  licensed  as 
badger  except  by  six  justices  in  open  sessions. 

20.  No  badger,  baker,  brewer,  or  purveyor  may  buy  corn  in 
gross  until  at  least  one  hour  after  the  market  has  opened,  so  that 
the  poor  may  be  served  first. 

21.  Justices  of  the  peace,  or  in  default  of  them,  some  rich 
persons,  are  to  attend  the  markets  to  see  these  orders  executed 
and  the  poor  provided  with  as  much  favor  in  the  prices,  as  by 
their  earnest  persuasion  can  be  obtained. 

22.  Ministers  of  the  Gospel  are  to  exhort  the  rich  to  show 
liberality  towards  the  poor. 

23.  Maltsters  are  to  use  oats  rather  than  barley  in  those  dis- 
tricts where  oats  are  plentiful. 

24.  Unnecessary  taverns  are  to  be  suppressed,  and  loitering 
about  tippling  houses  prevented. 

25.  The  justices  are  to  take  such  other  measures  as  are  neces- 
sary in  time  of  dearth. 

26.  No  bread-corn  is  to  be  wasted  on  dogs  or  other  animals  nor 
used  in  the  manufacture  of  starch. 

27.  The  able  poor  are  to  be  set  to  work,  and  stocks  of  goods 
provided  for  the  same;  clothiers  are  to  continue  to  employ  their 
workmen;  and  the  impotent  are  to  be  relieved  in  their  own 
houses. 

28.  Millers  must  not  act  as  badgers,  delay  the  grinding  of 
other  men's  corn,  change  good  for  bad  corn,  nor  take  unreasonable 
toll. 

29.  Justices  are  not  to  own  mills,  and  are  to  try  personally  to 
force  the  millers  to  obey  the  above  rules. 

30.  Conferences  are  to  be  held  between  the  mayors  of  towns 
and  cities  and  the  justices  of  the  neighboring  shires  to  facilitate 
the  purchase  of  corn  by  the  bakers,  brewers,  and  private  purvey- 
ors of  the  town,  and  to  allot  to  each  of  the  nearby  counties  its 
proper  portion  for  the  relief  of  the  towns.  Care  is  to  be  taken 
that  in  such  dealings  prices  be  not  raised  nor  the  poor  left  unfur- 
nished. 


240  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

31.  All  export  abroad  is  to  be  stopped,  except  under  the  great 
seal,  by  those  justices  specially  commissioned  for  the  purpose; 
but  if  these  be  themselves  corn  dealers  and  negligent,  the  other 
justices  are  to  take  action. 

32.  Monthly  certificates,  setting  forth  the  enforcement  of 
these  rules,  are  to  be  sent  to  the  sheriff,  who  is  to  certify  the  same 
to  the  Privy  Council. 

33.  Justices  either  negligent  or  perverse  are  to  be  reported  to 
the  Privy  Council. 

Such  a  minute  system  of  regulation  would  be  at  best  difficult  of 
enforcement,  and  as  time  went  on  the  zeal  and  vigilance  of  its 
administrators  was  not  likely  to  increase.  The  customs  officials 
had  been  corrupt  of  old  and  had  not  changed.  One  customer 
in  1576,  for  instance,  had  participated  in  the  buying  up  of  corn 
ostensibly  for  London,  but  really  for  Spain.1  We  find  in  1593 
the  farmers  of  Sussex  complaining  that  the  officers  of  the  ports, 
by  their  evil  practices,  engrossed  corn  and  re-sold  it,  forced  mer- 
chants to  buy  corn  from  them,  and  did  all  so  cunningly,  that  the 
justice  could  not  come  at  them.2 

But  the  justices  themselves,  specially  enlisted  in  the  service  of 
the  corn  trade  restraint,  and  in  part  to  act  as  a  check  upon  the 
customs  officials,  were  not  blameless.  They  stood  for  local 
interests  and  had  local  prejudices,  and,  perhaps  as  well  from 
wrong  heart  as  wrong  head,  misunderstood  the  purpose  of  the 
whole  restraint.3  They  were  often  reluctant  to  enforce  the 
orders  of  the  council,  and  that  body  rebuked  them  for  complain- 
ing about  farmers  holding  back  grain  instead  of  prosecuting  them 
before  the  justices  of  assize.4  The  justices,  however,  were 
accused  not  only  of  consulting  the  interests  of  their  particular 
shire-world,  and  of  their  friends,  but  also  of  having  a  tender 
regard  for  their  own  personal  welfare.      They  were  often  owners 

1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  be,  p.  252. 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  Hi,  p.  362. 

*  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  viii,  p.  230  (1574) ;  ibid.,  xiv,  p.  383  (1586-87),  "  Their 
Lordships'  [of  the  Privy  Council]  intent  was  not  that  the  passage  of  graine  shoulde 
be  in  suche  sort  restrayned,  whereby  the  countyes  shoulde  not  relieve  the  necessitye 
of  eche  other,  their  neighbors." 

4  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xxviii,  p.  314  (1597);  cf.  ibid.,  viii,  p.  147  (1573). 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  24 1 

of  corn  and  exempted  themselves  from  the  working  of  the  re- 
strictive regulations,  and  were  thus  "  both  judge  and  party."  1 

There  are  signs,  too,  that,  towards  the  close  of  the  century,  the 
Privy  Council,  the  main  spring  of  the  whole  scheme,  was  lagging 
in  interest,  and  losing  its  faith  in  the  system.  With  the  cus- 
tomers lax,  and  the  justices  unmanageable,  there  was  little  hope 
for  the  successful  working  of  the  complicated  plan.  There  is  a 
pitiful  letter  of  the  council,  in  December,  1595,  i*1  answer  to  the 
complaints  of  the  justices  of  the  Isle  of  Ely.  "  The  best  helpe 
we  can  give  you  at  this  presente,"  they  acknowledge,  "  is  to  write 
our  letters  unto  the  officers  of  that  porte  [of  Lynn]  to  require  of 
them  a  more  streight  and  watchfull  care."  2 

Wherein  could  such  a  body  of  rules  be  of  advantage  ?  How 
could  these  regulations  help  remedy  the  shortage  of  grain  ?  It 
is  probable  that  consumption  was  to  some  extent  diminished  by 
such  regulations,  even  apart  from  the  rise  of  prices;  but  this  was 
not  likely  to  effect  a  very  large  saving.  Certainly  public  atten- 
tion was  at  once  called  to  the  dearth,  in  particular  the  attention 
of  municipal  authorities  who  could  encourage  the  importation  of 
foreign  corn;  but  high  prices  would  have  served  the  same  purpose, 
though  the  warning  might  have  come  more  slowly.  It  was, 
perhaps,  a  service  to  stop  almost  wholly  and  at  once  the  trans- 
portation of  corn  into  foreign  lands  though  this  doubtless  might 
have  been  brought  about  without  internal  restraint.  The 
farmers  themselves  were  hindered  in  the  purchase  of  corn  for  seed, 
which  meant  that  they  would  often  have  to  use  the  corn  of  their 
poor  crop  as  seed  for  the  next  year's  crop.  The  stringency  would 
be  exaggerated  beyond  due  proportions,  and,  in  parts  of  the 
country  having  plenty,  would  doubtless  be  almost  wholly  caused 
by  governmental  action.  More  serious  was  the  fact  that  the 
middleman,  whose  special  business  it  is  to  balance  supply  and 
demand,  and  whose  personal  interest,  therefore,  is,  as  Adam 
Smith  has  shown,  very  much  in  common  with  that  of  the  com- 
munity, was  to  a  considerable  extent  eliminated  from  the  situa- 
tion. 

1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  xxx,  p.  735  (1600). 
■  Ibid.,  xxv,  p.  133. 


242  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

The  chief  test,  however,  is  this:  did  this  system  facilitate  the 
exchange  of  corn,  its  transportation  from  a  district  of  plenty 
to  one  of  scarcity,  from  the  country-side  to  the  town  ?  The 
answer  is  in  the  negative.  The  whole  underlying  principle  was 
supervision  and  regulation,  and  therefore  restraint,  of  just  such 
exchange.  It  matters  not  that  such  movement  of  corn  was 
expressly  provided  for;  such  provision  at  best  proves  in  practice 
a  hindrance,  and  much  more  certainly  would  this  be  the  case, 
when  the  means  of  enforcement  was  the  clumsy  local  administra- 
tive machinery  of  the  Tudor  period. 

What  is  the  explanation  of  this  Tudor  corn  supervision  ? 
The  ostensible  raison  d'etre  of  the  system  was  the  failure  of 
crops;  but  crops  had  failed  before  without  giving  rise  to  such 
elaborate  machinery.  We  may  allow  for  the  part  played  by  the 
steady  and  alarming  rise  in  prices;  but  this  is  not  enough. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  system  was  part  of  the  experimenting  in 
governance  which  the  Tudors  were  pushing  into  almost  every 
field  of  national  life;  and,  on  the  other,  it  was  a  natural  con- 
commitant  to  the  teachings  and  preachings  of  London  on  the 
subject  of  corn  supply;  it  was  the  government's  remedy  for  a 
recurring  disorder,  to  which  London  had  chiefly  called  attention. 

7.  Second  Phase  of  Metropolitan  Policy,  1 600-1 660 

During  the  first  phase  of  metropolitan  development  corn  went 
to  London  for  consumption  only,  and  during  the  third  phase  it 
went  for  export  in  large  amounts  as  well  as  for  consumption. 
The  intervening  years  between  1600  and  1660  are  transitional  in 
character,  like  the  period  from  1394  to  1437,  displaying  features 
of  both  the  earlier  and  the  later  periods  of  the  corn  policy. 

In  abnormal  years  of  dearth,  such  as  1608,  1621-23,  and  1630- 
31,  the  same  policy  of  restraint,  based  upon  the  assumption  of 
local  self-sufficiency,  was  carried  out  as  before  by  means  of  the 
Book  of  Orders.  London  was  still  given  special  consideration 
so  that  the  corn  surplus  of  the  country  might  reach  it,  and  when 
this  was  not  enough,  foreign  corn  was  to  be  imported.  This 
being  the  case,  no  change  in  the  import  laws  was  necessary  during 
this  period.1 

1  See  above,  p.  148. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  243 

The  prospective  and  the  actual  working  of  the  maximum  corn 
export  laws  of  this  period,  outlined  above,1  is  seen  in  the  follow- 
ing tables. 

Average  Price 
Statutory    of  Three  Years 
Price  Preceding 

Year  s.     d.  s.      d. 

1554-55 6  8    13  7* 

1562-63 10  o    13  7 

1592-93 20  o    23  s§ 

1603-04 26  8    29  2f 

1623-24 32  o    30  8 

1656 40  o    26  II 

Statutory      Years  below 
Price  this  Level 

Period  s.      d. 

1600-04 20  o  o 

1604-23 26  8  2 

1623-56 32  o  3 

1656-60 40  O  I 

It  is  apparent  that  the  parliamentary  representatives  of  the 
corn  producers  were  able  to  secure  a  more  favorable  maximum 
price  in  the  later  than  in  the  earlier  period;  but  the  rapid  rise  in 
prices  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  counteracted  the  apparent 
advantage  gained  by  the  statutes. 

As  in  the  Tudor  period,  the  license  system  was  in  vogue,  as 
well  as  the  practice  of  prohibiting  export  regardless  of  the  legisla- 
tion on  the  subject.  That  this  latter  practice  was  objectionable 
is  seen  in  the  numerous  petitions,  recorded  in  the  Council  Register, 
to  export  from  various  ports  where  by  statute  such  might  be 
permitted.  The  figures  which  have  already  been  examined 
show  that  even  in  normal  years  exportation  declined.  This  was 
at  a  time  when  agriculture  seems  to  have  been  progressing. 
Rich  soil  was  being  drained  and  brought  under  the  plough; 
forest  lands  were  cleared  for  tillage;  manuring  was  more  system- 
atically practiced,  and  greater  variation  was  made  in  the  rota- 
tion of  crops;  common  lands  were  inclosed  for  tillage  as  well  as 
for  pasture;  and  some  pasture  lands  reconverted  to  arable.  The 
corn  surplus  was  apparently  greater  than  in  the  Tudor  period, 
but  it  was  not  going  abroad.  The  statistics  of  the  coast  trade 
indicate  its  destination  as  London. 

1  Ch.  V,  §  2  especially  pp.  130-143. 


244  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

During  these  years  the  municipal  corn-providing  system 
declined,  was  revived  for  a  time  during  the  dearths,  and  then  was 
finally  given  up.  In  other  words,  the  readjustment  of  the 
metropolitan  market  had  taken  place.  So  far  was  this  true  that 
London  not  only  could  dispense  with  its  former  means  of  obtain- 
ing a  supply,  but  actually  had  a  corn  surplus  which  it  exported,  a 
condition  not  found  at  any  earlier  period.  London  ceased  to 
press  its  early  policy  upon  the  government  in  normal  years,  not 
only  because  the  government  had  already  adopted  it,  but  because 
London  was  itself  seeing  less  and  less  necessity  for  any  longer 
holding  it. 

'  'We  are  now  in  a  position  to  consider  an  interesting  metropolitan 
development,  interesting  as  well  in  its  failure  as  in  its  only  partial 
success.  Bearing  in  mind  the  agricultural  developments  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  remembering  that  England  as  a  whole  was 
exporting  corn  as  never  before,  we  might  expect  to  find  Tudor 
London  desirous  of  extending  its  trade  by  becoming  a  corn 
staple.  Corn  was  shipped  to  London  from  the  metropolitan 
area,  and  was  imported  from  abroad.  In  short  London  seemed 
even  in  the  late  sixteenth  century  on  the  way  to  become  a  corn 
granary  like  some  of  the  Baltic  and  Dutch  towns.  At  least  as 
early  as  1573  the  government  wrote  to  the  city  authorities  that 
they  were  willing  to  allow  imported  corn  to  be  exported  custom 
free,  if  such  were  not  required  for  the  city's  use.1  Elizabeth  was 
petitioned  to  make  London  a  staple  for  corn  and  salt  on  the 
grounds  that  it  would  give  work  to  laborers  in  the  city  and 
employment  to  shipping,  that  it  would  increase  the  corn  and  salt 
duties,  at  the  time  said  to  be  only  £60  yearly,  and  that  a  plen- 
teous supply  of  corn  and  salt  at  a  reasonable  price  would  result.2 
But  such  a  plan  presupposed  a  corn  surplus  in  the  metropolis 
which  did  not  really  exist,  and  therefore  the  scheme  could  not 
materialize. 

It  was  in  the  reign  of  James  I  that  the  advocacy  of  the  staple 
plan  was  most  pronounced.  In  16 13  the  Council  allowed  five 
merchants  to  import  customs  free  and  to  export  without  duty 

1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xx,  fol.  49b  (26  May,  1573). 
■  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  113,  no.  24  [Eliz.]. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  245 

in  order  to  provide  a  "  store,"  which  should  obviate  a  future 
scarcity.1  Both  in  1613  and  1614,  and  very  often  afterwards,  the 
city  magistracy  allowed  good  corn  (in  the  Tudor  period  only 
decayed  grain)  to  be  shipped  to  relieve  the  necessities  of  other 
places  within  England.2 

In  1622  the  Eastland  Company  sought  permission  to  export 
unsold  corn  which  they  had  imported.3  And  in  1628,  order  was 
given  that  such  export  without  the  payment  of  duty  should  be 
allowed,  if  the  corn  seemed  "  like  to  perishe  "  from  want  of  a 
purchaser.4  An  unpublished  mercantilist  pamphlet  of  1629  or 
1630  advocated  a  staple  on  the  grounds  of  plenty  and  low  prices, 
as  well  as  the  saving  of  coin  otherwise  exported  to  pay  for  corn.5 
This,  for  the  time  being,  was  probably  the  high-water  mark  of 
London's  ambition  to  be  a  corn  staple.  And  although  it  had  long 
exported  considerable  amounts  of  beer,6  and  was  providing  its 
growing  shipping  with  corn  supplies,  as  well  as  equipping  coloniz- 
ing expeditions,  and  although  in  the  period  of  the  corn  bounty 
acts  large  amounts  of  English  corn  passed  through  London  in  the 
process  of  exportation,  still  London  did  not  become  a  staple  in  the 
sense  that  it  was  a  depot  for  foreign  as  well  as  domestic  corn,  a 
storage  for  corn  laid  up  in  years  of  plenty  to  be  sold  at  home  or 
abroad  in  years  of  scarcity.7 

Though  the  staple  policy,  largely  the  policy  of  London  mer- 
chants, was  most  loudly  proclaimed  in  this  period  it  really 

1  MS.,  Treasury  Office,  Council  Register,  Jac.  I,  i,  fol.  97  (10  Nov.,  1613). 

2  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Repertory,  xxxi,  pt.  2,  fols.  237b,  303b,  321b;  ibid., 
xxxii,  fol.  8b. 

3  Repertory,  xxxvi,  fol.  218b  (30  July).  Cf.  Council  Register,  Jac.  I,  v,  fol.  428 
(10  July,  1622). 

4  MS.,  R.  O.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Jac.  I,  Dockets  No.  9  (25  March). 

5  A  corn  staple  in  London  "  will  keepe  all  sorts  of  graine  at  a  reasonable  price, 
both  for  the  buyer  and  seller  and  wee  shall  be  allwayes  provided  of  Corne  if  a  dearth 
should  come,  and  thereby  retayne  our  Coyne  which  uppon  such  an  occasion  is 
usually  exported."  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Add.,  30383,  Consideracons  of  Entercourse,  etc., 
by  Lord  P[hilip]  S[herard]. 

6  About  328  tuns  of  beer  were  exported  between  18  May  and  29  Sept.,  1559. 
MS.,  R.  O.,  K.  R.  Customs,  88/3.  In  1590  it  was  estimated  that  2000  tuns  of 
beer  "  might  well  "  be  exported  yearly.  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  71,  no.  46.  Cf. 
also,  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  420,  fol.  76b  (ca.  1598-1603). 

7  For  an  interesting  definition  of  a  general  staple  town,  see  Mun,  England's 
Treasure  by  Forraign  Trade  (1664),  ed.  McCulloch  (1856),  p.  88. 


246  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

belonged  to  the  late  sixteenth  century,  when  foreign  corn  was  so 
often  a  necessity  for  London.  Its  continuance  into  the  seven- 
teenth century  was  owing  to  the  corn  scarcities  of  1608,  1621-23, 
and  1630-31.  The  explanation  of  its  sudden  collapse  is  just 
that  it  reflected  no  normal  need  of  the  period. 

In  reality,  the  staple  policy,  aiming  at  the  possession  of  large 
amounts  of  foreign  corn  for  home  consumption  or  foreign  export, 
was  diametrically  opposed  to  the  policy  adopted  in  England. 
Holland,  forced  to  import  nine-tenths  of  its  corn,  might  thrive 
upon  such  a  method,  indeed,  could  exist  in  no  other  way,  but  it 
was  the  prime  aim  of  English  policy  to  grow  its  own  corn.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  if  the  growing  metropolitan  demands  had  been 
met  wholly  by  foreign  importations,  the  English  trade  in  the 
Baltic,  which  had  been  from  its  beginning  to  the  fourteenth 
century  uncertain  and  unimportant,  would  have  thrived  better 
and  English  corn  ships  would  have  gone  to  southern  Europe 
sooner  than  they  actually  did,  but  they  would  have  carried  not 
the  corn  of  East  Anglia,  but  of  Prussia  and  Poland.  In  other 
words,  the  decision  was  that  London  should  not  be  the  successor 
of  Antwerp,  which  in  its  turn,  had  taken  over  the  corn  trade  of 
Bruges,  itself  so  long  the  corn  staple  of  the  Hanse.  To  Amster- 
dam rather  than  to  London  fell  the  bulk  of  the  Baltic-Mediter- 
ranean grain  trade  of  the  period.  When  London  finally  did 
become  the  center  of  the  western  European  corn  trade,  as  the 
successor  of  Amsterdam,  it  had  passed  through  the  first  and 
second  stages  of  metropolitan  development.  The  failure  of  this 
staple  policy  was  inevitable  if  insular  self-sufficiency  was  to  be 
the  national  aim. 

Closely  related  to  the  metropolitan  staple  scheme  is  the  plan 
for  the  establishment  of  national  granaries,  which  was  brought 
forward  at  the  time  of  the  first  two  Stuarts,  and  which  deserves 
special  attention  for  the  light  it  throws  on  market  developments. 

English  granary  schemes  may  be  divided  into  three  classes, 
according  as  they  were  primarily  for  supply,  for  trade,  or  for 
banking  and  trade.  The  secondary  (where  not  the  primary) 
function  of  all  such  granaries  was  to  supply  cheap  corn  in  times  of 
dearth.     The  first  plan  has  already  been  noted  in  a  study  of 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  247 

London's  provision.  The  third  was  a  later  proposal.1  Only  the 
second  is  of  concern  here. 

In  the  history  of  English  granary  schemes,  as  in  so  many 
activities  of  seventeenth  century  England,  we  see  Dutch  models 
and  examples  held  up  for  imitation.  This  is  illustrated  in  a 
pamphlet  entitled  "  Observations  touching  Trade  and  Commerce 
with  the  Hollander,  and  other  Nations,"  2  presented  to  King 
James  I,  probably  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh. 

"  No  sooner  a  dearth  of  fish,  wine,  or  corn  here,  and  other 
merchandise,  but  forthwith  the  Embdeners,  Hamburghers,  and 
Hollanders,  out  of  their  storehouses,  lade  fifty  or  one  hundred 
ships,  or  more,  dispersing  themselves  round  about  this  kingdom, 
and  carry  away  great  store  of  coin  and  wealth  for  little  commod- 
ity in  those  times  of  dearth;  by  which  means  they  suck  our 
commonwealth  of  her  riches,  cut  down  our  merchants,  and  decay 
our  navigation;  not  with  their  natural  commodities,  which  grow 
in  their  own  countries,  but  the  merchandises  of  other  countries 
and  kingdoms.  .  .  . 

"  Amsterdam  is  never  without  seven  hundred  thousand  quar- 
ters of  corn,  besides  the  plenty  they  daily  vend,  and  none  of  this 
groweth  in  their  own  country:  a  dearth  in  England,  France, 
Spain,  Italy,  Portugal,  and  other  places,  is  truly  observed  to 
enrich  Holland  seven  years  after,  and  likewise  the  petty  states. 

"  For  example;  the  last  dearth,  six  years  past  [1595-97  or 
1608],  the  Hamburghers,  Embdeners,  and  Hollanders,  out  of 
their  storehouses,  furnished  this  kingdom;  and  from  Southamp- 
ton, Exeter,  and  Bristol,  in  a  year  and  a  half,  they  carried  away 
near  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  from  these  parts  only:  then 
what  great  quantity  of  coin  was  transported  round  about  your 
kingdom  from  every  port-town,  and  from  your  city  of  London 
and  other  cities,  cannot  be  esteemed  so  little  as  two  millions,  to 
the  great  decay  of  your  kingdom  and  impoverishing  your  people. 
Discredit  to  the  company  of  merchants,  and  dishonor  to  the  land, 

1  A.  Yarranton,  England's  Improvement,  etc.,  pp.  123  f.  (1677-78).  Other  public 
granary  schemes  have  been  proposed  either  for  military  and  naval  supplies,  or  for 
the  storage  of  corn  paid  as  subsidy  as  in  Ireland  in  1667.  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Domestic,  Car.  II,  vi,  p.  582. 

2  Ralegh,  Works,  viii,  pp.  351-376. 


248  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

that  any  nation,  that  have  no  corn  in  their  own  country  growing, 
should  serve  this  famous  kingdom,  which  God  hath  so  enabled 
within  itself!  "  * 

The  exact  effect  of  such  a  petition  upon  the  mind  of  the  sus- 
ceptible James  cannot  be  determined,  but  it  is  very  likely  that  it 
had  not  a  little  to  do  with  the  later  history  of  the  granary  pro- 
posals, three  of  which,  of  the  years  1620,  1623,  and  1631,  deserve 
special  attention. 

On  29  December,  1619,  an  "  overture  "  was  made  to  James  I 
in  favor  of  public  granaries.  The  Privy  Council  referred  the 
matter  to  a  committee  for  "  serious  and  due  consideration." 
Merchants  were  to  be  permitted  to  store  up  corn,  no  matter  what 
the  price  "  notwithstanding  any  law  to  the  contrary,"  the  alleged 
purpose  being  to  relieve  the  husbandman  "  in  this  tyme  of 
plenty."  2  By  26  January,  1620,  the  Privy  Council  had  made  up 
its  mind  on  the  subject  and  wrote  to  the  sheriffs  and  justices  of 
the  peace  to  confer  and  discuss  the  plan  proposed,  namely  the 
erection  of  a  granary  in  each  county.3  Apparently  no  details  of 
how  this  plan  was  to  be  worked  were  elaborated,  but  imperfectly 
as  it  was  expressed,  its  chief  means  of  relieving  the  farmer  was  to 
be  by  facilitating  the  trade  in  corn,  that  is,  the  wholesale  trade. 
The  opinion  of  the  county  magnates  was  not  long  withheld,  and  it 
was  overwhelmingly  unfavorable  to  the  scheme.4 

In  1623  the  Commissioners  for  Trade  reported  on  the  subject 
of  corn  magazines,  and  in  accordance  with  this  report  proclama- 
tions were  issued  setting  forth  an  elaborate  mechanism.5  The 
granaries  were  to  be  erected  by  merchants  at  their  pleasure. 
London  and  fifteen  other  towns,  as  well  as  all  shire  towns,  were  to 
have  corn  magazines.  The  corn  thus  stored  was  to  be  either 
foreign  or  domestic,  when  the  price  was  under  thirty-two  shillings 
in  the  counties  where  purchased.  Foreign  corn  laid  up  might  be 
exported  when  the  price  of  corn  was  not  over  forty  shillings. 

1  Ralegh,  Works,  viii,  pp.  359-360. 

1  MS.,  Treasury  Office,  Council  Register,  Jac.  I,  iv,  fol.  372. 
*  Council  Register,  Jac.  I,  iv,  pp.  394-395  (26  Jan.,  1619-20). 
4  Calendar  of  Slate  Papers,  Domestic,  Jac.  I,  x,  pp.  124,  129,  130,  140. 
6  Council  Register,  Jac.  I,  vi,  fol.  63  (9  July,  1623);  Rymer,  Feeder  a,  etc.  (ed. 
Hague),  vii,  pt.  iv,  pp.  86-87. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  249 

When  the  price  stood  between  forty  shillings  and  thirty-two 
shillings,  stored  corn  might  be  used  at  home  or  exported  abroad. 
But  when  below  thirty-two  shillings,  it  could  not  be  used  in 
England,  but  had  to  be  exported.  Whenever  foreign  corn  thus 
stored  up  was  exported,  no  duty  was  liable,  since  a  duty  had  been 
paid  on  importation.  All  laws  against  engrossing  corn  were  to  be 
dropped.  Apparently  nothing  was  done  to  execute  this  proc- 
lamation. 

But  the  government  persisted  and  in  163 1  brought  out  another 
scheme,  this  time  for  London  only.  The  plan  was  to  establish  a 
public  magazine  quite  apart  from  the  ancient  machinery  for 
relieving  the  poor.1  The  reply  of  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Alder- 
men was  unsympathetic:  trade  was  decaying,  there  was  a  want 
of  storage,  the  cost  of  building  was  great,  the  amassing  of  such  a 
large  amount  of  corn  raised  prices,  and  the  loss  of  corn  caused  by 
vermin,  shrinkage,  and  screening  was  great.2  The  Privy  Council 
"  marvelled  "  at  the  attitude  of  the  city  officials,3  and  wrote  to 
them  an  expression  of  the  council's  surprise; 4  but  nothing  came 
of  it  all. 

The  plans  of  1623  and  1631  were  sufficiently  full  to  enable  us 
to  Judge  the  motives  of  the  originators.  The  prefatory  remarks 
refer  to  the  example  of  the  Netherlands.  The  aim  was  not 
national  self-sufficiency,  but  the  profit  to  be  derived  from  dealing 
in  corn,  foreign  or  domestic.     The  characteristic  of  the  time,  as  a 

1  MS.,  Guildhall,  London,  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxxv,  fols.  347-348 
(28  July,  1631).     See  Appendix  L. 

On  this  same  day  entry  was  made  in  the  Council  Register  (Car.  I,  vii,  fols.  131- 
132)  that  a  "  generall  "  granary  was  to  be  stored  with  30,000  quarters  of  corn  to 
serve  for  four  months,  "  to  be  furnished  as  fare  as  may  bee  out  of  the  growthe  of 
the  Kingdome  and  accordingly  supplied  as  nead  shall  require." 

The  probable  suggestion  of  the  whole  system  is  indicated  in  the  following  pas- 
sage: "  In  all  other  well  governed  Citties  Care  is  taken  in  tymes  of  plenty  to  pre- 
vent such  Calamity  in  tyme  of  dearth."  Council  Register,  Car.  I,  vi,  pp.  477-478 
(28  April,  1631). 

Cf.  the  proposal  of  1810  to  erect  public  granaries.     MS.,  Br.  M.,  Add.,  37889. 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Car.  I,  v,  p.  433  (1632).  Cf.  Herbert's 
objection  to  public  granaries  in  France  in  1755,  Essai  sur  la  Police  Gtntrale  des 
Grains  (ed.  1910),  p.  76. 

3  Council  Register,  Car.  I,  viii,  fols.  249-250  (1632). 

4  Ibid.,  ix,  fol.  506  (28  Feb.,  1633-34). 


250  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

period  of  transition,  is  indicated  by  the  fact,  on  the  one  hand, 
that  the  former  metropolitan  policy  against  engrossers,  taken 
over  from  the  medieval  town,  was  to  be  abandoned,  but  on  the 
other  hand  when  sufficient  cheap  corn  at  home  could  not  be 
secured,  foreign  corn  might  be  brought  in,  a  reminiscence  of  the 
earlier  attitude.  The  third  phase  of  metropolitan  development 
was  anticipated  in  the  contemplated  removal  of  the  price  limit 
for  export,  in  the  case  of  foreign  corn  at  least.1  The  whole 
scheme  was  in  accordance  with  metropolitan  policy,  and  the 
government  realizing  this,  and  confident  of  success,  finally  in 
1 63 1  limited  the  scheme  to  London  alone. 

Why  did  the  granary  policy  fail,  both  in  the  country  and  in 
the  metropolis  ?  The  answer  is  not  simple,  since  so  many 
classes  were  touched.  But  one  reason  would  have  sufficed  to 
wreck  it,  if  there  had  been  no  other.  The  period  16 19-31  was 
one  of  reaction  against  state  regulation,  and  state  control  was  the 
essence  of  all  the  proposals.  While  the  staple  policy,  of  which  the 
granary  scheme  was  both  the  official  supplement  and  the  climax, 
might  have  stood  some  chance  of  success,  when  brought  forward 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  there  was  no  real  need  for  it  in  the  early 
seventeenth  century,  when  the  metropolitan  market  was  approxi- 
mating a  state  of  equilibrium  in  which  plenty  of  corn  and  to  spare, 
domestic  corn  withal,  came  to  its  market  places.  The  first  phase 
of  the  metropolitan  policy  was  favorable  to  importation  and 
hostile  to  exportation  where  metropolitan  needs  were  concerned; 
the  second  period  saw  a  readjustment,  and  though  the  city 
authorities  appreciated  the  change,  it  was  not  realized  by  the 
government. 

8.  Third  Phase  of  Metropolitan  Policy,  1660-1689 

What  the  early  Stuarts  failed  to  see,  the  Restoration  parlia- 
ments fully  appreciated;  they  realized  that  great  developments 
had  taken  place  in  the  first  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  And 
in  accordance  with  the  new  market  conditions  the  national  policy 
was  framed.     Beginning  in  1660  and  continued  to  1689,  impor- 

1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxxv,  fols.  347-348  (28  July,  163 1).  See 
Appendix  L. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  25 1 

tation  was  discouraged  in  the  case  of  both  aliens  *  and  denizens, 
as  indicated  in  the  tables  below. 

Duty  on  Wheat 

Imported  by  denizens 

Valuation  Average  Duty 

Period  PerQr.  Rate  Per  Qr. 

1347-1401 [3s.] 2  6  to  i2d.  per  £  0.9  to  i.8d. 

1401-1510 Exempt 

1510-1558 [6s.] 2  i2d.  per  £              3s.  6d. 

1558-1660 6s.  8d.  i2d.    "    £                    4d. 

1660-1663 6s.  8d.  i2d.    "    £                    4d. 

1663-1670 5s.  4d.  per  qr.           5s.  4d. 

1670-1689 16s.  per  qr.  16s. 

Imported  by  aliens 

Valuation  Average  Duty 

Period  PerQr.  Rate  PerQr. 

i3°3-i347 [3s.  6d.]  3d.  per  £  os.  5d. 

1347-1401 [3s.]  9  to  isd.  1.3  to  2.2d. 

1401-1510 [3  to  6s.]  3d.  per  £  0.5  to  i.od. 

1510-1558 [6s.]  isd.    "   £  4.5d. 

1558-1660 6s.  8d.  isd.    "    £  5d. 

1660-1663 6s.  8d.  2s.         £  8d. 

1663-1670 5s.  4d.  per  qr.  5s.  4d. 

1670-1689 16s.  per  qr.  16s. 

By  1670  the  import  tax  was  from  33 1  to  50%  of  the  value  of 
corn.  In  1669  an  additional  step  was  taken,  when  the  importa- 
tion of  foreign  corn  was  prohibited  in  time  of  plenty.3  Thus,  in 
theory,  neither  denizen  nor  alien  was  permitted  to  import  until 
crops  failed  at  home. 

In  the  export  policy,  the  government  went  slowly.  The  40  s. 
limit  of  1656  was  again  imposed  in  1660,4  and  in  1663  it  was 
raised  to  48  s.6  In  1670  came  the  abolition  of  a  price  limit,6  which 
was  first  imposed  in   1437,   so  that  henceforth  there  was  no 

1  Corn  not  imported  in  English  ships  with  three-quarters  of  the  mariners,  as 
well  as  the  master,  English  subjects,  had  to  be  in  the  ships  of  the  country  in  which 
the  corn  was  grown  or  usually  first  shipped.  This  was  at  once  a  blow  against  the 
Dutch  and  foreign  corn  in  general.     12  Car.  II,  c.  18,  §  8.     See  above,  p.  148,  n.  4. 

1  Estimates. 

3  Proclamations,  Charles  II,  1667-74,  Society  of  Antiquaries  (29  March, 
1669),  year  1669. 

4  12  Car.  II,  c.  4,  §  n.     See  above,  p.  143. 
6  15  Car.  II,  c.  7,  §  1.     See  above,  p.  143. 

•  22  Car.  II,  c.  13,  §  1.     See  above,  p.  143. 


252  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

statutory  restriction  on  export.  While  import  corn  duties  were 
raised,  export  duties  were  lowered  after  1658,  as  is  expressed  in 
the  accompanying  table. 

Duty  on  Wheat 
Exported  by  denizens 

Valuation  Average  Duty 

Period  PerQr.  Rate  Per  Qr. 

1347-1558 [3  to  6s.]      6  to  i2d.  per  £     0.9  to  3.6d. 

iSSS^SJi IOS-  I2d-  Per £  6d. 

I57I-IS93 I2<*-    "   qr.  i2d. 

1593-1656 2S.      "      "  2S. 

1656-1660 i2d.    "     "  i2d. 

1660-1675 20s.  i2d.    "    £  i2d. 

1675-1681 Bounty 

1681-1689 20s.  i2d.  per  £  •     i2d. 

1689  fol Bounty 

Exported  by  aliens 

Valuation  Average  Duty 

Period  PerQr.  Rate  PerQr. 

i303-i347  • [3s-  6d.]  3d.  per  £               o.sd. 

1347-1558 [3  to  6s.]  9  to  isd.  per  £  1.3  to  4_5d. 

I558-I57I ios.  isd.  per  £  g            7-sd. 

I57I-I593 I2d-    "    Qr-             "d. 

1593-1656 2S.      "      "  2S. 

1656-1660 3s.     "     "  3s. 

1660-1689 20S.  2S.       "     £  2S. 

In  1663  the  engrossing  of  corn  and  its  stowage  in  granaries 
were  made  legal,  when  the  price  (of  wheat)  was  not  above  48  s.1 
The  trade  of  the  corn  merchant,  as  well  as  of  the  local  regrater, 
was  recognized  as  a  legitimate  occupation.2    The  zenith  of  this 

1  15  Car.  II,  c.  7,  §  3.  "  When  the  prices  of  Come  or  Graine  Winchester  Meas- 
ure doe  not  exceede  the  Rates  following  at  the  Markets  Havens  or  Places  where 
the  same  shall  be  bought  (viz)  The  Quarter  of  Wheat  Eight  and  forty  shillings, 
the  Quarter  of  Rye  Two  and  thirty  shillings  [etc.].  That  then  it  shall  be  lawfull 
for  all  and  every  person  and  persons  (not  forestalling  nor  selling  the  same  in  the 
[same]  Market  within  three  Moneths  after  the  buying  thereof)  to  buy  in  open 
Market,  and  to  lay  up  and  keepe  in  his  [and]  their  Graineries  or  Houses,  and  to 
sell  againe  such  Come  or  Graine  of  the  kinds  aforesaid  as  without  fraude  and 
coven  shall  have  beene  bought  at  or  under  the  prices  before  expressed  without 
incurring  any  penaltie."     Cf.  p.  156  above. 

*  Adam  Smith  (Wealth  of  Nations,  Book  IV,  Chap.  V)  has  exaggerated  the 
importance  of  this  measure.  The  law  of  1663,  he  says,  "  has,  perhaps,  contributed 
more,  both  to  the  plentiful  supply  of  the  home  market,  and  to  the  increase  of 
tillage,  than  any  other  law  in  the  statute  book.  It  is  from  this  law  that  the  inland 
com  trade  has  derived  all  the  liberty  and  protection  which  it  has  ever  enjoyed." 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  253 

new  policy  was  reached  in  the  first  bounty  act  of  1673,  which  not 
only  placed  at  a  premium  the  business  of  the  merchant,  favored 
by  the  act  of  1663,  but  also  the  growing  of  corn.1  This  was, 
however,  only  when  prices  were  below  certain  rates,  48  s.  in  the 
case  of  wheat. 

Although  the  act  was  in  force  only  about  five  and  one-quarter 
years,  the  drain  upon  the  treasury  was  considerable  and  came  at 
an  inopportune  moment.  During  each  of  the  years  1675-76 
and  1676-77,  over  £60,000  were  paid  out;  and  during  the  whole 
period  covered  by  the  first  bounty,  £26,000  were  distributed  in 
the  port  of  Lynn  alone,  and  in  the  whole  of  England  about 
£150,000. 

The  act  of  1673  was  n°t  renewed  upon  its  expiration,  but  it  was 
nevertheless  re-enacted  in  essentials  in  the  statute  of  1689.2 
No  doubt  the  act  of  1689  was  the  all-important  bounty  act; 
but  this  experimental  law  of  1673-78  brings  out  the  fact  that 
the  policy  of  favoring  the  exportation  of  corn  by  bounty  could 
not  have  been  a  surprise  to  either  England  or  the  Continent. 
Thorold  Rogers,  in  spite  of  his  having  "  read  much  that  was 
written  at  the  time,"  was  forced  to  explain  the  fact  that  the  act  of 
1689  "  excited  neither  criticism  nor  opposition,"  by  the  supposi- 
tion that  "  state-aided  industry  was  a  superstition  of  the  time."  3 
The  suggestion  that  Houghton  formulated  the  bounty  idea  is 
untenable.4  The  great  stimulus  given  to  the  exportation  of  corn 
during  the  later  years  of  Charles  II,  partly  on  account  of  the 
bounty  of  1673  and  partly  on  account  of  the  great  demand  for 
English  grain  in  Holland  during  the  war,5  would  seem  to  give  the 
explanation.  The  act  of  1673  nad  succeeded,  or  at  any  rate  had 
appeared  successful.  It  supplies  a  link  in  the  evolution  of  the 
export  corn  policy  between  the  earlier  laws,  which  merely  allowed 

1  See  above,  p.  144.  *  See  above,  p.  146. 

'  Palgrave,  Dictionary  of  Political  Economy,  i,  p.  425. 

4  Faber,  Die  Entstehung  des  Agrarschutzes  in  England,  p.  112;  Naud6,  Die  Ge- 
treidehandelspolitik  der  Europ&ischen  Staaten,  p.  101.  See  also  Cunningham,  The 
Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce,  ii,  pt.  1,  p.  541. 

6  For  example,  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Car.  II,  xvii,  pp.  377,  379, 
403,  454,  5°S;  MM;  xviii,  pp.  2,  271,  356,  414,  424,  437,  457,  498,  517,  522,  542, 
566. 


254  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

exportation  (with  or  without  restrictions)  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  bounty  act  of  1689  on  the  other.1 

As  noted  for  an  earlier  period,  there  was  an  abnormal,  as  well 
as  a  normal  corn  policy.  The  normal  situation  may  be  said  to 
have  been  extremely  favorable  when  the  price  of  corn  (wheat) 
was  not  above  48  s.,  when  a  bounty  was  paid  upon  export,  and 
when  engrossing  was  invited;  and  only  moderately  favorable 
when  between  48  s.  and  80  s.,  at  which  time  the  import  duty  was 
lowered  from  16  s.  to  8  s.  (strictly  speaking  only  when  above  53  s. 
4  d.),  and  though  engrossing  and  regrating  were  in  theory  to  stop, 
they  were  in  practice  permitted.  Abnormal  conditions  were 
when  corn  (wheat)  was  above  80  s.,  at  which  time  foreign  corn 
might  be  brought  in  at  the  ancient  rate  of  4  d.  per  quarter. 

In  the  Tudor  period,  there  were,  as  has  been  seen,  three  policies: 
statutory,  of  little  real  importance;  governmental  normal  policy; 
governmental  abnormal  policy  put  in  practice  only  in  years  of 
dearth.  But  after  the  Restoration,  the  two  last  policies  were 
eliminated,  and  the  statutory  was  all  important.  This  is  a  fact 
primarily  of  constitutional  not  economic  importance.  The 
interesting  economic  comparison  is  between  the  normal  policy 

1  The  political  significance  of  the  bounty  has  been  the  subject  of  some  discussion. 
A.  Young  (Political  Arithmetic,  ed.  1774,  p.  29)  declared  that  "  The  design  was  to 
give  a  premium  to  the  landed  interest  of  the  kingdom,  in  return  for  the  great 
exertion  that  they  had  made  to  place  the  crown  on  the  head  of  King  William." 
Sir  John  Dalrymple,  writing  about  a  century  after  the  passing  of  the  act  of  1689, 
asserted  that  the  "  bounty  was  demanded  by  the  tories  ...  in  return  for  their  con- 
senting to  a  land  tax."  {Memoirs,  2d  ed.,  i,  p.  372.)  Faber  (op.  cit.,  pp.  iii-i  12), 
on  the  other  hand,  relying  upon  the  report  of  a  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons  in 
1677,  in  which  the  Tories  are  said  to  have  voted  down  a  Whig  proposal  favoring 
the  exportation  of  corn  (Grey,  Debates,  iv,  p.  342),  regards  the  Tory  policy  as  un- 
favorable to  a  corn  bounty.  Dr.  Cunningham  (op.  cit.,  pp.  541-542)  accepts  this 
position  and  carries  it  to  its  logical  conclusion  by  making  the  bounty  of  Whig  con- 
ception: the  act  of  1689  was  in  accordance  with  the  policy  of  the  Whigs  who,  he 
asserts,  schemed  to  foster  the  agricultural  interest  ["  by  giving  a  bounty  on  the 
export  of  corn  "]  "  so  that  the  landed  men  might  be  able  to  make  these  large  con- 
tributions to  the  expenses  of  government."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  not  the 
Whig  majority  of  1689  that  made  the  com  bounty  experiment,  but  the  Cavalier 
or  Tory  parliament  of  1661-79.  The  bounty  policy  formed  part  of  the  Tory, 
not  the  Whig  platform.  (Cf.  Oncken,  Gesckichte  der  Nationalbkonomie,  pt.  1,  p. 
202.)  The  landed  gentry,  having  benefited  by  the  bounty  act  of  1673, "  demanded  " 
the  enactment  of  a  similar  law  in  1689. 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  255 

found  in  Restoration  statutes  and  the  normal  policy  of  the 
Tudors,  found  in  conciliar  regulations.  The  latter  assumed  a 
disorganized  corn  market;  the  former  took  for  granted  a  re- 
adjusted market. 

Not  a  little  has  been  written  on  the  subject  of  the  mercantile 
corn  policy  of  the  Tudors,  but  with  too  little  discrimination. 
If  mercantilism  is  taken  to  imply  a  commercial  policy  favorable  to 
trading  in  corn  on  the  Dutch  model,  such  as  is  seen  in  the  staple 
and  granary  proposals,  then  one  chapter  of  the  mercantilist  policy 
falls  within  the  first  and  second  phases  of  the  metropolitan 
period.  The  same  might  likewise  be  true  if  mercantilism  is 
held  to  be  synonymous  with  an  industrial  policy,  such  as  London 
might  be  said  to  have  held  in  its  desire  on  the  one  hand  to  export 
manufactured  goods,  and  on  the  other  to  export  raw  materials, 
such  as  corn,  only  when  not  entering  into  manufacture  or  not 
needed  as  food.  But  if  mercantilism  means  national  self-suffi- 
ciency, then  a  mercantile  corn  policy  means  a  policy  aiming  at 
the  abolition  of  corn  importations  and  the  increase  of  domestic 
production,  the  corollary  of  which  is  that  a  corn  surplus  is  desir- 
able for  export. 

Although  this  policy  might  have  been  regarded  as  a  desidera- 
tum (as  in  the  Tudor  prefaces  to  statutes),  it  was  not  in  force  till 
after  the  Restoration.  England  had  to  pass  through  the  two 
first  stages  of  metropolitan  development  before  such  was  possible, 
stages  in  which  the  needs  of  one  city  disturbed  the  ancient  local 
foreign  and  domestic  trade  at  a  time  when  the  surplus  of  corn  was 
comparatively  slight.  The  reorganization  which  began  in  the 
period  1600-60,  and  is  seen  in  full  development  from  1660  to 
1689  was  made  possible  by  the  agricultural  improvements  of  the 
time  outrunning  the  needs  of  the  metropolis.  In  other  words 
from  the  time  when  the  disturbing  influence  of  London  upon  the 
domestic  trade  was  felt  breaking  in  upon  the  medieval  local 
market  organization,  there  could  be  no  certainty  of  a  general  corn 
surplus  until  that  surplus  was  concentrated  in  London. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  increased  production  of  the  country 
and  the  unprecedented  corn  surplus  (going  to  London)  were 
due  not  to  the  legislation  of  the  time,  but  were  in  spite  of  it. 


256  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

Agriculture  developed  to  meet  a  domestic  need,  the  demand 
of  London  for  corn.  This  came  previous  to  the  Restoration. 
What  the  Restoration  legislation  did  was  to  meet  the  needs  of  the 
growing  trade,  and  to  stimulate  agriculture  still  further  by  offer- 
ing an  additionally  lucrative  sale  in  foreign  lands. 

Looked  at  broadly  then,  we  may  say  that  the  study  of  market 
development  and  the  concomitant  corn  policy  has  indicated 
three  more  or  less  distinct  periods:  intermanorial  subsistence 
giving  way  to  the  local  market,  covering  approximately  the 
period  from  the  twelfth  to  the  sixteenth  centuries;  the  metro- 
politan market,  from  1500  to  1660;  and  the  metropolitan  market 
with  the  addition  of  a  foreign  market  through  the  metropolitan 
organization,  from  1660  onwards. 

Though  only  the  corn  trade  has  been  dealt  with  here,  the 
development  of  the  metropolitan  market  must  be  seen  against 
the  background  of  the  industrial,  agricultural,  and  commercial 
movements  of  the  period.  It  was  primarily  a  reorganization 
of  trade,  by  which  the  great  bulk  of  the  commerce  of  the  period 
was  concentrated  in  London,  which  exported  and  imported  in  the 
foreign  trade,  and  distributed  wares,  both  domestic  and  foreign. 
Thus  it  meant  the  decay  of  many  outports.1  And,  indeed,  one 
of  the  explanations  of  the  curious  controversy  in  the  seventeenth 
century  whether  trade  was  decaying  is  that  those  who  main- 
tained the  decay  were  thinking  of  the  outports  and  those  who 
denied  it  had  London  in  mind.     This  concentration  of  trade,2 

1  John  Hales  (A  Discourse  of  the  Common  Weal  of  this  Realm  of  England,  p.  16) 
remarked  in  1549  that"  The  most  part  of  all  the  townes  of  England,  London 
excepted,"  are  decayed,  and  maintained  (op.  oil.,  pp.  125-126)  that  the  decay  of 
the  towns  was  due  to  the  desire  of  Englishmen  to  buy  the  foreign-made  goods 
which  came  through  London:  "  They  must  have  theire  geare  from  London,"  not 
made  in  London,  but  "  beyonde  the  sea." 

*  "This  restraint  of  our  Market  to  our  own  Merchants  and  Companies,  hath 
yet  brought  a  farther  mischief  upon  our  Manufactures,  because  our  Companies 
being  seated  in  London,  our  Natives  are  forced  to  bring  their  Manufactures  thither 
by  Land  Carriages,  some  of  which  are  so  long  that  they  are  as  chargeable  as  a 
Voyage  to  Spain  or  Turkey,  Quantity  for  Quantity;  all  which  is  superadded  to 
the  originall  charge  of  the  Manufacture;  our  Clothiers  have  also  complained,  that 
when  they  have  brought  their  Cloaths  to  London,  they  have  been  frequently  and 
long  delayed  before  they  have  been  able  to  vend  them;  .  .  .  being  made  necessi- 
tous by  delay,  and  confined  to  the  London  Market,  ['  our  Clothiers  ']  are  forced 
to  sell  cheap."     Britannia  Languens  (1680),  ed.  by  J.  R.  McCulloch,  pp.  344_34S- 


MARKET  DEVELOPMENT  •  257 

and  the  resulting  unity  of  policy,  went  hand  in  hand  with  the 
establishment  of  trading  companies,  the  formation  of  a  vigorous 
trade  policy  hostile  to  aliens,  and  the  amassing  of  usable  capital 
readily  turned  into  any  channel  of  profit,  either  directly  as  when 
used  in  trade,  or  indirectly  when  loaned  to  further  the  trade 
policy  of  the  government. 

The  origin  of  modern  capitalism  in  England  is  rightly  placed 
in  the  period  following  the  discovery  of  America,  the  period  when, 
for  various  reasons,  trade  became  increasingly  profitable.  This 
trade  extended  over  distant  seas  and  reached  into  far  lands;  it 
was  carried  on  only  at  great  expense,  and  only  by  the  means  of 
large  amounts  of  capital.  England  changed  its  whole  economic 
organization  in  order  to  participate  to  advantage  in  this  new 
pursuit  of  life;  and  as  time  has  shown,  it  organized  on  a  sound 
basis,  a  basis  which  still  exists  in  a  modified  form:  the  small 
medieval  capital  accumulations  of  both  city  and  hinterland  were 
concentrated  in  the  metropolis. 

The  difficulty  of  getting  corn  supplies  experienced  by  London 
was  found  on  the  Continent;  and  this  difficulty  was  met  there  as 
in  London  by  restrictions  on  middlemen,  by  granary  schemes, 
and  other  means  of  relief.  The  sixteenth  century  was  noted 
for  its  dearths,  its  failures  of  crops.  But  when  had  there  been  a 
century  without  similar  failures  ?  In  so  far  as  such  scarcities 
aggravated  metropolitan  difficulties,  they  were  contributory 
causes,  but  they  were  always  secondary  not  primary  causes. 
The  basic  element  underlying  the  new  development  and  cooperat- 
ing with  the  influx  of  the  precious  metal  was  the  incoming  of  the 
metropolitan  organization  which  was  marking  off  the  medieval 
town  from  the  early  modern  commercial  center. 

The  influence  of  the  development  of  the  metropolitan  market 
upon  the  organization  of  industry  is  beyond  our  present  field. 
Whether  there  was  a  domestic  form  of  industry  in  Tudor  and 
Stuart  London  is  a  matter  of  uncertainty; *  but  there  can  be  no 

1  Are  we  justified  in  associating  the  following  marketing  with  industrial  stages  ? 

Market  Industrial  System 

"  Village  "  or  inter-manorial  Household 

"  Town  "  or  local  Handicraft 
Metropolitan: 

a  National  Domestic 

b  International  Factory 


25 8  THE  ENGLISH  CORN  MARKET 

question  that  the  development  of  the  wider  market  meant  a 
division  of  employment  in  which  the  functions  of  merchant  and 
manufacturer  would  be  distinct,  thereby  making  possible  the 
concentration  of  capital  upon  one  or  the  other  activity.1 

In  conclusion,  the  history  of  the  corn  policy,  like  the  history  of 
the  corn  trade,  illustrates  the  paramount  fact  of  market  develop- 
ment, which  changed  according  to  the  economic  necessities  of  the 
time,  and  which  in  essence  was  in  the  direction  of  specialization 
as  between  town  and  country,  and  in  the  country  in  kinds  of 
farming,  and  in  the  direction  of  producing  a  greater  corn  surplus. 
Though  general  social  and  economic  development  cannot  prof- 
itably be  neglected,  the  evolution  of  the  corn  policy  can  be 
explained  only  by  the  evolution  of  the  corn  market. 

1  Unwin,  Industrial  Organization  in  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries,  p.  103. 


APPENDICES 


On  account  of  typographical  difficulties  small  fractions  have  in 
these  appendices  been  omitted  and  unusual  fractions  reduced 
generally  to  halves,  quarters,  and  eighths. 

The  errors  that  may  be  found  in  the  statistics  presented  both 
in  the  text  and  in  the  appendices  have  probably  arisen  at  least  to 
some  extent  through  the  necessity  of  rapid  work  upon  documents 
often  only  partly  legible. 


APPENDICES 

APPENDIX  A 

STATISTICS  OF  THE  PRODUCTION  AND  SALE  OF  CORN  ON  THE 

MANORS  OF  THE  BISHOPRIC  OF  WINCHESTER  IN  THE 

YEARS  1208-09,  1 299-1300,  AND  1396-97 

1 208-09  * 


Manors 


Wheat 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 


% 
Sold 


Mancorn  and  Rye 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 


% 
Sold 


Adderbury 

Alresford 

Ashmansworth 
Beauworth  .  .  . 

Bitterne 

Brightwell.  .  . . 

Clere 

Cheriton 

Crawley. 

Downton 

Fareham 

Farnham 

Hambledon.  .  . 

Harwell 

Itchingswell  .  . 

Knoyle 

Mardon 

Meon 

Meon,  Church . 

Overton 

Privet 

Rimpton 

Stoke 

Sutton 

Taunton 

Twyford 

Waltham 

Wargrave 

Wield 

Witney 

Woodhay 

Wycombe  . . . . 


65 

96* 
36 

47 

4 

262$ 

127I 

103$ 

66$ 

22lf 
126 
l68! 
31* 

no 

58 

37 
169$ 

200j 
2351 

34f 

545 

18$ 
1055 

Qi£ 
3925 
1235 
207! 

17 

26 
188$ 

52 
201$ 


152 
168 

4i 
103 

16 
282 
372 
240 

90 

35i 
262 

1425 
no 
182 
112 

765 
566 

479 

80 

42 

62 

60$ 
224 
242 

757 
212 

55i 

47 
1585 
417 

84 
156 


qrs. 

31 
48 

9f 
24? 

4 
62 
63] 
60$ 
26 
117 
64 
22I 
23! 
4i 
22 
16$ 
90 

9°2 

16 
13 

155 

15 

245 

66| 

l82i 

92 

112$ 
14 

45 
82 

17 
785 


34 
53 
16 
18 

202§ 

74 

355 

61$ 
noj 

555 

855 
9 

76 

35 

13 

285 
iooj 

207 

17* 
25 

75 

42 

190 

39 
20$ 
10 
13 
50 
44$ 
116 


qrs. 

43 

57 
88 
46 
25 
93 
34 
43 
74 
63 
48 

19 
29 
61 

52 
48 
30 
42 

94 

83 
SS 

3i 
47 
38 
52 
56 
35 
36 
16 

45 
62 

29 


52.3 
54-9 
44.4 

38.3 

77.1 
58.1 
34-3 
92-5 
49-7 
44.0 
50.6 
28.6 
69.1 
60.3 

35-i 
16.8 

5°-3 

88.0 

5°-9 
4.6 

40.5 

46.0 
48.4 
31.6 
9.9 
59-o 
50.0 
26.5 
85.6 
57-6 


3679 


6838 


15895 


1767I 


qrs. 
ki66f 
755 
54s 
9 

*2j 

ii6f 
3i5 


29s 

"SO1! 
155 
15 

I2| 

45i 
13 


99i 
39 

*2li 


31* 

"80I 


220 
45 


5°5 


180 

101 

73 

9 

9 

218 

74 


156 

208 

44 

7 

24 

143 
26 


208 

39 

28 

06 
122 


355 
65$ 


56 


40 
33h 
19$ 
25 

455 
23$ 


qrs. 

1045 
43 
24 


495 


53$ 

21 
12$ 

3 

5 
255 

6 


60 
135 

7 

195 
3i 


27 

"55 
3 


14I 
2 


89$ 
21$ 


iii£ 
11 


16$ 
10$ 


535 


•54 


48.5 


916$ 
"3095 


16855 
547 


46of 
101J 


356f 
119I 


62.7 
56.9 
44-3 


42.1 


92.7 

18.2 
19-3 

'  8.2 


100.0 
100.0 

14.7 

5-i 

4-7 

22.2 


5°-5 
24.4 


38.9 
38.7 


1  Hall,  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester,  pp.  xliv-xlv. 

261 


Rye. 


262 


APPENDIX  A 


Manors 


Adderbury 

Alresford 

Ashmansworth 
Beauworth 

Bitterne 

Brightwell. 

Clere 

Cheriton 

Crawley 

Downton 

Fareham , 

Farnham 

Hambledon. . . 

Harwell 

Itchingswell  . . . 

Knoyle 

Mardon 

Meon 

Meon,  Church . 

Overton 

Privet 

Rirapton 

Stoke 

Sutton 

Taunton 

Twyford 

Waltham 

Wargrave  .... 

Wield 

Witney 

Woodhay 

Wycombe  .... 


Barley 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 

qrs. 
40 

6* 
22 
*5. 


72 

147* 
178* 

23 

26* 

76 


18* 
67 

163I 
182 

32$ 
"I 

06 

65* 

106* 

99 « 
46f 

73i 

8 

40 

175*1 


Acres 
Sown 


22 
131 
13 
3° 
22 
12 

37 

124 

173 

102$ 

46 

33 

80 


38 

in 

230 

10 

48 

11 

4 

85 

98 

7 

114 

148 

40 

8 

96 

4 

14 

1891* 


Quan. 
Sown 


qrs. 

5 
52 

4* 
12* 
11 

12* 

41 

S71 

49* 

18 

8 

23 


8* 
36, 
46* 

4 
IS 

4 

2 

*7* 
30 

5°1 

40* 

13* 

3 

3i* 

il 

7 

609! 


Quan. 
Sold 


qrs. 

30 

55 


il 


12* 
QI* 


33 

138* 

17* 


33h 
12* 

'i7* 

31* 

1 
6* 

488 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

qrsT 
I.82 
1. OO 
•5° 
•73 
1.16 

•58 
.58 
.85 
1.74 
•5° 
.81 

•95 


•49 
.60 

•7i 

".69 

1. 05 

•78 
.67 

•93 

.67 

1.17 

•77 

2.00 

2.86 

•92 


Sofd 


75-o 
41.7 

6.8 


8-5 
5i-3 


7-9 


20.2 
76.1 
53-8 


5°-7 
19.1 

16.4 

67.6 

1.4 
81.3 

27.9 


Oats 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 

qrs. 

i67J 

205 

53, 
86* 

39} 
98. 
i74i 
250 
201 
3"i 

l82f 

306 

112 

39f 

19 

93f 

io6j 

S9oi 
477* 
104* 
148* 
42 
8Sf 

IOO* 

I397i 
266* 

447* 
472J 
218* 
334* 
89 
256, 

7477s 


Acres 
Sown 


88 
165 

85* 
"7 

70 

60 
242 
264 
286 
221* 
200 

349 
170 

17 
72 
195 
432 
600 
120 
198 
107 

50 

160 
306 
964* 
235 
498 
320 
226* 
212 
7i 
215 

7317 


Quan. 
Sown 


qrs. 

41* 
I IO 

34 
51 
35 
29 

74 
132 
104 
no* 
125* 
"5* 

5° 
8* 

24 

66 

89 
318* 
70 
69* 
53* 
33 
41* 
98* 
609 

131 

241* 

149 

"3* 
90 

4i 
143* 

3402* 


Quan. 
Sold 


qrs. 

74 

I05 


42 


6 
6 

22§ 


16 

5. 

22$ 

2 
29 

2 


5°5 

44 

12 

232 

95 
16 

'26 

1274* 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

qrs. 

I.90 

I.24 
.62 
•74 
•56 

1.65 
•72 
•95 
•70 

1.41 
.91 
.88 
.66 

2.32 
.26 
.48 

•25 
.98 

•39 
•53 

1.40 
.84 
•54 
■33 

i-45 

i-i3 
.90 

1.48 
.96 

1.58 

125 
1. 19 


Sofd 


44-2 
51-2 


42.5 


3-6 

1.9 

5-4 

57-5 


15-0 
.8 

4-7 
1.9 

19-5 
4-8 


36.1 

16.5 

2-7 

49.1 

43-5 
4.8 


17.0 


APPENDIX  A 
1299-13001 


263 


Manors 


Wheat 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 


Sofd 


Mancorn  and  Rye 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 


Adderbury 

Alresford 

Ashmansworth  . 
Beauworth  .... 

Bentley 

Bitterne 

Brightwell 

Burghclere 

Clere,  High  .... 

Cheriton 

Crawley 

Culham 

Downton 

Droxford 

Ebbesborne .... 

Fareham 

Fonthill 

Hambledon .... 

Harwell 

Havant 

Itchingswell  . . . 

Ivinghoe 

Knoyle 

Knoyle,  Upton  . 

Mardon 

Meon 

Morton 

Overton 

Rimpton 

Stoke 

Sutton 

Taunton: 

Nailesboume . 

Poundisford  . 

Twyford 

Waltham 

Waltham,  North 
Waltham, 

St.  Lawrence. 
Wargrave  . . . 

Witney , 

Wolvesey ... 
Woodhay ... 
Wycombe  . . , 


qrs. 
49f 

195 

3°s 

4of 

io8| 

28| 

I43f 
162I 

3»i 
102 

87! 

8| 

2S4f 

8o| 

107I 

13°! 
ioo£ 

59I 

8ii 
66 

Si* 
277 
203! 

6o£ 
2S3s 
3"s 

73 

79 

I2Sf 
80* 
40 


4527 


45 
245 
33 
22 

79 

25 

97 

292 

52 

105 

96 

3 
209 

152 

52 

106 

44 
71 
6o£ 

56 

124 

84 
102 

42§ 
432 

86 
42 

146 

5° 


84I  65 
113!  116 
270I 
165I 

48i 

34s 

67f 

2245 

95 , 
65i 
102 


104^ 
22 

15 
17 
82 


9i 
108 


3353 


qrs. 

I4§ 
6£ 
6i 
8f 

25! 
9\ 

361 

36§ 
9s 

34s 

18 

is 
65f 
19 
i6§ 

33s 

16 

22J 

22f 

i5i 

i5§ 
32^ 
38 
16 
54 
158 
32* 
13* 

26f 

14 

22f 

i6i 

29 

45§ 
39s 


8i   39s 


4f 

6f 

68J 

"i 

405 


11251 


qrs. 
28 
9s 
27i 

"78I 
i8i 
99s 
i7f 
26! 

67! 
69i 

7 
1 78| 
69 
90 
88 
74f 
33 
69£ 

H 

34s 
236! 
i45i 

38! 
i86f 
igof 

38" 

61 
107 

65* 

3° 

62! 

78| 
209 
116* 


195 
60 

I45s 
93 
53s 
53l 


3170I 


qrs. 
1. IO 
.80 

•94 

I.84 

I.38 

1. 12 

1.48 

.56 

•74 

•97 

.91 

2.71 

1.22 

•53 

2.07 
1.23 
2.28 

.84 
i-34 
1. 18 

•42 
3-30 
2.00 
1.41 

•59 

•85 

1.90 

.86 

.80 

1.30 
.98 

1.58 
2.19 

2.27 
3-98 
2.74 

•72 
•94 


56-4 
50.3 
88.3 


i-35 


72.4 
64.4 
69.1 
10.7 
69.9 
66.3 

78.9 
86.2 
70.2 
86.1 

83.4 
67.6 
74.6 
55-2 
85.2 
78.2 
67.9 
85-5 
7i-3 
64.7 
73-8 
61.3 
52.6 
77.2 
85.6 
81.4 
75-o 

73-2 
68.9 

77-5 
70.4 
82.9 

57-2 
88.6 
64.6 

97-9 
81.8 
52.6 


70.0 


qrs. 
*85| 


64 


qrs. 
24s 


qrs. 
55s 


qrs. 
1-34 


64-5 


*4 
N7if 


53 


53s 


25°s 
♦187! 


4 
59 


i8f 


2 
5°5 


1. 00 
1. 21 


50.0 
70.7 


49 
16 


3°i 


2\ 


7l 


238 

"a 

2 


I.08 
'.l6 


43-6 
100.0 
100.0 


ioi 


•73 


45-8 


48 
53 


i7f 
235 


481  1.38 
45!  i-46 


54 


204 
173* 


2oi  . . . 


79 

54s 


"7s 
125I 


72.7 
58.9 


.98 


1-23 
1.09 


46.8 
66.8 


1  MS.,  R.O.,  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  Various,  27/150317. 


Rye. 


264 


APPENDIX  A 


1 299 -1300 


Manors 


Barley 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 

duc. 


Sofa 


Oats 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 

Sown 


Quan. 

Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 


qrs. 


qrs. 


qrs. 


Adderbury 

Alresf  ord 

Ashmansworth  . 
Beauworth 

Bentley 

Bitterne 

Brightwell 

Burghclere 

Clere,  High 

Cheriton 

Crawley 

Culham 

Downton 

Droxford 

Ebbesborne 

Fareham 

Fonthill 


Hambledon. . . . 

Harwell 

Havant 

Itcbingswell  . . . 

Ivinghoe  

K!noyle 

Knoyle,  Upton  . 

Mardon 

Meon 

Morton 

Overton 

Rimpton 

Stoke 

Sutton 

Taunton: 

Nailesbourne . 

Poundisford  . 
Twyf  ord 

Waltham 

Waltham,  North 
Waltham, 

St.  Lawrence 
Wargrave  .... 

Witney 

Wolvesey 

Woodhay 

Wycombe  .... 


7* 

10 

I2f 

6} 

45* 

ioof 
12} 
22I 
42I 

io8f 
14! 

175 
74* 

127* 
46* 
64 

r*i2 
1 62 

43* 
48 

i3i 
10 
100* 
3°* 
44* 

I2l| 
22j 

34s 

25 
21* 
40 


,  751 
•14* 

i7t 

16J 
44s 
74* 
66| 

28! 
I3l 

I872I 


26 

10* 

9 

37 

55 

25 

26 
26 
88 
ii| 
168 
72 

63 
20 
38 

23 
18 
21 
7* 
55 
30 
33$ 
40* 

43 
26 

5 
29 


10* 

28  ' 

9 

6 
39 

37 

20 

14* 

1201J 


6* 

5* 

5 
18 

275 
6| 
6i 

i3l 

36: 
5s 

94* 

18 

23* 
12* 

if 
18J 
"! 
11 

3f 
27* 

i6f 

3°* 
21* 

13* 
i* 
7 

14* 


4 

17* 
4l 

3* 

19* 

18* 
i4t 

5 

7 

59i 


si 


3* 

48 

5i 
16J 
26 
45  f 

81 
36| 
27 
84 
ioi 
27l 

18 

12* 

6 

8f 

61 

45* 
7* 
i* 

37s 


6 
12* 


"7J 

o* 

»i 

4t 

I2f 

i4i 

*25l 
I4f 


74if 


1.97 
1.90 
2.67 

•65 
1.38 
1.83 
1.02 
1.32 
3.00 

•52 
i-33 

•43 

1.38 


1.38 
1.50 
1.96 

2.81 
i-*5 


1.44 
.92 

1.56 


35-o 
40.4 

8.2 

47-7 
48.0 

70.5 
61.0 
42.0 
60.2 
21.0 
36.2 
66.6 
22.0 
43-2 

29.0 
28.0 
12.5 
61.5 
68.7 
45-5 
25.8 
3-4 
31-2 

62.5 

28.2 
3°-3 


3-4 
27.4 
24.8 

76.3 
32.0 

38.0 
50-9 

47-7 

39-6 


77* 

4i! 

39s 

52 

74 

27 

22* 
112 

32f 
I24f 

87* 
415 
96 
105 
45s 
84 
53 
>i8ii 

2* 

40 

5of 
182 
160 

I74f 
533  * 
5s 
114* 
108* 

"5* 
40* 

11 

15°* 

227! 

•169 

108* 

57* 

81* 

2655 

18I 

73 
_78i 

4i99f 


37 

46 

5i 

59 

75 

3°* 

14* 
264 

64 

98 
176 

3°* 
117* 
206 

5°* 
108 
40 

130 


25 

109 
149 

75 

45 

208 

260 

6 

138 

87 

81* 

124 
in 


125 
90 

45 
581 
133 

9i 
106I 

3665 


qrs. 

23* 
23 
19 
29* 

46f 

I5i 

9s 
77 
20* 

73* 

6S$ 

19 

59 

5i* 

2SJ 

67* 


12* 
34 
93, 
56s 
17 
103  i 

195 

4* 
8oi 

325 

42 

40! 

57} 
55* 
100 

98* 
56* 

28 

4of 

99* 

34 
80J 

2109 


qrs 

36! 
22f 

22* 

19* 

il 

5 

'38 

15* 

35* 
16 

'28* 
26 

20J 

IO 

I09f 

8S1 

241 


70* 
69* 


I°3* 
154 
4ll 

37* 
3i* 

28J 

74* 


1440 


qrs. 

2.09 
.90 

•77 
.88 

•99 
.88 

i-55 
•42 

•5i 

1.27 

•49 

i-37 

.82 

•5i 

.89 

.78 

i-33 

i-39 


1.60 
.46 

1.22 

2.13 
.56 
.84 

2.05 
.98 
•83 

1-25 

•5° 

.96 
1.36 

i-35 
1. 21 

1.27 
1.40 
2.00 

.80 
•73 

1. 14 


Winter  Barley. 


APPENDIX  A 


265 


Bere  and  Berecorn 

CURALL  AND  DRAGS 

Manors 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sold 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sold 

Ashmansworth 

Burghclere 

Clere,  High.  . . . 
Cheriton 

Droxford 

Fareham 

Fonthill 

Havant 

Itchingswell  .  .  . 

Knoyle 

Knoyle,  Upton  . 

Meon 

qrs 
3< 

5' 
4 
1: 

( 
( 

2( 
2C 

24. 

i 

A 

>i 

36 

33 
5i 

24 
26 

S 

"I 

'26 
15 

74 

49 

54 

qrs 
1; 

IC 

i 

( 

1 
"i 

t 

>i 

'.1 

1 
■1 

■ 

11 

q 

rs. 
K>j 

20 1 

Si 
8 

4^ 
10 

24f 

22 

8 

qrs. 
I. IO 

1-73 
.81 

.70 
•37 

•79 

i-i5 
1-93 

•95 

•79 
•49 

27.4 

36.0 
14.1 

65-3 
66.0 

59-7 
52.6 

27.0 

75-9 
32.7 

qrs. 

*69J 

/     7f 

l*iol 

*33i 
9f 

"sh 

*44f 

2li 
I2§ 

iof 

r- 

1 
3 

*3if 

1 

15 

27 

8 

/37§ 
1*29 
/  i3f 
1*13 

12 
1 

7f 
33* 

*7l 

Hi 

l*3il 
9 

5. 

K 

4 

3 

IC 

3. 

I 

2 
> 

5 

irs 
2' 

( 

2( 

( 

] 
2! 

i 

si 
>i 

t 
H 

qrs. 
39i 

3l 

7i 

i4s 
9f 

"3\ 
2 

27! 

2ii 
5 
5i 

4 

3 
"1 

1 

15 
81 
6i 

i6f 

2 

29 

2 
1 

7f 

2lf 

7f 

2I 

23 1 

9 

qi 

1. 

I. 

2. 

I. 

2. 
I. 

s. 
25 

54 
1 1 

99 
99 

3° 

58 
25 

57-5 

47-5 

67.4 

42.6 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

61.9 

100.0 
40.0 
54-o 

33-3 
100.0 

36.8 

100.0 
100.0 

32.9 

78.1 

50.6 
28.6 

Overton 

Stoke 

Taunton: 
Nailesboume . 
Poundisford  . 

Waltham,  North 
Waltham, 
St.  Lawrence. 

Witney 

Woodhay 

70 

39$ 

26f 

27? 
i8f 

i3i 

100.0 

16.7 
100.0 

100.0 

65-4 

95-2 
100.0 

49.1 

100.0 

72.8 

100.0 

405 
t6f 

404I 

142! 

2} 

Iioj 

4i 

1. 00 

27-3 
66.0 

2555 
*3i5i 

2o8| 

I  I9f 

1 54* 
181J 

I. 

5i 

60.3 

57-7 

•  Drags. 


t  Berecorn. 


266 


APPENDIX  A 


Vetches 

Beans  and  Peas 

Manors 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sofd 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sofd 

Ashmansworth  . 
Beauworth  .... 

Brightwell 

Clere,  High.  . . . 
Crawley 

Ebbesbome. . . . 

Fareham 

Fonthill 

Hambledon .... 

Havant 

Itchingswell  . . . 

Knoyle,  Upton  . 

Mardon 

Meon 

Stoke 

qrs. 

1} 

4l 

4 

6 

ii 
St 

i7l 
81 

iSf 

ii* 
3. 

3I| 

9* 

22J 

8J 

8J 
4f 

i6i 
20 

81 

oi 

9 
3 

9l 

"ii 

20 

7* 

39 
2 

i4i 
6i 

6 
"9* 

qrs. 

oj 
"if 

of 
a! 

2\ 

3* 
al 

a! 

3* 

16 
ol 

si 
af 

6i 

of 

i§ 

if 

u 

af 

oi 

qrs. 

"if 
1} 
3f 

of 
of 

5l 
4f 
41 

8 

si 

of 

Z5| 

3* 
6i 

if 

7 
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62.5 

70.0 
20.0 

30.1 

58.5 
28.5 
69.6 

26.4 
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1.17 

113 
1.04 
2.58 
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643 
659 
48.1 
74.8 

Y5.8 

69.1 
59-5 

33-5 

76.0 
42.3 

7i-3 

Taunton: 

Nailesboume . 

Poundisford  . 

Twyford 

Waltham 

Waltham,  North 
Waltham, 

St.  Lawrence. 

Witney 

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t  Beans. 


APPENDIX  A 
1396-97 l 


267 


Manors 


Wheat 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 


Sold 


Mancorn  and  Rye 


Total 
Prod- 
uce 


Acres 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sown 


Quan. 
Sold 


Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 


Sofd 


Adderbury . 
Alresford.  . 
Beauworth 
Bentley.  . . 
Bitteme .  . . 
Brightwell . 
Brockhampton 
Burghclere . 
Clere,  High 
Cheriton  .  . 
Crawley. . . 
Downton.  . 
Droxford. .  , 
Ebbesborne . 
Fareham  .  . 
Farnham.  . . 
FonthiJl.  .  . 
Hambledon . 
Harwell ... 
Itcbingswell 
Ivinghoe  .  . 
Knoyle .... 
Knoyle,  Upton 

Mardon 

Marwell 

Meon 

Meon,  Church 

Overton 

Rimpton  .... 


qrs. 

16J 
73s 


53 
66 


Stoke 

Sutton.  . . . 

Taunton: 
Hull.... 
Nailesbourne 
Poundisford 

Staplegrove 

Twyford 

Waltham.  . . . 
Waltham,  No. 
Waltham, 

St.  Lawrence 
Wargrave  . .  . 

Witney 

Wolvesey .... 
Woodhay .... 
Wycombe  . . . 


64* 
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17-3 


1  MS.,  R.O.,  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  Various,  44/159403. 


Rye. 


268 


APPENDIX  A 


Barley 

Oats 

Manors 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

sTfd 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sofd 

Beauworth  . . . 

Bentley 

Brightwell. . . 
Brockhampton 
Burghclere. . . . 
Clere,  High .  .  . 
Cheriton 

Downton 

Droxford 

Ebbesborne. . . 

Farnham 

Fonthill 

Hambledon.  .  . 

Harwell 

Itchingswell  .  . 

Ivinghoe  

Knoyle 

Knoyle,  Upton 

Marwell 

Meon 

Meon,  Church . 
Overton 

Stoke 

Taunton: 

HuU 

Nailesboume 
Poundisford 
Staplegrove  . 

Twyford      ... 

Waltham 

Waltham,  No. . 

Waltham, 
St.  Lawrence 

Wargrave  .... 

Witney 

Wolvesey 

Woodhay 

Wycombe  .... 

qrs. 

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32$ 

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2.36 
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3.08 
1.48 
2.04 
2.36 

3-25 
1.26 
1.49 
1.23 
1.69 
1.81 
1.46 
2.21 
1.63 
2.02 
2.20 

1.50 
1.91 

1.70 
1.36 
1.92 

1.68 

i-75 
1.46 
1.61 

1.50 

1.2 

37-3 

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6.6 
47.6 
11.6 
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8.8 
51.6 
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2.4 
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1-75 
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1.32 

1.47 
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30.9 
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36.9 

APPENDIX  A 


269 


Vetches 

Beans,  Pulse,  and  Peas 

Manors 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sold 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sofd 

Beauworth  .  .  . 

Brightwell.  .  .  . 
Brockhampton 
Burghclere.  .  .  . 

Crawley 

Downton 

Ebbesborne . . . 
Fareham 

Fonthill 

Knoyle 

Knoyle,  Upton 
Mardon 

Meon 

Meon,  Church . 

Rimpton 

Stoke 

Taunton: 

Hull 

Nailesboume 
Poundisford 
Staplegrove  . 

Twyford 

Waltham,  No. . 
Waltham, 
St.  Lawrence 

Witney 

Woodhay 

qrs. 

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t  Pulse. 


t  Beans. 


270 


APPENDIX  A 


Berecorn 

CURALL  AND  DRAGS 

Manors 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sofd 

Total 
Prod- 
uce 

Acres 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sown 

Quan. 
Sold 

Acre 
Pro- 
duc. 

Sofd 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

Adderbury 

*23i 

70 

35 

8f 

•52 

36-5 

Alresford 

3| 

Beauworth  . .  . 

l| 

Bentley 

Brightwell .... 

*2of 

"h 

"4f 

iof 

2.44 

"78.9 

Brockhampton 

2 

Burghclere 

ioi 

12 

"ii 

I.38 

7f 

Clere,  High. . . 

3* 

4 

"4-3 

A 

Cheriton 

4 

Crawley 

3i 

Downton 

6 

Droxford 

2 

"k 

4 

"si 

1. 14 

57-5 

Ebbesborne. . . 

Fareham 

2 

4 

1 

3 

.50 

1500 

Farnham 

. . . 

Fontbill 

ii 

Hambledon. . . 

if 

Harwell 

*29* 

12 

"6J 

*i3f 

2.46 

45-3 

Itchingswell  .  . 

"ioi 

II 

4 

"of 

+ipk 

I.47 

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Ivinghoe  

55 

64 

24 

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Drags. 


APPENDIX  B  271 

APPENDIX  B 

Statistics  of  Corn  Importations,  Arranged  According 
to  Ports,  1 303-1 690 

The  sources  of  these  statistics  are  chiefly  the  K.  R.  Customs  Ac- 
counts (1275-1565),  and  the  new  series  of  K.  R.  Port  Books  (1565— 
ca.  1800),  both  of  which  are  at  the  Record  Office. 

The  new  style  of  year  is  used  here  to  avoid  confusion.  The  year  is 
Michaelmas  to  Michaelmas  except  where  otherwise  noted. 

Reference  to  manuscript  numbers  have  not  been  given,  because 
many  of  them  were,  when  read,  still  unclassified,  but  the  dates  (which 
are  here  included),  serve  as  a  guide  to  the  original. 

Abbreviations:  — 

Al.  &  Den.  —  Aliens  and  Denizens. 

C.  &  S.  —  Customs  and  Subsidies. 

Col.  &  Cust's.  ents.  —  Collector  and  Customer's  entries. 

Compt's.  ents.  —  Comptroller's  entries. 

Cust's.  ents.  —  Custom's  entries. 

Pdge.  —  Poundage  accounts. 

Petty  C.  —  Petty  Custom's  accounts. 

Search's,  ents.  —  Searcher's  entries. 

Surv's.  ents.  —  Surveyor's  entries. 

Surv.  Gen's,  ents.  —  Surveyor  General's  entries. 

T.  &  P.  —  Tonnage  and  Poundage. 

*  indicates  an  imperfect  manuscript  and  therefore  uncertain  results. 

[  ]  indicate  uncertainty  or  estimates. 

Barnstaple  and  Ilfracombe 

Corn  imports  are  noted  in  1371-72,  1  Nov.-i  Nov.,  [132]  quarters, 
Pdge.  Within  the  period  1371  to  1590  accounts  containing  no  entries 
of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  following  years  (the  first  record  being 
Pdge.  and  all  the  rest  C.  &  S.) :  — 

1391-92,  8  Dec-20  June;  1410-11,  18  Nov.-Mich;  1491-93;  1494,  Easter- 
Mich.;  1503-04;  1508-09;  1515-16;  1517-18;  1519-20;  1523-24;  1528-29; 
IS3I-34;   1536-37;   1542-45;   1550-51;   1557-59;   1562-63;   1590,  24  June-Mich. 


272  APPENDIX  B 

Boston  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1303-1604,  corn  imports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 

1471-72  27  Nov.  -14  May  8  quarters  C.  &  S. 

1502-03                    Mich-     Mich.  489        "  C.  &  S.* 

1554-55                       *     "  573        '  C.  &S. 

1556-57                       -     "  125        "  C.&S. 

Accounts,  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years:  — 

I3°3_°9»  8  N0V.-28  Aug.,  Petty  C;  1310,  2  Aug.-Mich.,  Petty  C;  1326-27, 
[Mich.]-2o Apr., Petty C;  1334,  20  Jan-28  June,  Petty  C;  1383-84,  2 Dec-Mich., 
Pdge.;  1389,  7  Mar.-Mich.,  Pdge.*;  1391,  Mich.-8  Dec,  Pdge.;  1397-98,  Mich.- 
7  May,  Petty  C.*;  1401-02,  19  Aug-25  June,  Pdge.;  1405-06,  1  Oct.-i  Apr., 
Pdge.;  1405-06,  1*  Oct.-  7  Sept.,  Petty  C;  1408-09,  24  July-28  Jan.,  Pdge.*; 
1409,  8  May-Mich.,  Pdge.;  141 2,  20  June-Mich.,  Pdge.;  1413,  12  Apr.-Mich., 
C.  &  S.;  1459-60,  15  Dec-24  Mar.,  Pdge.;  1460-61,  1  Sept-4  Mar.,  C.  &  S.; 
1463-64,  19  July-3  May,  C.  &  S.;  1465,  25  Feb.-Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1466-68,  25  Mar.- 
25  Dec,  C.  &  S.;  1468-69,  Mich.-i  Apr.,  C.  &  S.;  1471,  Mich-27  Nov.,  C.  &  S.; 
1472-73,  14  May-8  Oct.,  C.  &  S.;  1477,  5  May-Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1482-83,  Mich.~9 
Apr.,  C.&S.;  1483-85,  Mich.-Easter,  C.  &S.;  1486-89,  C.  &S.;  1491-92,  C.  &S.; 
1506-07,  C.  &  S.;  1514-15,  C.  &  S.;  1522,  Mich-22  Nov.,  C.  &  S.;  1522-23, 
C.&S.;  1524-25,  C.  &S.;  1528-29,  C.  &  S.;  1531-32,  C.  &  S.;  1547-48,  C.  &  S.; 
I556-57.  Mich.-Easter,  C.  &  S.;  1557-59,  C.  &  S.;  1559-60,  C.  &  S.*;  1580-81, 
Mich.-Easter,  C.  &  S.;  1603-04,  Mich.-Easter,  C.  &  S. 

Bridgewater  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1459-1591,  corn  imports  are  entered  as  follows:  — 


1482-83 

8  Apr.  -2c 

1  May 

126  1 

quarters 

C.&S. 

1503-04 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

36 

« 

C.&S. 

1536 

28  Mar.  - 

u 

309 

« 

C.&S. 

1536-37 

Mich.- 

a 

6 

« 

C.&S. 

1547-48 

k          a      _ 

a 

144 

a 

c.  &  s.* 

1560-61 

a     _ 

a 

30 

a 

C.&S. 

Accounts,  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports,  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  are  all  taken  from  C.  &  S.  records  unless  otherwise 
noted:  — 

1459-61,  27  Dec-Mich.1;  1470,  23  July-24  Oct.;  1472,  5  May-i  Oct.;  1475-76, 
28  July-4  Mar.;  1483,  9  Apr-26  June;  1484-85,  Mich.-22  Aug.;  1485-86,  26 
Sept.-Mich.;  1486-87,  16  Nov.-Mich.;  1489-90,  9  Oct.-Mich.;  1496-97,  Easter- 
Mich.;  1502-03;  1504-07;  1510-n;  1517-20;  1522,  Easter-Mich.;  1525-26; 
1527-28;  1529-30;  1537-38,  Mich-12  Feb.;  1540-42;  i544~47;  1548-49;  155°- 
51;  1551-52,  C.  &  S.*;  1552-55;  1558-59;  1563-64;  1566-67,  Mich.-Easter; 
1585-86,  [C.  &  S.];  1587,  25  Mar.-24  June,  [C.  &  S.];  1587-88,  Mich-16  June, 
[C.  &  S.];   1588-90,  [C.  &  S.];   1591,  24  June-Mich.,  [C.  &  S.J. 

1  Result  uncertain. 


APPENDIX  B  273 

Bristol  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1 303-1 600,  corn  imports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1479-80 

Mich.-Easter 

15  quarters 

C.  &S. 

1503-04 

"    -Mich. 

936        ■ 

c.  &s. 

1512-13 

a      _      « 

[96]       ■ 

c.  &s. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1303-10,  [Mar.]-[May],  Petty  C;  1325-26,  (no  date),  Petty  C;  1378-79,  i6Nov.- 
28  May,  Pdge.;  1391,  10  Aug.-io  Dec,  Pdge.*;  1402-03,  10  Oct.-io Nov.,  Pdge.; 
1437,  18  July-  9  Sept.,  Pdge.;  1461,  26  Mar.-Mich.;  1465-66,  28  N0V.-14  May; 
1469,  26  Aug.-i4Nov.;  1470,  18  Aug.~4Nov.;  1473,  Easter-Mich.;  1475,  Easter- 
20  July;  1477-78,  1  Nov.-Easter;  1479,  Easter-22  July;  1483,  20  July-Mich.; 
1485-87,  Mich.-Easter;  1492-93;  I5l6-i8;  1522-23;  1525-26;  1533-34;  1536- 
37;  I54I-42,  C.  &  S.*;  1542-43;  1545-46;  1550-52;  1559-60;  1563-64;  1592, 
Easter-Mich.;  1599-1600. 

Chichester  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1347-1671,  corn  imports  are  entered  as  follows:  — 


1395-96 

Mich.-     Mich. 

99  quarters 

Pdge. 

1397 

17  Feb.  -         ■ 

168 

« 

Pdge.* 

1397-98 

Mich-         « 

29* 

« 

Pdge. 

1398-99 

*     -15  Sept. 

[81 

u 

Pdge. 

1466-67 

3  Oct.  -     Mich. 

6 

« 

C.  &S. 

1497-98 

Mich.-         ■ 

[24] 

li 

C.  &S. 

1499-1500 

u      _            a 

[467] 

u 

C.  &S. 

1508-09 

«      _            « 

I74l 

tt 

C.  &S, 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1347-48,  20  Mar.-Mich.,  Pdge.;  1388-89,  Mich-24  June,  Pdge.1;  1390-91,  30 
Nov-4  Feb.;  1392-93,  Pdge.;  1421-22,  17  Oct-12  Feb.;  1463-66,  22  Sept-3 
Oct.;  1467,  Mich.-[24  Nov.?];  1469,  24Aug.-i4Nov.;  1473-74;  1481-82,  20 Oct.- 
Mich.;  1482-83,  Mich.-9  Feb.,  [C.  &  S.];  1485-86,  20  [Nov.]-Mich.,  [C.  &  S.]*; 
1489-90,  C.  &  S.*;  1490-91;  1513-14;  1515-16;  1538-40;  1543-44;  1600-01, 
Compt's.  ents.;  1602-03,  Compt's.  ents.;  161 7-19,  Xmas-Xmas,  Cust's.  ents.; 
1629-30,  Xmas-Xmas,  Compt's.  ents.;  1640-41,  Xmas-Xmas,  Search's,  ents.; 
1646-47,  Xmas-Xmas,  Search's,  ents.;  1666-67,  Xmas-Xmas,  Compt's.  ents.; 
1667-69,  Xmas-Xmas,  Search's,  ents.;  1670-71,  Xmas-Xmas,  Cust's.  ents. 

>  Result  uncertain. 


274  APPENDIX  B 

Exeter  and  Dartmouth  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1323-1609  corn  imports  are  entered  as  follows:  — 


1323 

3  Feb. 

-30  Apr. 

[2,422]  quarters 

Petty  C. 

1324-26 

30  Apr. 

-26  May 

[813] 

« 

Petty  C. 

1391-92 

8  Dec. 

-20  June 

[186] 

u 

Pdge. 

1398-99 

2  Dec. 

-15  Sept. 

[1,701] 

a 

Pdge. 

1398-99 

2      ■ 

-     Mich. 

100 

a 

Petty  C. 

1469 

14  Sept. 

-  9  Dec. 

162 

u 

C.  &S. 

1470-71 

18  Nov. 

-10  June 

5io 

u 

C.  &S. 

1517-18 

Mich 

.-     Mich. 

1 

u 

C.  &  S.* 

1542-43 

u 

_         « 

2 

a 

C.  &S. 

1544-45 

a 

_            u 

4 

a 

C.  &S. 

1545-46 

m 

_           « 

IOI 

a 

C.&S. 

1549-50 

« 

_           « 

,    180 

u 

C.  &S. 

1550-51 

a 

_           u 

24 

u 

C.&S. 

1562-63 

a 

_           It 

560 

u 

C.  &S. 

1608-09 

Xmas-      Xmas 

2,250 

■ 

C.  &S. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1410-11,  i8Nov.-Mich.;  1460-61,  Mich-3  Mar.;  1461,  13  May-Mich.;  1474- 
75,  Mich-17  Oct.;  1480-81,  C.  &  S.*;  1482-83,  25  Oct-29  Apr.;  1492-93;  1494, 
Easter-Mich.;  1498-99;  1503-04;  1508-09;  1515-16;  1518-20;  1523-24;  1528- 
29;  1529-30,  C.  &  S.*;  1531-33;  1536-37;  1543-44;  1557-59;  1590,  24  June- 
Mich.;   1591,  Mich.-Xmas  (Exeter  only). 

Hull  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1396-1690,  corn  imports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1461-62 

7  Mar.  -      Mich. 

[1,780]  quarters 

C.&S. 

147 1 

5  Feb.  -18  June 

[306] 

u 

c.  &s. 

1471-72 

Mich-      Mich. 

6 

a 

C.&S. 

1511-12 

«     _         « 

54* 

« 

[C.  &  S.] 

1519-20 

"     -23  May 

I.4SO 

u 

C.&S. 

1541-42 

■     -     Mich. 

2,648 

a 

C.&S. 

1545-46 

«    _         « 

237! 

u 

C.&S. 

1549-50 

a      _            a 

328 

a 

C.&S. 

1608-09 

Xmas-      Xmas 

1,888 

u 

C.  &  S.  (H.B.G.) 

1665-66 

Xmas-28  Jan. 

10 

a 

Acct.  Bk. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

I396-97,  26  Jan.-Mich.,  Pdge.*;  [1397],  (no  date), Petty  C.*;  1401,  Easter-7  July, 
Pdge.;  1463,  6  July-26  Aug.1;  1464-65;  1466-67;  1468,  18  July-Mich.;  1469-70, 
17N0V.-9  Aug.;  1471,  18  June-Mich.;  1473,6  Aug.-Mich.;  1484,9  Apr.-Mich., 

1  Result  uncertain. 


APPENDIX  B 


275 


Petty  C;  1480-90;  1510-11;  1521-22;  1531-32;  1540-41;  1630-31,  Xmas-Xmas, 
(H.  &  B.);  1689-90,  Xmas-Xmas,  (H.B.G.) 
H.  -  Hull,  B.  =  Bridlington,  G.  -  Grimsby. 

Ipswich  and  Members 

Within  the  period  1386-1565  corn  imports  are  noted  in  1386-87, 
28  Nov.-io  Jan.,  4?  quarters,  Pdge.  Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn 
imports  are  found  for  the  following  years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S. 
unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1404,  8  May-Mich.,  Pdge.;  1413-14,  Pdge.;  1458-59,  29  Nov -Mich.;  1462, 
28  Apr-16  Oct.;  1462-63,  3  Nov.-May;  1463,  30  Mar.-io  July;  1466,  29  Mar.- 
Mich.,  C.  &  S.*;  1470,  21  June-9  Oct.;  1472,  Mich-28  Dec;  1473,  *5  July-Mich.; 
1481,  Mich.-28  Oct.;  1481-82,  28  Oct.-Mich.;  1483-84,  Mich-28  Feb.;  1487, 
Mich.-26Dec;  1499-1500,  C.  &S.*;  1501-02;  1505-06;  1516-17;  1529-30;  1546- 
48;  1562-63,  C.  &  S.*;  1564-65,  Mich.-Easter,  C.  &  S.*.  The  results  for  1462 
and  the  following  years  are  uncertain. 

London  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1307-1682,  corn  imports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1307 

26  Mar.  - 

Mich. 

[53I]  quarters  Petty  C* 

149s 

18  Jan.   - 

u 

100 

« 

Petty  C. 

1502-03 

Mich.- 

u 

3,200 

« 

Petty  C. 

1512-13 

«     _ 

u 

18,271 

it 

Petty  C* 

1520 

"     -27 

Nov. 

[242] 

u 

Petty  C. 

1549-50 

«     _ 

Mich. 

14,487^ 

a 

Petty  C. 

1550-51 

«     _ 

« 

i4,i45J 

u 

Petty  C* 

1556-57 

«     _ 

■ 

739 

u 

Pdge. 

1556-57 

«     _ 

« 

227 

u 

Petty  C. 

1596 

1  Nov.  -2C 

>  Nov. 

11,028 

« 

Corn  returns 

1608-09 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

3i,596i 

u 

Surv's.  ents.,  Al.  &  Den. 

1625-26 

"     -A 

.  Nov. 

21,793* 

u 

Pdge.,  Den. 

1626-27 

a      _ 

Xmas 

2 

« 

Surv.  Gen's,  ents.,  Al. 

1630-31 

u      _ 

u 

13,649 

■ 

T.  &  P.,  Al. 

1633-34 

a     _ 

u 

29,447 

■ 

T.  &  P.,  Surv.  Gen.'s  ents.,  Den. 

1634-35 

it     _ 

u 

10,815 

« 

[T.  &  P.],  Col.  &  Cust's.  ents.,  [Al.]. 

1635-36 

u     _ 

a 

12,170$ 

« 

Surv's.  ents.,  Al. 

1637-38 

u     _ 

a 

56,794i 

« 

Den. 

1637-38 

«      _ 

a 

98,501 

■ 

Waiter's  ents.,  Al. 

1639-40 

u      _ 

a 

504 

« 

[T.&  P.],  Cust.&  Compt's.ents.,  Al. 

1639-40 

«      _ 

u 

2,906 

a 

T.  &  P.,  Den.* 

1662-63 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

9,379 

« 

C.  &S. 

1668-69 

u       _ 

« 

4,434 

u 

[C.  &  S.] 

1671-72 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

9* 

u 

T.  &  P.,  Surv's.  ents.,  Al. 

1676-77 

«     _ 

« 

484* 

u 

[T.  &  P.],  Al. 

1678-79 

«     _ 

a 

776$ 

a 

T.  &  P.,  Al. 

1680-81 

«     _ 

u 

24,695* 

u 

[T.  &  P.],  Surv.  Gen.'s  ent&,  Al. 

1681-82 

«     _ 

« 

3,387 

u 

[T.  &  P.],  Den. 

276 


APPENDIX  B 


Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years:  — 

H  Ed.  II,  Mich-Dec.,  Petty  C.J  1485,  21  Aug-17  Sept.,  Petty  C;  1490-91, 
Petty  C;  1548-49,  Petty  C.*;  1552-53,  Petty  C.*;  i553~54,  Pdge.*;  1565, 
Easter-Mich.,  T.  &  P.;  1567-68,  T.  &  P.,  Den.  only;  1571-72,  Petty  C;  1587-88, 
Pdge.,  Den.;  1589,  Easter-Mich.,  Petty  C;  1671-72,  Xmas-Xmas,  T.  &  P., 
Compt's.  ents.,  Den.;  1675-76,  Xmas-Xmas,  T.  &  P.,  Den.;  1676-77,  Xmas- 
Xmas,  T.  &  P.  Den.;  1680-81,  Xmas-Xmas,  [T.  &  P.],  Waiter's  ents.,  Den. 

Lynn  and  Members 


Within  the  period  1303-1687, 

corn  imports  are 

noted  as  follow: 

1303 

25  Feb.  - 

Mich. 

[430]  quarters 

Petty  C. 

1305-06 

Mich.- 

« 

[1,199] 

u 

Petty  C. 

1308-09 

u       _ 

8  Aug. 

[487] 

It 

Petty  C. 

1322-23 

20  July  - 

Mich. 

[37] 

It 

Petty  C. 

1323-24 

Mich.- 

« 

[1,382*] 

It 

Petty  C. 

1324-25 

it      _ 

« 

[5>39ii] 

It 

Petty  C. 

1325-26 

■    -16  Mar. 

435 

It 

Petty  C. 

146 1 

4  Mar.  -18  Nov. 

[125] 

a 

C.&S. 

1466-67 

2  Nov.  - 

2  Nov. 

160 

a 

C.&S. 

1503-04 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

100 

it 

C.&S. 

1518-19 

u      _ 

■ 

180 

u 

C.&S. 

1519-20 

a      _ 

u 

180 

it 

C.&S. 

1523-24 

u      _ 

u 

180 

it 

C.&S. 

1528-29 

a      _ 

a 

380 

a 

C.&S. 

1530-31 

a      _ 

« 

140 

u 

C.&S. 

1556-57 

it      _ 

« 

37°* 

a 

C.&S. 

1561-62 

a      _ 

a 

70 

« 

C.&S. 

1586 

i  Apr.  -24  June 

920 

« 

Farmers'  Ledger 

1586-87 

Mich- 

Mich. 

4,710 

a 

Import  Ledger 

1590 

25  June  - 

u 

255 

u 

Ledger 

1596-97 

Mich.- 

u 

1,900 

u 

C.&S. 

161 2-13 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

1,170 

a 

[C.  &  S.] 

1631-32 

u       _ 

■ 

1,100 

it 

[C.  &  s.i 

1637-38 

«      _ 

« 

12,710 

a 

[C.  &  S.] 

1663-64 

a      _ 

u 

353 

u 

C.&S. 

1677-78 

it      _ 

a 

270 

a 

C.&S. 

1681-82 

«      _ 

a 

1,201 

u 

C.&S. 

1682-83 

u      _ 

u 

1,329 

it 

[C.  &  S.] 

1683-84 

a      _ 

« 

80 

it 

C.  &S. 

1684-85 

a      _ 

u 

729 

it 

C.&S. 

1686-87 

«      _ 

It 

33 

u 

C.&S. 

Accounts,  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports,  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1304-05,  Petty  C;  1306-07,  Petty  C;  1388,  29  Mar.-Pentecost,  Pdge.;  1390- 
91,  Xmas  (?)-Mich.,  Pdge.;  [ca.  1402],  22  Aug.-6  Nov.,  Pdge.;  1405,  5  Mar.-Mich., 


APPENDIX  B  277 

Pdge.;  1456-57,  6  Mar.-24  Jan.1;  1466,  19  Mar.-2  Nov.;  1467-68,  2  N0V.-2  Nov.; 
1468-69,  2  Nov-17  Sept.;  1470-71,  13  Nov-13  Nov.;  1471,  5  June-13  Nov.; 
1471-72, 13  Nov -13  Nov.;  1480-81, 12  Nov.-Mich.1;  1483-841;  1486-88, 11  Nov.- 
Mich.1;  1489-901;  1490-91,  C.  &  S.*;  1494-95;  1509,  Mich.-2i  Nov.;  1512-13, 
C.  &  S.*;  1513-14;  1517-18;  1529-30;  1538-39;  1540-42;  1543-44;  1544-46, 
C.  &  S.*;  1547,  Mich-25  Oct.,  C.  &  S.*;  1540-50;  1551-52;  i553~54;  i557~58; 
1587-88,  6  July-2  Oct.,  Ledger;  1588-89,  Xmas-Xmas,  Ledger;  1591-92,  Mich.- 
25  Mar.;  1665-66,  Xmas-Xmas;  1669-70,  Xmas-Xmas,  [C.  &  S.];  1671-72, 
Xmas-Xmas  [C.  &  S.J. 

Newcastle  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1378-1591,  corn  imports  are  found  as  follows:  — 


1390 

30  Nov.  - 

8  Dec. 

5 

quarters 

Pdge. 

1390 

Mich- 

8      ■ 

5 

<( 

Petty  C. 

1472 

1  Jan.   -] 

7  Mar. 

481 

« 

C.  &S. 

1488-89 

28  Oct.   - 

Mich. 

108 

« 

C.  &S. 

1499-1500 

Mich.- 

■ 

214 

« 

C.  &S. 

1500-01 

«     _ 

8 

80 

« 

C.  &S. 

1505-06 

«     _ 

« 

763 

ft 

C.  &S. 

1508-09 

«     _ 

ft 

301 

« 

C.  &S. 

1512-13 

a      _ 

« 

453 

« 

C.  &S. 

1529-30 

«      _ 

« 

885 

« 

C.  &S. 

1543-44 

a     _ 

<( 

790 

« 

C.  &S. 

1544-45 

a     _ 

ft 

4,595 

ft 

C.  &S. 

1555-56 

«     _ 

« 

1,007! 

« 

C.  &S. 

1556-57 

a     _ 

a 

10 

ft 

C.  &S. 

1557-58 

«      _ 

ft 

5 

ft 

C.  &S. 

1586 

Easter- 

Mich. 

16,603! 

« 

c.  &s. 

1586 

Mich- 

Xmas 

4,000 

a 

c.  &s. 

1587 

24  June  - 

Mich. 

5,37o 

« 

c.  &s. 

1587 

Mich- 

Xmas 

5 

« 

c.  &s. 

1588 

24  June  - 

« 

775 

« 

c.  &s. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1378,  8  Feb.-Mich.,  Petty  C;  1389-90,  24  Aug-25  Mar.,  Pdge.;  1390,  1  Mar.- 
30  Nov.,  Pdge.;  1401-03,  6  July-i  Feb.,  Pdge.;  1403,  1  Feb-3  Apr.,  Pdge.;  1408- 
09,  7  Sept.-io  May,  Petty  C;  1408-09,  7  Sept.-io  May,  Pdge.;  1456-57,  20 
Nov-17  May;  1461-62,  9  May-18  Feb.;  1481,  12  Apr.-2o  Dec,  Petty  C;  1501- 
02;  1504,  Mich.-28  Dec;  1522-23;  1552-53;  1585,  Mich.-Xmas;  1587-88,  Xmas- 
25  Mar.;  1588-89,  Xmas-25  Mar.;   1589,  24  June-Mich.;   1591,  Mich.-Xmas. 

1  Result  uncertain. 


278  APPENDIX  B 

Plymouth  and  Fowey  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1391-1592,  com  imports  are  entered  as  follows:  — 


1391-92 

8  Dec. 

-20  June 

[89]  quarters 

Pdge. 

1461-62 

Mich 

,-     Mich. 

586 

« 

C.&S. 

1478-79 

« 

_            a 

20 

a 

C.  &S. 

1479-80 

a 

_            u 

2 

u 

C.&S. 

1497-98 

u 

_            u 

9 

u 

C.  &S. 

1498-99 

« 

_            a 

zoxf 

a 

C.  &  S.* 

1504-05 

« 

-[25  Mar.l 

2 

a 

C.  &  S.* 

1507-08 

u 

-     Mich. 

16 

u 

C.&S. 

1516-17 

u 

_         « 

6 

a 

C.&S. 

1522-23 

a 

_            a 

3 

N 

c.  &  s.* 

1525-26 

u 

-  2  June 

171 

« 

C.&S. 

1536-37 

u 

-     Mich. 

144 

« 

C.&S. 

1541-42 

« 

_            « 

1 

u 

C.&S. 

1552-53 

a 

_            « 

ooj 

a 

c.  &  s.* 

1556-57 

a 

_            « 

204 

m 

c.  &s. 

1590 

25  Mar. 

-24  June 

65 

« 

c.  &s. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1437-38;  1456,  Mich-18  Dec.,  [C.  &  S.];  1457,  5  June-Mich.,  [C.  &  S.]*;  1463, 
26  July-Mich.;  1465-66,  Mich-25  May;  1473-74;  1476,  Mich.-io  Dec.,  [C.  &  S.]; 
1477-78,  30  Nov.-Mich.;  1481,  Mich-16  Nov.;  1481-82,  14 Nov .-7  Feb.;  1483, 
6  Feb-3  Apr.;  i486,  Mich.-8  Nov.;  1487,  Mich.~7  Dec.;  1539-41;  1557-58; 
1586-87,  Xmas-25  Mar.  (Fowey  and  Members  only);  1587,  25  Mar.-24  June, 
C.  &  S.*  (Fowey  and  Members  only);  1587-88,  24  June-25  Mar.  (Fowey  and 
Members  only);  1590,  24  June-Mich.;  1591,  Xmas-25  Mar.;  1592,  Xmas-25 
Mar.  (Plymouth);  1592,  Xmas-25  Mar.  (Fowey  and  Members  only). 

Poole  and  Members 
During  the  period  1460-1605,  corn  imports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1461-62 

Mich-     Mich. 

60  quarters 

Pdge. 

1466-67 

14  Mar.  -12  Feb. 

150 

« 

C.&S. 

1467-68 

12  Feb.  -  1  Aug. 

30 

« 

C.&S. 

1471-72 

Mich.-22  July 

108 

« 

C.&S. 

1487-88 

Mich.-     Mich. 

144 

« 

C.&S. 

1521-22 

u      _            a 

14 

* 

C.  &S. 

1556-57 

u    _         « 

10 

m 

C.  &  S.* 

Accounts  are  found  for  the  following  years,  with  no  entries  of  corn 
imports,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1460-61,  26  Aug.-Mich.;    1465-66,  22  July-15  Mar.;    1468,  1  Aug-19  Dec; 
1469,  3  Sept.-20  Nov.;  1470,  17  Feb.-Mich.;  1472,  21  July-20  Oct.;  [1473-74  ?], 


APPENDIX  B  279 

28  July-i  Mar.;  1478-79,  1  Oct.-i  Oct.;  1482,  Easter-Mich.;  i486,  Mich.-i7 
Nov.;  1492-93,  Mich-20  Jan.;  1504-05,  Mich.-  [Easter];  1505-06;  1523-24; 
1528-30;  1547-48,  C.  &  S.*;  1548-49;  1552-53;  1558-59;  1586,  Mich.-Xmas; 
1604-05. 

Sandwich  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1304-1562,  corn  imports  are  entered  as  follows:  — 


1304-06 

Mich.-     Mich. 

[8]  quarters 

Petty  C. 

1327-28 

20  Jan.   -     Mich. 

[20] 

■ 

Petty  C. 

1371-72 

1  Nov.  -  1  Nov. 

[132] 

« 

Pdge.* 

1398 

17  Feb.  -19  May 

76 

■ 

Pdge. 

1467-68 

28  Aug.  -  4  Feb. 

[90] 

u 

C  &S. 

1535-36 

Mich.-     Mich. 

40 

u 

C  &S. 

1539 

[Mar.]-     [Mich.] 

600 

u 

C  &S. 

1540 

5  July  -     Mich. 

72 

« 

C.  &S. 

1554-55 

Mich.-      Mich. 

[44] 

« 

C  &S. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

J393-94,  8  Dec-5  Nov.,  Petty  C;  1399, 19  May-15  Sept.;  1463, 1  Aug.-Mich.1; 
1537-38,  3°  Dec-Mich.1;  1543-44;  1559-601;  1561-62. 

Southampton  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1322-1557,  entries  of  corn  imports  are  as  follows:  - 


I330-31 

18  Dec.  -16  Mar. 

[45]  quarters 

Petty  C. 

1371-72 

1  Nov.  -  1  Nov. 

6* 

« 

Pdge. 

1448-49 

29  Dec.  -     Mich. 

1191 

« 

C  &S. 

1463-64 

19  July  -26  Dec. 

[498*] 

« 

Pdge. 

1464 

Mich.-26      ■ 

[72] 

a 

C.  &S. 

1487-88 

■    -     Mich. 

160 

a 

C.  &S. 

1491-92 

«    _         « 

70 

a 

C.  &S. 

1496-97 

«    _         « 

217 

u 

C  &S. 

1519-20 

u      _            a 

90 

« 

C.  &S. 

1555-56 

■      _             « 

9 

■ 

G&S. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1322-23,  Petty  C;  1373-74,  Pdge.;  1403-04,  4  N0V.-25  Mar.;  1432-33;  J442- 
43,  6  Nov.-Mich.;  1447-48,  17  July-Mich.;  1449-50,  Mich.-i9  Nov.;  1461,  3 
Mar.-24  July,  [C.  &  S.];  1472-73,  Mich.-22  May;  1483,  26  June-Mich.;  1513-14; 
1516-17;   1530-31;   1534-35;   1537-39;   1542-43;  1548-49;  ISS6-S7' 

1  Results  uncertain. 


280  APPENDIX  B 

Yarmouth  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1310-1663,  entries  of  corn  imports  are  as  follows:  - 


1398-99 

1  May  -1 

May 

[2,428]  1 

quarters 

Pdge. 

1410-n 

22  Mar.  - 

Mich. 

[260] 

« 

C.  &S. 

1418 

26  July  - 

u 

[4] 

a 

C.  &S. 

1517-18 

Mich.- 

u 

100 

u 

C  &S. 

1550-51 

«    _ 

a 

210 

u 

C  &S. 

1560-61 

«     _ 

« 

247 

u 

C.  &S. 

1562-63 

u      _ 

« 

120 

« 

C.  &S. 

1611-12 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

5.234 

« 

Search's,  ents.,  Al.  &  Den. 

1621-22 

«     _ 

« 

7,565* 

u 

Cust's.  ents. 

1648-49 

«     _ 

a 

20,728 

a 

[ — ]  ents.,  Al.  &  Den. 

1660-61 

u      _ 

a 

2,073 

u 

Search's,  ents.,  Al.  &  Den. 

1662-63 

It      _ 

« 

255 

u 

Compt's.  ents. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  imports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1310-n,  2  Aug.-o  Oct.,  Petty  C;  1325-26,  Mich.-Easter,  Petty  C;  1388-89, 
20  Mar-Pentecost,  Pdge.;  1392-93,  24  June-i  Apr.,  Pdge.;  1396-97,  8  Nov .-30 
Apr.,  Pdge.;  1401,  Mich-7  Dec.,  Pdge.;  1409,  Easter-12  Aug.;  1409,  Mich.-i 
Nov.,  C.  &  S.*;  1413,  Mich.-30  Nov.;  1452-53,  29  May-Mich.;  i454~55;  i457~ 
59;  1460-62,  1  Sept.-i6  May;  1462,  16  May-i  Sept.,  Pdge.;  1464-65,  Mich-20 
Aug.;  1485-86,  5  Oct-18  Nov.;  1504-05;  1509-10;  1516-17;  1518-19;  1521-22, 
C.  &  S.*;  1536-37;  1542-43;  1545-46;  1548-49;  I55I-52,  C  &  S.*;  1552-54; 
1558-60;  1561-62;  1563-64;  1590,  26  June-Mich.;  1618-19,  Xmas-Xmas, 
Compt's.  ents.;  1619-20,  Xmas-Xmas,  Cust's.  ents 


APPENDIX  C  28l 

APPENDIX  C 

Statistics  of  Corn  Exportation,  Arranged  According 
to  Ports,  i  303-1 690 

These  statistics  are  taken  chiefly  from  the  manuscripts  in  the  Public 
Record  Office,  K.  R.  Customs  Accounts  and  K.  R.  Port  Books. 

The  new  style  of  year  is  used  here.     The  year  is  Michaelmas  to 
Michaelmas  except  where  otherwise  noted. 
Abbreviations:  — 

Al.  &  Den.  —  Aliens  and  Denizens. 

C.  &  S.  —  Customs  and  Subsidies. 

Compt's.  ents.  —  Comptroller's  entries. 

Cust's.  ents.  —  Customer's  entries. 

Pdge.  —  Poundage  accounts. 

Petty  C.  —  Petty  Custom's  accounts. 

Search's,  ents.  —  Searcher's  entries. 

Surv's.  ents.  —  Surveyor's  entries. 

T.  &  P.  —  Tonnage  and  Poundage. 

*  indicates   an  imperfect  manuscript  -and  therefore  uncertain 
results. 

[  ]  indicate  uncertainty  or  estimates. 

%  indicates  shipped  by  license. 

Barnstaple  and  Ilfracombe 
Within  the  period  1371-1590,  corn  exports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1410-11 

18  Nov.  -Mich. 

4  quarters 

c.  &s. 

1492-93 

Mich- 

« 

138 

« 

c.  &s. 

1494 

Easter- 

« 

93 

« 

c.  &s. 

1503-04 

Mich.- 

u 

282 

« 

c.  &s. 

1508-09 

u       _ 

u 

2 

« 

c  &s. 

1515-16 

u      _ 

u 

12 

u 

c.  &s. 

1517-18 

«     _ 

« 

240 

a 

C.  &  S.1 

1518-19 

«     _ 

« 

384 

u 

c&s. 

1523-24 

u      _ 

« 

573 

a 

C.&S. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1371-72,  1  Nov.-i  Nov.,  Pdge.;  1391-92,  8  Dec-20  June,  Pdge.;  1491-92; 
1519-20;  1528-29;  1531-34,  Mich.-i2  Mar.;  1536-37;  1542-45;  1550-51;  i557~ 
59;  1562-63;  1590,  24  June-Mich. 


282 


APPENDIX  C 


Boston  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1308-1604,  corn  exports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1308-09 

8  Nov. 

-28  Aug. 

[27]  quarters 

Petty  C. 

1327-28 

20  Apr. 

-     Mich. 

[5571 

« 

Petty  C 

1334 

20  Jan. 

-28  June 

[905I 

■ 

Petty  C 

1405-06 

1  Oct 

-  7  Sept 

U39I 

« 

Petty  C. 

1405-06 

1      ■ 

-  1  Apr. 

[54] 

■ 

Pdge. 

1413 

12  Apr. 

-     Mich. 

l35l 

u 

Petty  C,  Pdge. 

1450-60 

15  Dec 

-24  Mar. 

364 

u 

Pdge. 

1460-61 

1  Sept 

-  4  Mar. 

52 

« 

C&S. 

1465 

25  Feb. 

-     Mich. 

999 

« 

C.&S. 

1466-67 

25  Mar. 

-25  Mar. 

6 

■ 

C.&S. 

1467-68 

25  Mar. 

-  6      ■ 

5° 

« 

C&S. 

1468 

6     « 

-25  Dec. 

745 

it 

C&S. 

1468-69 

Mich. 

-  1  Apr. 

655 

u 

C&S. 

1471-72 

27  Nov. 

-14  May 

60 

u 

C&S. 

1472-73 

8  Oct 

-  8  Oct 

45° 

a 

[C  &  S.] 

1477 

5  May 

-     Mich. 

644 

« 

C&S. 

1483-84 

Mich. 

_            u 

no 

u 

C&S. 

1486-87 

u 

_            u 

i,544 

a 

C&S. 

1487-88 

m 

_           u 

87 

u 

C&S. 

1491-92 

u 

_            u 

316 

« 

C&S. 

1502-03 

It 

_           It 

i»3°i 

« 

C.&S. 

1506-07 

It 

_           « 

260 

a 

C&S. 

iSH-iS 

u 

_            u 

63 

a 

C&S. 

1524-25 

u 

_            it 

1,367 

u 

C&S. 

1528-29 

u 

_            u 

180 

u 

C.&S. 

1531-32 

It 

_            it 

40 

a 

C.&S. 

1547-48 

it 

_           « 

2,655 

a 

C.&S. 

1569-70 

[Mich.}-     [March] 

499 

u 

Corn  returns* 

1572-73 

[Mich.}-     [Mich.] 

300 

u 

Corn  returns 

1578-79 

Mich. 

-      Mich. 

536 

u 

Corn  returns l 

1579-80 

■ 

_            a 

1,686 

a 

Com  returns ' 

1580-81 

u 

_            « 

2,087 

it 

Corn  returns l 

1581-82 

It 

_            u 

874 

a 

Corn  returns r 

1582-83 

a 

_           u 

80 

it 

Corn  returns x 

1583-84 

u 

_           u 

84 

it 

Corn  returns x 

1603-04 

m 

_            « 

222 

a 

C&S. 

Accounts  with  no  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods:  — 

1389,  7  Mar.-Mich.,  Petty  C*;  1391,  Mich.-8  Dec.,  Petty  C;  1397-98,  Mich.- 
7  May,  Petty  C*;  1401-02,  19  Aug.-25  June,  Pdge.;  1408-09,  24  July-28  Jan., 
Pdge.*;   1412,  20  June-Mich.,  Pdge.;    1463-64,  19  July-3  May,  C  &  S.;   1471, 

•  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Hari.,  306,  fob.  36-31. 


APPENDIX  C 


283 


Mich-27  Nov.,  C  &  S.;  1472,  14  May-8  Oct.,  C  &  S.;  1482-83,  Mich.-o  Apr., 
C.  &  S.;  1484-85,  Mich.-Easter,  C.  &  S.;  1522,  Mich.-22  Nov.,  C.  &  S.;  1522-23, 
C.  &  S.;  1553-54.  Mich.-Easter,  C  &  S.;  1554-55,  C.  &  S.;  1556-59.  C.  &  S.; 
1559-60,  C.  &  S.*;  1571-72,  [Mich.]-[Mich.],  Corn  returns. 


Bridgewater  and  Members 


Within  the  period  1459- 

1591,' 

corn  exports  are  recorded  as  follows 

1450-61 

27  Dec. 

- 

Mich. 

[246]  quarters 

C.  &S. 

1475-76 

28  July 

-  A 

Mar. 

402 

« 

[C  &  S.]* 

1482-83 

8  Apr. 

-2C 

<  May 

2,241 

a 

c.  &s. 

1484-85 

Mich 

•-  5 

Apr. 

156 

a 

c.  &s. 

1485 

5  Apr. 

-22 

Aug. 

486 

a 

c.  &s 

1485-86 

26  Sept. 

- 

Mich. 

3.554 

a 

c.  &s. 

1486-87 

16  Nov. 

- 

« 

992 

a 

c.  &s. 

1489-90 

9  Oct. 

-18  Feb. 

309 

a 

c.  &s. 

1490 

18  Feb. 

- 

Mich. 

1,427 

« 

c.  &s. 

1496-97 

Easter- 

u 

4,622 

« 

c.  &  s.* 

1502-03 

Mich 

.- 

« 

4,05 1 1 

a 

c.  &s. 

1503-04 

« 

- 

« 

873 

a 

c.  &s. 

1504-05 

« 

- 

a 

726 

a 

c.  &s. 

1505-06 

« 

- 

« 

2,637 

a 

c.  &s. 

1506-07 

« 

- 

a 

2,565 

a 

c.  &s. 

1510-11 

a 

- 

« 

4,389 

« 

c.&s. 

1 51 7-i 8 

a 

- 

« 

3,45«> 

a 

C.&S. 

1518-19 

u 

- 

a 

6,135 

« 

C.&S. 

1519-20 

a 

- 

a 

1,014 

a 

c.&s. 

1522 

Easter- 

a 

588 

a 

C.&S. 

1525-26 

Mich 

- 

« 

2,235 

a 

C.&S. 

1527-28 

« 

- 

a 

82 

a 

C.&S. 

1529-30 

a 

- 

« 

669 

a 

C.&S. 

1536-37 

a 

- 

a 

162 

a 

C.&S. 

1537-38 

a 

-12 

iFeb. 

24 

a 

C.&S. 

1540-41 

a 

- 

Mich. 

582 

a 

c.  &s. 

1541-42 

a 

- 

« 

1,651 

a 

c.  &s. 

1544-45 

a 

- 

a 

216 

a 

C.&S. 

1545-46 

a 

- 

« 

42 

a 

c.  &s. 

1546-47 

u 

- 

a 

1,794 

a 

C.&S. 

1547-48 

« 

- 

a 

1,460 

a 

C.  &  S.* 

1548-49 

u 

- 

a 

660 

« 

c.  &s. 

I550-51 

a 

- 

a 

7ii 

a 

c.  &s. 

I55I-52 

u 

- 

a 

576 

a 

c.  &  s.* 

1552-53 

a 

- 

a 

534 

a 

c.  &s. 

1553-54 

a 

- 

« 

546 

« 

c.  &s. 

1554-55 

u 

- 

a 

117 

a 

c.&s. 

1558-59 

u 

- 

a 

225 

a 

c&s. 

1560-61 

u 

- 

a 

2,430 

a 

c.  &s. 

1563-64 

a 

- 

a 

i,ii3i 

a 

c&s. 

284 


APPENDIX  C 


Bridgewater  and  Members  {continued) 


1566-67 

Mich. 

-     Easter 

824  quarters 

c.  &s. 

1569-70 

« 

Mich. 

863 

u 

Corn  returns 

1571-72 

« 

_         « 

129 

u 

Corn  returns 

1572-73 

« 

_         « 

210 

a 

Corn  returns 

1581-82 

« 

_            u 

306 

« 

Corn  returns  XX 

1582-83 

« 

_            « 

234 

■ 

Corn  returns  *$ 

1583-84 

a 

_           « 

723 

a 

Corn  returns  lt 

1585-86 

« 

_             a 

126 

u 

[C.  &  S.] 

1587 

25  Mar. 

-24  June 

33 

a 

[C.  &  S.] 

1587-88 

Mich. 

-25  Mar. 

i95i 

u 

[C.  &  S.] 

1588 

25  Mar. 

-16  June 

237 

a 

[C.  &  S.] 

1588-89 

Mich. 

Mich. 

258I 

u 

[C.  &  S.] 

1589-90 

« 

-25  Mar. 

379* 

u 

[C.  &  S.] 

Accounts  with  no  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods:  — 

1470,  23  July-24  Oct.,  C.  &  S.;  1472,  5  May-i  Oct,  C.  &  S.;  1483,  9  Apr.-26 
June,  C.  &  S.;  1536,  28  Mar.-Mich.,  C  &  S.;  1578-81,  Corn  returns XJ;  1590, 
25  Mar.-Mich.,  [C.  &  S.];   1591,  24  June-Mich.,  [C.  &  S.]. 


Bristol  and  Members 

Within  the  period  1 303-1 687,  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  as 
follows:  — 


1303-10 

[Mar.J- 

[May] 

60  quarters 

Petty  C. 

I391 

10  Aug.  -ic 

» Dec. 

232 

u 

Pdge.* 

1437 

18  July  -  5 

1  Sept 

372 

u 

C.  &S. 

1461 

26  Mar.  - 

Mich. 

[12] 

u 

C.  &S. 

1470 

18  Aug.  -  4 

.  Nov. 

12 

« 

C.  &S. 

1473 

Easter- 

Mich. 

918 

a 

C.  &S. 

1475 

Easter-20  July 

488J 

u 

C.  &S. 

1479 

Easter-22 

:  July 

216 

a 

C.  &S. 

1479-80 

Mich.- 

Easter 

885 

a 

C.  &S. 

1485-86 

«     _ 

Mich. 

840 

a 

C.  &S. 

1486-87 

u      _ 

Easter 

1,212 

u 

C.&S. 

1492-93 

a      _ 

Mich. 

930 

« 

C.  &S. 

1503-04 

u      _ 

u 

1,125 

« 

C.&S. 

1512-13 

a      _ 

a 

1,201  J 

« 

c.  &s. 

1516-17 

«      _ 

a 

4,975* 

« 

[C.  &  S.] 

1 51 7-i  8 

«      _ 

u 

163* 

u 

[C.  &  S.] 

1522-23 

a      _ 

a 

2,121 

u 

C.&S. 

1525-26 

u      _ 

u 

5,139 

u 

c.  &s. 

1536-37 

a      _ 

a 

114 

a 

c.  &s. 

1  MS 

,,  Br.  M., 

Harl.  306,  fols. 

,  26-31. 

APPENDIX  C 


285 


Bristol  and  Members  {continued) 


1541-42 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

1,036  quarters 

c.  &  s.* 

1557-58 

«     _ 

« 

327 

u 

c.  &s. 

1562-63 

«     _ 

a 

94 

a 

c.  &s. 

1569-70 

u       _ 

« 

2,068 

« 

Corn  returns 

1570-71 

«      _ 

« 

300 

« 

Corn  returns 

1572-73 

u       _ 

a 

600 

It 

Corn  returns 

1579-80 

u       _ 

a 

3™i 

u 

"  Cocketts,"  etc 

1582-83 

«      _ 

a 

1,086 

u 

C.  &S. 

1678-79 

1  Jan.  - 

i  Jan. 

I74l 

a 

[C.  &  S.] 

1681-82 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

277! 

« 

[C.  &  S.] 

1686-87 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

112J 

a 

[C.  &  S.] 

Accounts  with  no  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years:  — 

1325-26,  Petty  C;  1378-79,  16  N0V.-28  May,  Pdge.;  1402-03,  10  Oct.-io 
Nov.,  Pdge.;  1465-66,  28  N0V.-14  May,  C.  &  S.;  1469,  26  Aug-14  Nov.,  C.  &  S.; 
1471,  29  Mar-Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1477-78,  1  Nov.-Easter,  C.  &  S.;  1483,  20  July- 
Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1533-34,  C.  &  S.;  1542-43.  C  &  S.;  1545-46,  C.  &  S.;  1550-51, 
C.  &  S.;  1551-52,  C.  &  S.*;  1558-59,  C.  &  S.;  1579-80,  Mich.-Easter,  C.  &  S.; 
1585-86,  Easter-Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1590,  Apr-June,  Ledger;  1591-92,  C.  &  S., 
Search's,  ents.;  1595-96,  C.  &  S.;  1599-1600,  C.  &  S.;  1615-16,  Xmas-Xmas, 
T.  &P. 

CHICHESTER  AND  MEMBERS 

Within  the  period  1347-1671,  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  as 
follows:  — 


1347-48 

1388 

1388-89 

1392-93 

139S-96 

1397-98 

1421-22 

1464-65 

1466-67 

1473-74 
1481-82 
1485-86 
1489-90 
1490-91 
1497-98 
1508-09 

1513-H 
1515-16 
1538-39 


30  Oct.   -     Mich. 
20  Mar.  -         " 
Mich.-24  June 
■    -     Mich. 


17  Oct.   -12  Feb. 

18  Dec.  -  Mich. 
3  Oct.   - 

Mich-  ■ 

20  Oct.   -  a 

20  [Nov.]-  Mich. 

Mich-  « 


2,202  quarters 

[264]  ■ 

[1,045]  ' 

1,291!  " 

124*  " 

1,174  ' 
26 

32  " 

320  " 

1,130  " 

506  « 

1,481  « 

138  u 

1,181  ■ 

1,456  - 

37  " 

185  » 

740 


Sheriff's  certificates 
Pdge. 
Pdge. 
Pdge. 
Pdge. 
Pdge. 
C.  fcS. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
[C.  &  S.]* 

c.  &  s.* 
c.  &s. 
c.  &s. 
c.  &  s.* 
c.  &s. 
c.  &s. 
c.  &s. 


286 


APPENDIX  C 


Chichester  and  Members  (continued) 


1539-40 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

500  quarters 

c.&s. 

1543-44 

«    _ 

« 

[    o« 

« 

C.&S. 

1569-70 

a      _ 

« 

200 

u 

Corn  returns 

1571-72 

«     _ 

« 

324 

a 

Corn  returns 

1572-73 

u      _ 

« 

296 

a 

Corn  returns 

1573-74 

u     _ 

■ 

492 

u 

Corn  returns 

1602-03 

«      _ 

u 

250 

u 

Compt's.  ents. 

1617-18 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

"5 

u 

Cust's.  ents. 

1618-19 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

310 

u 

Cust's.  ents. 

1620-30 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

230 

u 

Compt's.  ents. 

1640-41 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

43° 

m 

Search's,  ents. 

1667-68 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

863 

u 

Search's,  ents. 

1670-71 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

230 

u 

Cust's.  ents. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods:  — 

1390-91, 30  N0V.-4  Feb.,  C.  &  S.;  1397, 17  Feb.-Mich.,  Pdge.*;  1398-99,  Mich.- 
15  Sept.,  Pdge.;  1463-64,  22  Sept-18 Dec.,  C.  & S.;  1465-66,  Mich-3 Oct.,  C. & S.; 
1467,  Mich.-[24 Nov.?],  C.  & S.;  1469,  24  Aug-14 Nov.,  C.  &  S.;  1482-83,  Mich- 
9  Feb.,  [C.  &  S.];  1499-1500,  C.  &  S.;  1600-01,  Compt's.  ents.;  1646-47,  Xmas- 
Xmas,  Search's,  ents.;  1666-67,  Xmas-Xmas,  Compt's.  ents.;  1668-69,  Xmas- 
Xmas,  Search's,  ents. 

Exeter  and  Dartmouth  and  Members 

Within  the  period  1323-1609,  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  as 
follows:  — 


1398-99 

2  Dec.  -15  Sept. 

4  quarters 

Pdge. 

1480-81 

Mich.-      Mich. 

53 

« 

C.  &  S.' 

1491-92 

a     _           a 

6 

u 

C.&S. 

1492-93 

*    -  i  Apr. 

192 

u 

C.&S. 

1503-04 

a     _            « 

4°i 

u 

C.&S. 

1508-09 

«      _            u 

2 

u 

C.&S. 

1523-24 

a     _            a 

39 

a 

C.&S. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  following 
periods,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1323,  3  Feb-30  Apr.,  Petty  C;  1324-26,  30  Apr.-26  May,  Petty  C;  1391-92, 
8Dec.-2o  June,  Pdge.;  1398-99,  2  Dec.-Mich.,  Petty  C;  1410-11, 18  Nov -Mich.; 
1460-61,  Mich-3  Mar.;  1461,  13  May-Mich.;  1469,  14  Sept-9  Dec.;  1470-71, 
18N0V.-10  June;  1474-75,  Mich.-i 7  Oct.;  1482-83,  25  Oct.-g  Apr.;  1494,  Easter- 
Mich.;  1498-99;  1515-16;  1517-18,  C.&S.*;  1518-20;  1528-29;  1531-34,  Mich- 
12  Mar.;  1536-37;  1542-46;  1549-51;  1557-595  1562-63;  1570-71,  Corn  returns; 
i572-73>  Corn  returns;  1578-79,  Corn  returns;  1579-83;  1590,  24  June-Mich.; 
1 59 1,  Mich -Xmas  (Exeter  only);  1608-09,  Xmas-Xmas. 


APPENDIX  C 


287 


Hull  and  Members 

Within  the  period  1 307-1 690,  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  as 
follows:  — 

1307-08 

1346-47 
1380-81 
1461-62 
1464-65 

1465 
1466-67 
1460-70 
1471 

1473 

1489-90 

1510-11 

1511-12 

1545-46 

1548-49 

1569-70 

1571-72 

1572-73 

1578-79 

1579-80 

1580-81 

1581-82 

1582-83 

1583-84 
1608-09 
1665-66 
1689-90 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

I396~97,  26  Jan -Mich.,  Pdge.*;  [1397],  Petty  C.*;  1401,  Easter-7  July,  Pdge.; 
1468,  18  July-Mich.,  Petty  C,  Pdge.;  1471,  18  June-Mich.;  1471-72;  1484,  9 
Apr.-Mich.,  Petty  C;  1519-20,  Mich-23  May;  1521-22;  1531-32;  1540-42; 
1576,  Easter-Mich.,  Export  acct;  1630-31,  Xmas-Xmas,  (H.  &  B.)  ■ 


Mich.- 

Mich. 

3,527  quarters 

Petty  C,  Pdge. 

20  Nov.  -10  Aug. 

5,o57 

« 

Corn  returns 1 

[June]- 

[June] 

129 

« 

Pdge.* 

17  Mar.  - 

Mich. 

289! 

« 

C.  &S. 

Mich.-i 

8  Mar. 

140 

« 

C.  &S. 

18  Mar.  - 

Mich. 

3,287 

u 

C.  &S. 

Mich- 

« 

1,421 

u 

C.  &S. 

17  Nov.  - 

9  Aug. 

107 

« 

C.  &S. 

5  Feb.  -18  June 

170 

u 

C.  &S. 

6  Aug.  - 

Mich. 

420 

u 

C.  &S. 

Mich.- 

« 

176J 

a 

C.  &S. 

«     _ 

« 

1,893* 

u 

C.  &S. 

a     _ 

u 

170! 

« 

C.  &S. 

«     _ 

u 

120 

u 

C.  &S. 

«      _ 

u 

400 

u 

C.  &  S.* 

«     _ 

« 

400 

a 

Corn  returns 

«     _ 

u 

i,758* 

a 

Corn  returns 

«     _ 

u 

1,500 

a 

Corn  returns 

a      _ 

u 

2,350 

u 

Corn  returns  2J 

u      _ 

It 

2,162 

« 

Corn  returns  *J 

«      _ 

u 

5,337 

« 

Corn  returns  *J 

u     _ 

u 

485 

■ 

Corn  returns  *J 

u      _ 

u 

33 

■ 

Corn  returns  2J 

a     _ 

u 

1,176 

u 

Corn  returns  2{ 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

84* 

u 

C.  &  S.  (H.  &  G.) » 

Xmas-25  Mar. 

400 

a 

C.  &S. 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

2,296^ 

a 

C.&S.  (H.,B.,S.&G.)» 

»  To  Bordeaux. 

»  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Had.,  306,  fob.  46-31. 

»  H.  ■  Hull,  B.  -  Bridlington,  S.  -  Scarboro,  G. 


Grimsby. 


288 


APPENDIX  C 


Ipswich  and  Members 


Within  the  period  1386-1572,  records  of  corn  exports  are  as  follows: 

5  quarters 

3°4        " 
180        ■ 

[i«     « 
[422]       " 


1386-87 
1404 

I4S8-S9 
1466 

1473 

1481 

1481-82 

1487 

1499-1500 

1501-02 

1505-06 

1516-17 

1529-30 

1546-47 
1547-48 
1562-63 
1571-72 


28  Nov.  -10  Jan. 
8  May  -     Mich. 

29  Nov.  -  " 
29  Mar.  -  ' 
15  July  -         ■ 

Mich-28  Oct. 
28  Oct.   -      Mich. 
Mich-26  Dec. 
u    -     Mich. 


[390] 

[229] 

[26] 

[3,58i] 
[493] 
[923] 

[i,7i7$] 
[8] 

7,197* 

[9,863] 
280 

i,oi5 


Pdge. 
Pdge. 
C.  &S. 

&S.* 

&S. 

&S. 

&S. 

&S. 

&S.* 

&S. 
C.  &S. 

c.  &s. 
c.  &s. 
c.  &s. 
c.  &s. 
c.  &  s.* 

Cora  returns 


Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1413-14,  Pdge.;  1462,  28  Apr-16  Oct.;  1462-63,  3  Nov.-May,  C.  &  S.*;  1463, 
30 Mar.-io  July;  1470,  21  June-9  Oct.;  1472,  Mich-28  Dec;  1483-84,  Mich-28 
Feb.;  1564-65,  Mich.-Easter,  C.  &  S.* 


London  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1 308-1 685,  corn  exports  are  recorded  as  follows:  — 


1308 

1  June 

-Mich. 

208$  quarters 

Petty  C* 

1308-09 

Mich. 

_    « 

[680] 

« 

Petty  C. 

1384 

1  July 

_      u 

1,083! 

a 

Pdge.* 

1450 

31  Mar. 

_      « 

i,797i 

u 

Pdge. 

1490-91 

Mich. 

_     « 

4 

u 

Petty  C. 

1495 

18  Jan. 

_     « 

50 

a 

Petty  C. 

1572-73 

Mich. 

_      a 

1,090 

u 

Corn  returns 

1608-09 

Xmas-Xmas 

144 

a 

T.  &  P.  (Den.). 

1626-27 

« 

_      u 

898$ 

u 

[Surv's.  ents.,  Al.  &  Den.] 

1626-27 

u 

_      « 

72J 

u 

T.  &  P.,  Al. 

1628-29 

u 

_      u 

265 

« 

T.  &P. 

1638-39 

a 

_      a 

1,502! 

a 

T.  &  P.,  Den. 

1639-40 

u 

_      u 

i,i77 

u 

Cust's.  ents.,  Al. 

1639-40 

a 

_      « 

3,922 

a 

T.  &  P.,  Den. 

1640-41 

it 

_      « 

240 

a 

T.  &  P.,  Al. 

1660-61 

a 

-[      Xmas]   108 
[=  7  Nov.] 

a 

Cust's.  ents.,  Al. 

APPENDIX  C 


289 


1660-61 

24  June  -Xmas 

9°i 

1662-63 

Mich-Mich. 

2,506 

1668-69 

a      _      u 

1,448 

1671-72 

Xmas-Xmas 

1,213 

1676-77 

«     _    « 

7* 

1676-77 

a      _     u 

53,434* 

1677-78 

u      _      « 

43,505* 

1680-81 

«      _      « 

5^021 

1682-83 

«      _     « 

I3,6i3f 

1684-85 

«      _     a 

9,i58£ 

London  and  Members  (continued) 

oo£  quarters    Surv's.  ents.,  Den.* 
C.  &  S. 
1  C.  &  S. 

H  Den. 

Surv's.  ents.,  Al. 
T.  &  P.,  Den. 
Search's,  ents.,  Den. 
T.  &  P.,  Den. 
T.  &  P.,  Den. 
T.  &  P.,  Den. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  as  follows,  and 
the  records  are  Petty  C,  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

H  Ed.  II,  Mich-Dec.;  1432-33;  1438-40;  1449-50,  10  June-31  Mar.,  Pdge.; 
1456-57,  T.  &  P.;  1502-03;  1550-51,  Petty  C.*;  1552-53,  Petty  C.*;  1569-70, 
Corn  returns;  1571-72,  Corn  returns;  1576,  Easter-Mich.,  T.  &  P.;  1680-81, 
Xmas-Xmas,  T.  &  P.,  Al. 

Lynn  and  Members 

Within  the  period  1303-1687,  corn  exports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 
25  Feb.  -29  Sept.         [3,440]  quarters 


1303 

1303-04 

1304-05 

1305-06 

1306-07 

1308-09 

1323-24 

1326-27 

1388 

1390 

1392-93 

1405 

1456-57 

146 1 

1466 

1466-67 

1467-68 

1468-69 

1470-71 

147 1 

1471-72 

1480-81 

1486-87 

1487-88 


29  Sept.  -26  June  [510] 

Mich-     Mich.  [5,500] 

"     -         "  [3,566] 

"     -         "  [3,436] 

29  Sept.  -  8  Aug.  [1,650] 
Mich.-     Mich.  74^ 

"     -16  Mar.  33 
20  Mar.  -     Pentecost      580 

30  Nov.  -     Mich.  32 
22  Feb.  -[13]  Feb.  2,740 

5  Mar.  -     Mich.  4,156* 

6  "     -24  Jan.  [3,649] 

4  "  -18  Nov.  172 
19  Mar.  -  2  Nov.  1,336 

2  Nov.  -  2  Nov.  3,211* 

2      "    -  2      "  1,966 

2      u    -17  Sept.  6,240 

13      "     -13  Nov.  330 

5  June  -13  "  320 
13  Nov.  -13  *  320 
12  "  -  Mich.  [5,695] 
II    ■■    -         "  [400] 

Mich.-        ■  1,904 


Petty  C. 
Petty  C. 
Petty  C. 
Petty  C. 
Petty  C. 
Petty  C. 
Petty  C. 
Petty  C. 
Pdge. 
Pdge. 
Pdge. 
Pdge. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
Pdge. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 
C.  &S. 


290 


APPENDIX  C 


Lynn  and  Members  (continued) 


1489-90 

Mich.-      Mich. 

[3,125]  quarters 

c.&s. 

1490-91 

« 

_         u 

lM73i] 

■ 

c.  &  s.* 

1494-95 

it 

_         it 

46oi 

it 

C.&S. 

1503-04 

u 

_         u 

4,75iJ 

a 

C.&S. 

1509 

u 

-21  Nov. 

180 

it 

C.&S. 

1512-13 

it 

-     Mich. 

960 

u 

c.&s. 

1513-14 

a 

_         it 

164 

it 

C.&S. 

1517-18 

■ 

_         « 

610 

11 

C.&S. 

1518-19 

it 

_         « 

2,537 

it 

C.&S. 

1519-20 

It 

_         « 

1,023! 

it 

C.&S. 

1523-24 

It 

_          it 

8,025 

it 

C.&S. 

1528-29 

■ 

_         u 

240* 

it 

C.&S. 

1529-30 

It 

_          u 

3,oo8j 

a 

C.&S. 

1530-31 

It 

_         it 

19,876 

u 

C.&S. 

1535-36 

■ 

_         it 

279 

u 

C.  &  S.* 

1538-39 

It 

_         it 

7,1 18! 

it 

C.&S. 

1540-41 

u 

_         a 

1,079 

it 

C.&S. 

1541-42 

It 

_         it 

2,3 13* 

it 

C.&S. 

1543-44 

It 

_         it 

880 

u 

C.&S. 

1544-45 

It 

_         it 

938 

u 

C.&S. 

1547 

It 

-25  Oct. 

1,960 

« 

C.  &  S.* 

1549-50 

It 

-     Mich. 

1,380 

It 

C.  &S. 

1551-52 

it 

_         u 

45o 

It 

C.&S. 

1553-54 

u 

_         u 

1,062^ 

It 

C.&S. 

1557-58 

It 

_         it 

690 

It 

C.&S. 

1561-62 

It 

_         u 

460 

« 

C.&S. 

1569-70 

It 

_         u 

2,055 

u 

Corn  returns 

I57I-72 

It 

_         a 

20,920 

It 

Com  returns 

1572-73 

u 

_         u 

13,408 

It 

Corn  returns 

1575-76 

u 

_         it 

i,57o 

It 

C.  &S. 

1576-77 

It 

_         it 

3,75o 

It 

c.  &s. 

1577-78 

It 

-  8  July 

4,3io 

It 

c.&s. 

1578-79 

It 

-     Mich. 

6,675 

It 

Corn  returns  l% 

1579-80 

It 

_         u 

",131 

It 

Corn  returns  xt 

1580-81 

It 

_         it 

I9,7i9 

It 

Com  returns  l% 

1581-82 

it 

_         u 

",839 

It 

Com  returns  XJ 

1582 

1  Mar. 

-20  June 

4,010 

u 

Com  returns  ■ 

1582-83 

Mich 

.-     Mich. 

10,370 

It 

Com  returns  l% 

1583-84 

it 

_         « 

25,255 

It 

Com  returns  JJ 

[1585] 

Oct. 

-     Dec. 

2,070 

u 

Com  returns  * 

1585-86 

Mich 

.-     Mich. 

7,8n 

It 

Fanner's  Ledger 

1586-87 

« 

_         u 

1,050 

It 

Export  Ledger 

1587-88 

26  July 

-25  July 

19,476 

It 

Ledger 

«  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  306,  fols.  afr-31. 

»  MS.,  R.  O.,  Slate  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  cliv,  No.  17  <i — iil>. 

•  Ibid.,  ckxxvi,  No.  17  (i). 


APPENDIX  C 


29I 


Lynn  and  Members  {continued) 


1588 

27  July  -i< 

;Oct. 

2,560  quarters 

Ledger 

1588-89 

Xmas- 

Mich. 

20,365 

■ 

Ledger 

1590 

25  June  - 

Mich. 

280 

u 

Ledger 

1591-92 

Mich.-25 

Mar. 

6,015 

u 

Ledger 

1612-13 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

847 

it 

[C.  &  S.] 

1663-64 

«     _ 

« 

429i 

it 

C.  &S. 

1665-66 

«     _ 

it 

320 

a 

c.  &s. 

1669-70 

a      _ 

it 

1,047* 

it 

[C.  &  S.] 

1671-72 

«      _ 

a 

3,6i7i 

it 

[C.  &  S.] 

1677-78 

«      _ 

u 

12,966 

u 

C.  &  S.,  Cust's.  ents. 

1681-82 

«      _ 

it 

249 

u 

C.&S. 

1682-83 

u      _ 

it 

441 

it 

[C.  &  S.] 

1683-84 

«      _ 

u 

2,3  76  J 

u 

c&s. 

1684-85 

«      _ 

u 

4,029 

u 

C.&S. 

1686-87 

«      _ 

u 

815 

a 

c&s. 

Accounts  with  no  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods:  — 

1324-25,  Petty  C;  1483-84,  C.  &  S.;  1559,  29  May-Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1596-97. 
C.  &  S.;  1631-32,  Xmas-Xmas,  [C.  &  S.J;  1637-38,  Xmas-Xmas,  [C.  &  S.J. 

Newcastle  and  Members 

Within  the  period  1378-1592,  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  as 
follows:  — 


1408-09 

7  Sept.  -10  May 

2  quarters 

Pdge. 

1456-57 

20  Nov.  -17  May 

23        " 

C.&S. 

1499-1500 

Mich.-      Mich. 

[64]       " 

C.&S. 

1500-01 

u    _         u 

14        " 

C.&S. 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1378,  8  Feb.-Mich.,  Petty  C;  1389-90,  24  Aug-25  Mar.,  Pdge.;  1390,  1  Mar.- 
8 Dec,  Pdge.;  1390,  Mich.-8 Dec,  Petty  C;  1403,  1  Feb-3  Apr.,  Pdge.;  1408-09, 
7  Sept.-io  May,  Petty  C;  1461-62,  9  May-18  Feb.;  1472,  1  Jan-17  Mar.;  1481, 
12  Apr.-20  Dec,  Petty  C;  1488-89,  28  Oct.-Mich.;  1501-02;  1504,  Mich-28 
Dec;  1505-06;  1508-09;  1512-13;  1522-23;  1529-30;  IS43-4SJ  1552-53;  *5SS- 
56;  1557-58;  1585,  Mich.-Xmas;  1586,  Easter-Xmas;  1587-88,  24  June-25  Mar.; 
1588-89,  Xmas-25  Mar.;  1589,  24  June-Mich.;  1591-92,  Xmas-25  Mar. 


292 


APPENDIX  C 


Plymouth  and  Fowey  and  Members 

Within  the  period  1391-1592  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  as 
follows:  — 


1413 

Easter- 

Mich. 

[22]  quarters 

Pdge. 

1437-38 

Mich.- 

« 

[28] 

a 

C.  &S. 

1477-78 

30  Nov.  - 

a 

588 

« 

C.  &S. 

1478-79 

Mich- 

a 

18I 

a 

C.  &S. 

1479-80 

«    _ 

u 

175 

u 

C.  &S. 

1497-98 

a     _ 

a 

84* 

u 

C.  &S. 

1498-99 

u     _ 

a 

206$ 

a 

C.  &  S.* 

1504-05 

"    -[25  Mar.] 

4 

« 

C.  &  S.* 

1507-08 

u      _ 

Mich. 

5 

u 

C.  &S. 

1516-17 

a      _ 

a 

18J 

a 

C.  &S. 

1522-23 

«      _ 

a 

4 

u 

c.  &  s* 

1525-26 

"      -   2 

June 

88 

u 

c.  &s. 

1540-41 

u      _ 

Mich. 

212 

a 

c.  &s. 

1541-42 

a      _ 

a 

75 

u 

c.  &s. 

1557-58 

«      _ 

u 

454 

it 

c.  &s. 

1569-70 

u      _ 

« 

200 

« 

Corn  returns 

1571-72 

«      _ 

« 

80 

a 

Corn  returns 

1587-88 

Xmas-2« 

;  Mar. 

124 

a 

C.  &  S.» 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1391-92,  8  Dec-20  June,  Pdge.;  1456,  Mich-18  Dec.,  [C.  &  S.];  1457,  5  June- 
Mich.,  [C.  &  S.]*;  1461-62;  1463,  26  July-Mich.;  1465-66,  Mich.-25  May;  1473- 
74;  1476,  Mich.-io  Dec,  [C.  &  S.];  1481,  Mich-16  Nov.;  1481-82,  14  N0V.-7 
Feb.;  1483,  6  Feb-3  Apr.;  i486,  Mich.-8  Nov.;  1487,  Mich.~7  Dec;  1536-37; 
1530-40;  I552-53.  C.  &  S.*;  1556-57;  1578-84,  Corn  returns  *;  1586-87,  Xmas- 
25  Mar.,  C.  &  S.2;  1587,  25  Man-24  June,  C.  &  S.a*;  1587,  24  June-Xmas,  C.  &  S.2; 
1590,  25  Mar-Mich.;  1591,  Xmas-25  Mar.;  1592,  Xmas-25  Mar.,  C.  &  S.*;  1592, 
Xmas-25  Mar.,  C.  &  S.». 

Poole  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1460-1605,  corn  exports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1465-66 
1467-68 
1470 

[1473-74  ?] 
1482 
1492-93 


22  July  -15  Mar. 
12  Feb.  -  1  Aug. 
17  Feb.  -      Mich. 
28  July  -  1  Mar. 

Easter-     Mich. 

Mich.-2o  Jan. 


13  quarters 

182  ■ 
1,038*      ■ 

517  " 
2,949        " 

196 


C.  &S. 

c.  &s. 
c.  &s. 
c.&s. 
c.  &s. 
c.&s. 


*  MS.,  Br.  M..  Bad.,  306,  fob.  26-31. 

*  Refers  to  Fowey  and  members,  i.e.,  Penryn,  Padstow,  etc 

*  Refers  to  Plymouth. 


APPENDIX  C 


293 


Poole  and  Members  (continued) 


1504-05 

Mich.- 

[Easter] 

67* 

quarters 

a  &s. 

1505-06 

u      _ 

Mich. 

641 J 

11 

c.  &s. 

1521-22 

u      _ 

u 

42 

a 

c.&s. 

1523-24 

a     _ 

u 

3,058 

a 

c.  &s. 

1528-29 

a     _ 

u 

94 

« 

c.&s. 

1520-30 

a     _ 

u 

340 

u 

c.&s. 

1547-48 

«     _ 

11 

54i 

u 

c.  &  s.* 

1558-59 

11     _ 

II 

50 

11 

c.&s. 

1569-70 

u      _ 

u 

221 

it 

Corn  returns 

1571-72 

u      _ 

II 

330 

« 

Corn  returns 

1578-79 

u       _ 

II 

no 

it 

Corn  returns  K 

1604-05 

u       _ 

a 

539f 

11 

[C.  &  S.] 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1460-61,  26  Aug.-Mich.;  1462,  20  May-Mich.;  1466-67,  14  Mar .-12  Feb.; 
1468,  1  Aug-19  Dec;  1469,  3  Sept-20  Nov.;  1471-72,  Mich-22  July;  1472,  21 
July-20  Oct.;  1478-79,  1  Oct.-i  Oct.;  i486,  Mich-17  Nov.;  1487-88;  1548-49; 
I552-53;  i556-57>  C.  &  S.*;   1579-84,  Corn  returns  J$;  1586,  Mich.-Xmas. 


Sandwich  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1304-1581,  corn  exports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1304-05 

Mich.-      Mich. 

[6,630]  quarters 

Petty  C. 

1307-08 

11    _         11 

[300] 

■ 

Petty  C. 

1371-72 

1  Nov.  -  1  Nov. 

[535] 

a 

Pdge.* 

1393-94 

8  Dec.  -  5  Nov. 

727f 

u 

Petty  C. 

1398 

17  Feb.  -19  May 

15 

11 

Pdge. 

1399 

19  May  -15  Sept. 

12 

11 

C.&S. 

1439-40 

Mich-     Mich. 

[388M 

a 

C.&S. 

1463-64 

8  Dec.  -         " 

[99] 

11 

C.&S. 

1464-65 

20  Mar.  -11  Apr. 

[12] 

11 

Pdge. 

1537-38 

30  Dec.  -     Mich. 

342 

11 

C.&S. 

1539 

[Mar.]-    [Mich.] 

964 

11 

c.&s. 

1540 

5  July  -     Mich. 

120 

11 

c.&s. 

1541-42 

Mich-         " 

291 

11 

Cockets 

1554-55 

■     -      Easter 

[156] 

11 

C.&S. 

1559-60 

"    -     Mich. 

[40] 

it 

C.&S. 

1571-72 

«      _             u 

i,754 

a 

Corn  returns 

1572-73 

28  Jan.   -20  Mar. 

2,112 

it 

Corn  returns 

1581 

1  Apr.  -30  Apr. 

390 

11     • 

Corn  returns  ■ 

I  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  306,  fols.  36-31. 

•  MS.,  R.  0.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  cxlviii,  No.  58. 


294 


APPENDIX  C 


Accounts  with  no  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods:  — 

1327-28,  20  Jan.-Mich.,  Petty  C;  1416-17,  Xmas-Easter,  Pdge.;  1463, 1  Aug.- 
Mich.,  C  &S.;  1535-36,  C.  &  S.;  1543-44,  C  &  S.;  1561-63,  C  &  S. 

Southampton  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1322-1581,  com  exports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1383-84 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

474i  quarters 

Pdge. 

1432-33 

u      _ 

« 

386 

■ 

C&S. 

1442-43 

it     _ 

« 

2,110 

« 

C.&S. 

1448-49 

29  Dec.  - 

« 

20 

« 

C&S. 

1449 

Mich.-i 

9  Nov. 

5i 

u 

C&S. 

1472-73 

*    -22  May 

1 

it 

C&S. 

1487-88 

it      _ 

Mich. 

100 

a 

c  &  s.* 

1491-92 

«     _ 

it 

70 

it 

C&S. 

15*3-14 

it     _ 

it 

343i 

it 

C&S. 

1516-17 

it     _ 

it 

4,856 

it 

C&S. 

1519-20 

a     _ 

it 

10 

it 

C&S. 

1530-31 

it     _ 

it 

670 

it 

C&S. 

1 534-35 

u     _ 

u 

60 

it 

C&S. 

1538-39 

a      _ 

u 

1,985 

it 

Petty  C,  Pdge. 

1542-43 

it      _ 

u 

245 

it 

C&S. 

1569 

15  Mar.  - 

7  June 

255 

u 

Corn  returns 

1581 

Easter- 

Mich. 

170 

it 

Corn  returns l 

Accounts  with  no  entries  of  corn  exports,  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods,  and  the  records  are  C.  &  S.  unless  otherwise  specified:  — 

1322-23,  Petty  C;  1326-27,  25  Mar.-26  Feb.,  Petty  C;  1371-72,  1  Nov.- 
x  Nov.,  Pdge.*;  1403-04,  4  N0V.-25  Mar.;  1447-48, 17  July-Mich.;  1461,  3  Mar.- 
24  July;  1463-64, 19  July-26  Dec,Pdge.;  1483,  26  June-Mich.;  1496-97,  C  &  S.*; 
1537-38;  1553-54;  1555-57- 


Yarmouth  and  Members 
Within  the  period  1310-1663,  corn  exports  are  noted  as  follows:  — 


1388-89 

20  Mar.  - 

Pentecost 

1,021}  quarters 

Pdge. 

1413 

Mich.~3C 

1  Nov. 

74 

it 

C&S. 

1452-53 

29  May  - 

Mich. 

492 

it 

C&S. 

1453-54 

Mich.- 

a 

2,836* 

H 

c.&s. 

1454-55 

u.    _ 

it 

1,425 

It 

c.&s. 

1457-58 

u    _ 

it 

3,349* 

It 

C&S. 

1458-59 

it     _ 

it 

2,001 

It 

c.&s. 

1460-61 

i  Sept.  - 

a 

1,055 

a 

c&s. 

1  MS.,  R.  0.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  cl,  No.  X7. 


APPENDIX  C 


295 


Yarmouth  and  Members  {continued) 


1461-62 

Mich. 

-16  May 

180  quarters 

C&S. 

1462 

16  May  ■ 

-  1  Sept. 

43 

u 

Pdge. 

1464-65 

Mich. 

-20  Aug. 

1,31 2f 

■ 

C.&S. 

1485-86 

5  Oct. 

-18  Nov. 

12,345* 

« 

c.  &s. 

1504-05 

Mich. 

-     Mich. 

235 

a 

c.&s. 

1500-10 

« 

_         « 

4,925i 

« 

C.&S. 

1516-17 

« 

_         « 

4,758* 

« 

c.&s. 

1517-18 

a 

_         « 

60 

« 

c.&s. 

1518-19 

u 

_           « 

546 

« 

c.&s. 

1521-22 

u 

_           a 

1,368 

u 

c.  &  s.* 

1536-37 

u 

_           a 

81 

u 

c.&s. 

1542-43 

« 

_                N 

1,362 

« 

c.&s. 

1545-46 

u 

_                « 

2,617 

« 

c.&s. 

1548-49 

« 

_                « 

6,348 

« 

c.&s. 

1550-51 

u 

_                U 

62 

a 

C.&S. 

1551-52 

1 

_           u 

55o 

a 

c.&s. 

1552-53 

r 

_           u 

2,344 

« 

c.&s. 

1553-54 

!   « 

_           u 

1,626 

a 

c.&s. 

1560-61 

'  « 

_           a 

500 

a 

C&S. 

1561-62 

« 

_           « 

767 

u 

[C.  &  S.J 

1562-63 

« 

_           a 

30 

u 

[C  &  S.] 

1563-64 

u 

_           u 

780 

a 

[C.  &  S.]* 

1560-70 

« 

_           a 

2,168 

u 

Corn  returns* 

1570-71 

17  Nov. 

_           « 

io,555 

a 

Corn  returns 

1571-72 

Mich 

_           a 

9,o45 

u 

Corn  returns 

1578-79 

u 

_           a 

2,675 

« 

Corn  returns  lX 

1579-80 

« 

_           « 

9,712 

u 

Corn  returns  xt 

1580-81 

« 

_           a 

7,599 

a 

Corn  returns  lJ 

1581-82 

u 

_            a 

6,684 

a 

Corn  returns  *J 

1582-83 

u 

_           u 

5,776 

u 

Corn  returns  *% 

1583 

18  Feb. 

-28  Mar. 

1,812 

u 

Corn  returns  * 

1583-84 

Mich 

.-     Mich. 

9,871 

m 

Corn  returns  'J 

1584 

24  July 

-24  Aug. 

2,495 

m 

Corn  returns  * 

1590 

25  Mar. 

-25  June 

236 

u 

C&S. 

1595-06 

Mich 

.-     Mich. 

617 

a 

C.&S. 

1618-19 

Xmas- 

Xmas    6,086 

quarters 

c.  &  s., 

Compt's.  ents. 

1619-20 

«       _ 

"        4,5oo 

u 

c.  &  s., 

Cust's.  ents. 

1621-22 

«      _ 

555 

a 

c.  &  s., 

Cust's.  ents. 

1660-61 

«     _ 

"        2,072 

u 

Search's 

>.  ents.  [Al.  &  Den.] 

1662-63 

u      _ 

■        2,881 

u 

Compt'i 

3.  ents.  [Al.  &  Den.] 

«  MS.,  Br.  M.,  HarL,  306,  fob.  a6-3i. 

*  MS.,  R.  O.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  dx,  No.  7  (i). 

•  MS.,  R.  O.,  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elisabeth,  clxxii,  No.  06. 


296  APPENDIX  C 

Accounts  with  no  records  of  corn  exports  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing periods:  — 

1310-11,  2  Aug.~9  Oct.,  Petty  C;  1325-26,  Mich.-Easter,  Petty  C;  1392-93, 
24  June-i  Apr.,  Pdge.;  1396-97,  8  Nov -30  Apr.,  Pdge.;  1398-99,  1  May-i  May, 
Pdge.;  1401,  Mich-7  Dec,  Pdge.;  1409,  Easter-12  Aug.,  C.  &  S.*;  1409,  Mich.- 
1  Nov.,  C.  &  S.;  1418,  26  July-Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1558-60,  C.  &  S.;  1590,  26  June- 
Mich.,  C.  &  S.;  1611-12,  Xmas-Xmas,  C.  &  S.,  Search's,  ents.;  1648-49,  Xmas- 
Xmas. 


APPENDIX  D 


297 


APPENDIX  D 

Statistics  or  the  Coast  Trade  in  Corn  Outwards  and 
Inwards,  Arranged  According  to  Ports,  1 549-1690 

The  source  is  chiefly  K.  R.  Customs  Accounts  and  K.  R.  Port 
Books  preserved  in  the  Public  Record  Office. 
The  new  style  of  reckoning  the  year  is  used  in  this  appendix. 

(a)  OUTWARDS 
Barnstaple  and  Ilfracombe 

Records  of  outward  coast  trade  with  no  entries  of  corn  shipments 
are  found  as  follows:  — 

1552,  24  June-Mich.;  1554-55,  Mich.-Easter;  1556-57,  Easter-Mich.;  1558- 
59,  Mich.-Easter;  1562,  Easter-Mich.;  1564-65,  Mich.-Easter;  1586-87,  Mich- 
31  Mar.;  1613-14,  Xmas-Xmas;   1653-54,  24  June-24  June. 


Boston  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1549-SO 

Mich.  -  i  Apr. 

3 

373 

London 
Newcastle 

I 
2 

60 

I550 

1  Jan.    -  1  Aug. 

7 

744 

London 

Newcastle 

Hartlepool 

3 
3 

1 

203 

1551 

Easter-     Mich. 

4 

105 

London 
Newcastle 

2 
2 

65 

1552 

Mich.  -     Xmas 

1 

16 

London 

1 

16 

1553-54 

1  Nov.  -31  Jan. 

0 

O 

0 

O 

1554 

1  Feb.    -  1  May 

9 

443 

Unspecified 

1554-55 

Mich.  -     Mich. 

4 

42 

London 
Others 

2 
2 

33 

1555-56 

1  Nov.  -  1  May- 

7 

2l6i 

London 

Southwold 

Unspecified 

2 

1 
4 

170 

1556-57 

Mich.  -     Mich. 

14 

358 

Lynn 
Stowe 
London 
Others 

2 
2 

1 
9 

88 

I62I-22 

Xmas-     Xmas 

2 

34 

London 
Newcastle 

1 
1 

10 

298 


APPENDIX  D 
Bridgewater  and  Members 


Year 


Date 


Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

20 

593* 

8 

324 

14 

384 

8 

261 

IS 

448f 

3 

120 

21 

8i5t 

5 

281 

I 

25 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Swansea 

8 

Cardiff 

3 

Newton 

3 

Carmarthen 

2 

Bristol 

1 

Others 

3 

Cardiff 

2 

Carmarthen 

2 

Newton 

2 

Neath 

1 

Swansea 

1 

Cardiff 

6 

Bristol 

2 

Newton 

2 

Aberthaw 

Carmarthen 

Neath 

Swansea 

Barnstaple 

Cardiff 

Neath 

Swansea 

Others 

4 

Cardiff 

5 

Aberthaw 

3 

Newton 

3 

Tenby 

1 

Others 

3 

Carmarthen 

2 

Cardiff 

I 

Barnstaple 

4 

Carmarthen 

2 

Haverfordwest 

2 

"  Learpole  " 

2 

Newton 

2 

Tenby 

2 

Bideford 

1 

Ilfracombe 

1 

Others 

5 

Westchester 

3 

Bristol 

2 

Bristol 

1 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 


l-Ed.  6] 


28  Feb.    -24  July 


l-Ed.  6] 


1550-51 


Easter-  1  Aug. 


Mich.  -24  Apr. 


1551-52 
[ca.  1552] 

1558 
1561-62 


2  Oct    -18  Jan. 

26  Jan.    -  7  Mar. 

Easter-     Mich. 
Mich.  -     Mich. 


1500-01 
i59i 


25  Mar.  -25  Mar. 
25  Mar.  -24  June 


APPENDIX  D 

299 

Bristol  and  Members 

Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

ISSI-S2 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

46 

2,444* 

Carmarthen 

Cardiff 

Padstow 

Barnstaple 

Others 

18 

14 

6 

3 
5 

1552-53 

Xmas- 

1  Apr. 

15 

618 

Cardiff 
Carmarthen 
Padstow 
Others 

4 
4 
3 

4 

1553-54 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

94 

5,487 

Carmarthen 
St.  Ives  (Corn- 
wall) 
Padstow 
Cardiff 
Others 

23 
23 

18 
16 
14 

1555-56 

Mich. - 

Easter 

9 

256J 

Cardiff 

Padstow 

Others 

5 

2 
2 

1556 

Easter- 

Mich. 

9 

218 

Cardiff 

Carmarthen 

Others 

4 

2 

3 

I5S6-57 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

4 

50 

Cardiff 

Carmarthen 

Others 

1 
1 

2 

1557-58 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

40 

X,87l! 

Carmarthen 

Cardiff 

Others 

19 
16 

5 

1558-59 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

13 

531 

Carmarthen 

Cardiff 

Others 

6 
4 
3 

1574-75 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

66 

4,458 

Carmarthen 
Cardiff 
Padstow 
Others 

24 

19 

9 

14 

1579-80 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

10 

224i 

Cardiff 

Aberystwyth 

Chepstow 

Milford 

Carmarthen 

3 
2 
2 

2 
I 

1582-83 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

4 

138 

St.  Ives 
Others 

I 

3 

1591 

Easter- 

Mich. 

0 

O 

300 


APPENDIX  D 
Bristol  and  Members  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Porta  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1685-86 

Xmas-      Xmas 

7 

91 

Cardiff 

Carmarthen 

Chepstow 

Gloucester 

Milford 

Penzance 

2 

Chichester  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Com 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

ISSI 

8  Jan.    -     Easter 

SO 

756 

Hastings 
Rye 
London 
Others 

7 
6 

3 
4 

no 

1552 

Easter-     Mich. 

39 

1,7X7 

Rye 

Dartmouth 

Hastings 

London 

Others 

IS 
7 
5 
4 
8 

235 

1553 

Easter-     Mich. 

25 

1,091 

Rye 

Hastings 
London 
Others 

10 
3 
3 
9 

215 

1553-54 

Mich.  -     Easter 

35 

1,950 

Rye 

London 

Others 

20 

5 
10 

362 

1554 

Easter-     Mich. 

23 

972 

Hastings 
Rye 
London 
Others 

16 
2 

2 
3 

160 

1555 

Easter-     Mich. 

12 

400 

Rye 
Others 

5 
7 

1555-56 

Mich.  -     Easter 

36 

1,688* 

Rye 

Hastings 
London 
Others 

13 
9 
6 

8 

334 

1556 

Easter-     Mich. 

24 

697 

Rye 

London 

Others 

6 

4 
14 

132 

APPENDIX  D 
Chichester  and  Members  {continued) 


301 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Ore.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

IS64-6S 

Mich.  -     Easter 

29 

* 

Hastings 

Meeching 

Rye 

Dartmouth 

London 

Others 

II 
5 
5 
3 

1 

4 

1600 

Easter-     Mich. 

3 

250 

London 

3 

250 

Exeter  and  Dartmouth  and  Members  1 


Year 


Date 


Ship- 
ments 


Qre.  of 
Corn 


Ports  Whither 


Ship- 
ments 


Ore.  of 
Corn 


1552 
1552-53 

1554-55 

1555 

1556 


1556-57 
1557 


1558-59 

1562 

1564-65 


I586J 
1587-88 ■ 

1588  2 

1589  2 
1589-90 2 


24  June  - 
Xmas- 

Mich.  - 
Easter- 


Mich. - 
Easter- 


Mich. - 
Easter- 
Mich.  - 


Mich.  - 


24  June   ■ 
Xmas- 


Mich. 
Easter 

Easter 
Mich. 


Easter 
Mich. 


Easter 
Mich. 
Easter 


Xmas 
Easter 
Xmas 
Mich. 
Easter 


o 

7i 

3 

o 

150 


3i 

250 


o 

no 

65 


2 

2\ 

O 

o 

50 


Falmouth 

Helford 

Dartmouth 

"  Opsham  " 

Tenby 

Unspecified 

Helford 

Dartmouth 

London 

Lynn 

Plymouth 

Westchester 

Dartmouth 

Helforth 

Helston 

Unspecified 

Helford 


Plymouth 


1  When  to  one  of  the  ports  itself,  shipment  is  from  the  other  port. 
*  Dartmouth  only.  •  Exeter  only. 


302 


APPENDIX  D 
Hull  and  Members 


Yeti 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qr».  of 
Corn 

1549 

20  Feb.    -12  Nov. 

II 

i,Q73(?) 

Berwick 

Holy  Isle 

Newcastle 

Boston 

Hartlepool 

Scarboro 

4 

2 
2 
I 
I 
I 

ISSO 

Easter-    1  Aug. 

12 

1,024 

Newcastle 
Berwick 
London 
Whitby 

9 
1 

1 
1 

240 

ISSO-SI 

1  Nov.  -  2  Feb. 

I 

So 

Newcastle 

1 

1551 

1  Aug.   -  1  Nov. 

6 

342 

Newcastle 
Stokton 

5 

1 

I55I-S3 

1  Nov.  -Good  Fr. 

8 

245 

Newcastle 

8 

1552 

2  Feb.    -1  May 

11 

674 

Newcastle 
Berwick 
London 
Others 

6 

1 
1 
3 

52 

1552 

1  May  -    1  Aug. 

6 

718 

Newcastle 

Berwick 

London 

4 

1 
1 

328 

1554 

1  Jan.    -  1  Apr. 

30 

4,106 

London 
Newcastle 
Berwick 
Others 

12 
7 
5 
6 

1,837 

1554 

1  Apr.    -  i  July 

42 

5,593 

Newcastle 

London 

Others 

19 

14 

9 

2,985 

1554 

1  July    -  1  Oct. 

25 

3.921 

London 

Newcastle 

Others 

12 

3 
10 

2,163 

1555-56 

1  Oct.    -  1  Jan. 

1 

20 

Newcastle 

1 

1556-57 

1  Oct.    -  1  Jan. 

0 

0 

1558 

[1]  July    -      Mich. 

8 

804 

Berwick 

Newcastle 

Others 

2 
1 
5 

1563-64 

Mich.  -     Mich. 

20 

1,764 

Newcastle 
Hartlepool 
London 
Others 

6 

4 
4 
6 

355 

1586-87 

Mich.  -     Easter 

0 

0 

APPENDIX  D 
Hull  and  Members  (continued) 


303 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1627-28 

Xmas-     Xmas 
(H.  &  S.) 

52 

3.64a 

London 

Newcastle 

Whitby 

Berwick 

Sunderland 

28 
20 

2 
I 
I 

1,693 

I644-4S 

Xmas  -     Xmas 
(H.  &  S.) 

51 

4»3*7 

London 
Lynn 
Colchester 
Newcastle 

45 
4 

1 
1 

3,387 

1654-55 

Xmas  -     Xmas 
(H.  S.  G.  &  B.) 

144 

17,026 

London 
Others 

90 
54 

12,121 

1673-74 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

147 

I3»256 

Newcastle 

46 

(H.  S.  G.  &  B.) 

London 

Sunderland 

Others 

33 
21 

47 

2,3<>3 

1676-77 

Xmas  -     Xmas 
(H.  S.  G.  &  B.) 

173 

29,187 

London 

Newcastle 

Others 

124 
11 

38 

24,371 

1689-90 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

172 

I9,99S 

Newcastle 

67 

(H.  &  S.) 

London 
Others 

64 
4i 

5,575 

H.  ■  Hull,  S.  =■  Scarboro,  G.  ■  Grimsby,  B.  =»  Bridlington. 


Ipswich  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1551 

25  Mar.   - 

Mich. 

8 

37° 

Aldborough 
Faversham 
Newcastle 

I 

I 
I 

1557 
1561 

25  Mar.  - 

25      "     " 

Mich. 

« 

1 
13 

30 
588i 

Unspecified 
London 
London 
Newcastle 

5 

1 

10 

3 

388i 
200 

1565-66 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

36 

2,3°6i 

London 

Burnham 

Rochester 

29 
6 

1 

1,882* 

304 


APPENDIX  D 
London 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Ore.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.of 
Corn 

IS6S 

Easter- 

Mich. 

4 

478 

Dartmouth 

Exmouth 

Maidstone 

2 

I 
I 

1566-67 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

9 

752 

Maidstone 
Sandwich 
Middeton 
Rochester 

4 
3 

1 
1 

1579-80 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

5 

195 

Harwich 
Others 

2 
3 

1585-86 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

43 

4,926 

Lynn 
Milton 
Carmarthen 
Others 

6 

4 

3 

3° 

I634-3S 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

31 

2,362  x 

Boston 
Lynn 
Colchester 
Others 

5 

5 

4 

17 

1649 

23  July  ~2l 

Dec. 

IS 

464 

Colchester 

Dover 

Others 

6 

3 
6 

1670-71 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

26 

2,967 

Stockton 

Sunderland 

Hull 

Newcastle 

Others 

6 
4 
3 
3 
10 

1679-80 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

16 

805 

Stockton 

Dover 

Newcastle 

Rochester 

Others 

3 
2 

2 
2 
7 

1680-81 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

33 

2,535 

Wisbeach 

Hull 

Chester 

Stockton 

Others 

4 
3 
2 

2 
22 

1  Largely  foreign  rye. 


APPENDIX  D 
Lynn  and  Members 


305 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

IS49-SO 

Mich.  -14  June 

187 

39,801 

Berwick 

58 

Selby 

3° 

Newcastle 

29 

London 

9 

Whitby 

8 

Others 

53 

1551 

1  Apr.    - 

Mich. 

99 

14,900 

Berwick 

Newcastle 

Selby 

London 

Gravesend 

Others 

3i 
17 
n 

3 
1 

36 

635 

1551-52 

Mich.- 

Easter 

67 

9,221* 

Newcastle 

London 

Selby 

Berwick 

Others 

23 
10 
10 
6 
18 

4,195 
1,104$ 

1552 

Easter- 

Mich. 

75 

10,0895 

Newcastle 

Berwick 

London 

Boston 

Others 

31 

19 

8 

4 
13 

1,130 

1552 

Mich. - 

Xmas 

14 

2,49°* 

Newcastle 

London 

Durham 

7 
6 

1 

1,450* 

1555-56 

Mich. - 

Easter 

42 

4,8s6| 

London 

Woodbridge 

Boston 

Newcastle 

Others 

7 
5 
3 
2 

25 

1,282 

1557-58 

Mich.  - 

Mich. 

122 

25,715 

Berwick 

Newcastle 

Boston 

London 

Others 

7i 

32 

8 

1 
10 

160 

1558-59 

Mich.  - 

Mich. 

75 

11,628! 

Berwick 
London 
Newcastle 
Others 

3° 
20 

15 
10 

1,450 

1560-61 

Mich. - 

Easter 

58 

10,116* 

Berwick 
Newcastle 
London 
Boston 

17 
17 
10 

5 

1,034 

3o6 


APPENDIX  D 


Lynn  and  Members  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1560-61 

Faversham 

Sandwich 

Others 

I 
I 
7 

1561-62 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

272 

35»"7l 

Newcastle 

Selby 

Boston 

London 

HuU 

Rochester 

York 

Sandwich 

Faversham 

Maidstone 

Others 

73 

52 

32 

23 

14 

8 

8 

7 

4 

4 

47 

2,86l 

1563-64 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

183 

27,439* 

Selby 

Newcastle 

Boston 

Berwick 

London 

Rochester 

Milton 

Faversham 

Sandwich 

Maidstone 

Others 

39 

33 

16 

11 

11 

8 

6 

5 

4 

3 

47 

I»48S 

1564-65 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

39 

5,53iJ 

London 

Ipswich 

Maidstone 

Berwick 

Newcastle 

Rochester 

Others 

9 

5 
3 

2 

2 

2 

16 

1,223 

1582  * 

1  Mar.  -20  June 

38 

5.920 

Newcastle 

19 

Berwick 

3 

Sandwich 

2 

London 

1 

2CO 

Others 

13 

1681-82 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

407 

28,254 

Newcastle 

London 

Boston 

Spalding 

Sunderland 

Others 

169 
65 
53 
25 
17 
78 

13.375 

»  MS.,  R.  0.  Stale  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  div,  No.  17  (Wii). 


APPENDIX  D 


307 


Lynn 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1569-70 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

I02 

15.147 

Selby 

Newcastle 

London 

York 

Boston 

Colchester 

Ipswich 

Others 

25 
16 
12 

6 
5 
4 
4 
30 

976 

1576-77 

Easter- 

Easter 

172 

26,211 

London 

Newcastle 

Sandwich 

Berwick 

Ipswich 

Rochester 

Rye 

Others 

64 
45 
12 

4 
4 
4 
4 
35 

12,771 

1584-8S 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

72 

9.445 

Newcastle 

London 

Rye 

Berwick 

Ipswich 

Dartmouth 

Yarmouth 

Others 

16 
14 
5 
4 
4 
3 
3 
23 

1,683 

1590-91 » 

25  Dec.    -25 

Feb. 

22 

2,890 

Newcastle 
Hull 
London 
Others 

9 

4 
2 

7 

480 

1593-94 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

Il6 

20,563 

Newcastle 

Sandwich 

London 

Ipswich 

Berwick 

Dover 

Plymouth 

Others 

33 
21 

13 
6 

5 

5 

3 

30 

2,221 

1596-97 

Mich.  - 

Mich. 

146 

21.35° 

London 

Boston 

Gainsboro 

Berwick 

Newcastle 

47 
18 

14 
9 
9 

IO,I47 

1  Transported  by  non-freemen.     MS.,  Lynn  archives  Db  18. 


3o8 


APPENDIX  D 
Lynn  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1596-97 

Colchester 

6 

(ami.) 

HuU 

Ipswich 

Sandwich 

York 

Rochester 

Bristol 

Gravesend 

Others 

5 
5 
6 

5 
3 
2 
2 
15 

1600-01 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

66 

8,oo8j 

London 

HuU 

Berwick 

Colchester 

Newcastle 

Gainsboro 

Others 

16 

14 
11 

5 

5 

3 

12 

2,322 

1620-21 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

64 

XX, 200$ 

London 

Newcastle 

Sunderland 

Yarmouth 

Others 

44 

13 

2 

2 

3 

9,373f 

1631-32 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

J3° 

8,587* 

Boston 

HuU 

London 

Newcastle 

Others 

46 
3i 
24 
10 

19 

2,538 

1633-34 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

141 

10,585$ 

London 

Boston 

HuU 

Newcastle 

Colchester 

Others 

39 
38 
20 

17 
10 

17 

5,x40 

1 663-64  * 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

291 

19,681 

Newcastle 

Boston 

London 

Sunderland 

Others 

70 
56 
41 
16 
108 

4,995 

1671-72* 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

355 

37,304 

Newcastle 
Boston 

191 
49 

»  Twenty-seven  shipments  of  com  out  of  a  total  of  63,  that  is  4248  qrs.  out  of  a  total  of  6,909  J  qrs. 
left  Wisbeach  during  this  same  period  for  London. 

*  Wisbeach  sent  to  London  during  this  year  59  shipments,  or  12,414  qrs.  out  of  a  total  of  89  ship- 
ments, or  14,113}  qrs. 


APPENDIX  D 
Lynn  {continued) 


309 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1671-72 

London 
Spalding 
Sunderland 
Others 

33 
27 
11 

44 

6,624 

1684-85 

Xmas  -24  June  (?) 

108 

1 2,496 

Newcastle 

London 

Boston 

Wainfleet 

Sunderland 

Sutton 

Others 

29 

28 

11 

8 

7 

6 

21 

8,216* 

1685-86 > 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

124 

28,379 

London 
Boston 
Others 

95 

9 

20 

27,140 

1688-89 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

296 

47,217* 

Newcastle 

London 

Boston 

Hull 

Stockton 

Others 

68 
66 

39 
28 

15 
80 

23,39°* 

Plymouth,  Fowey  and  Members 


Year 


Date 


Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

I 

12* 

I 

So 

7 

91J 

1 

So 

1 

0* 

1 

67* 

1 

163 

3 

7S 

6 

344 

Ports  Whither 


Ship- 
ments 


Qrs.  of 
Corn 


1553 
[1554  ?1 
[1554-5  ?] 


[1557  ?1 
[i5S7  ?] 
1587  2 
1587  2 
1590 


1590 


6  Jan.    -21  Apr. 
Mich.  -     Xmas 
Xmas  -      Easter 


Mich.  -     Xmas 
Xmas  -      Easter 
25  Mar.  -24  June 

24  June   -     Mich. 

25  Mar.  -24  June 


24  June   -      Mich. 


Bristol 

Neath 

Exeter 

Carmarthen 

Neath 

Opsham 

Unspecified 

Barnstaple 

Opsham 

Fowey 

Westchester 

Falmouth 

London 

Westchester 

Unspecified 


1  Transported  by  non-freemen.     MS.,  Lynn  archives  Db  18. 


*  Fowey  and  members. 


3io 


APPENDIX  D 


Records  with  no  entries  of  corn  shipments  are  found  for  the  follow- 
ing years:  — 

1551-52,  Mich.-6  Jan.;  1552, 15  Jan.-io Apr.;  1552,  26  Apr-30 Sept;  i553"54, 
Xmas-Easter;  1554,  24  June-Mich.;  1554-55,  Xmas-Easter;  1557,  Easter-Mich.; 
1562,  Easter-Mich.;  1586-87,  Xmas-25  Mar.;  1587-88 ',  Mich-25  Mar. 


Poole  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1548-49* 

Mich.  -  Mich. 

IO 

5" 

Dartmouth 

Exmouth 

Hampton 

Plymouth 

Others 

I 

I 
I 
I 
6 

155* 

Easter-  Sept. 

5 

no 

Exmouth 
Plymouth 
Others 

1 
1 
3 

[ISS3-S4  ?S] 

[Mich.  -  Easter] 

I 

20 

"Opsham" 

1 

1554* 

Easter-  Mich. 

7 

414 

Plymouth 

Rye 

Dartmouth 

Hastings 

Newhaven 

2 
2 
1 
1 
1 

1586-87 

Mich.  -  Easter 

7 

185J 

Penzance 

Dartmouth 

London 

Mounster 

Plymouth 

Rye 

2 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

1593* 

24  June   -  Mich. 

0 

0 

1604-05 

Mich.  -      " 

4 

624 

Portsmouth 

Penzance 

Southampton 

2 
1 
1 

Sandw 

ICH  A 

lNd  Mei 

iCBERS 

Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1554-55 

Mich.  -      Easter 

231 

10,158 

London 

Maidstone 

Stratford 

156 

17 
IO 

6,713 

»  Fot 

icy  and  members. 

»  \ 

Veymouth  0 

nly.                    »  Po< 

Ie  only. 

APPENDIX  D 


311 


Sandwich  and  Members  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1554-55 

Faversham 

8 

(cont.) 

Milton 

Rochester 

Others 

3 
1 

36 

I559-60 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

136 

7,130 

London 

Rye 

Maidstone 

Faversham 

Woolwich 

Rochester 

Others 

79 
21 

14 
6 

2 

1 

13 

3,721 

1561-62 

Mich.- 

Mich. 

280 

15,857 

London 

Rye 

Maidstone 

Rochester 

Faversham 

Milton 

Stratford 

Others 

205 

32 

10 

6 

2 

2 

2 

21 

10,853 

1624-25 1 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

92 

9,520 

London 

Newcastle 

Rochester 

Maidstone 

Others 

59 

17 
12 

1 
3 

6,160 

1625-26 * 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

283 

36,109 

London 

Newcastle 

Rochester 

Gravesend 

Colchester 

Maiden 

264 
8 

7 

2 

1 
1 

34,522 

Southampton 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

I550 
1551-52 

28  June   -10  Sept. 
Mich.  -31  Jan. 

2 
2 

40 
95 

Poole 

Plymouth 

Rye 

I 

I 
I 

1  Including  Margate,  Ramsgate,  etc. 


312 


APPENDIX  D 
Southampton  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Com 

1552 

30  Mar.  -i  6  June 

2 

75 

Rye 

Falmouth 

ISS2 

20  Jan.    -31  Mar. 

4 

15s 

Dartmouth 
Hastings 
London 
Plymouth 

1553 

Mich.  -     Xmas 

1 

isl 

Rye 

1553-54 

Xmas  -     Easter 

9 

246 

Hastings 

London 

Penzance 

Rye 

Brighthampton 

2 
2 
2 
2 

I 

1554 

Easter-26  May 

2 

50 

Rye 

2 

1554-55 

Xmas  -25  Mar. 

25 

632 

Hastings 
Rye 
London 
Others 

6 

3 
1 

15 

1555-56 

1  June   -     Mich. 

0 

0 

1556-57 

Xmas  -25  Mar. 

5 

84 

Hastings 

Rye 

London 

2 

2 

1 

1 561 

Mich.  -30  Nov. 

4 

98 

London 

Lewes 

Rye 

2 
1 

1 

70 

Wells  and  Btjrnham  l 


Year 

Date' 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Com 

1620-21 

Xmas-     Xmas 

76 

12,905 

Newcastle 

London 

Others 

66 
5 
3 

580 

1633-34 

Xmas-     Xmas 

199 

29.829$ 

Newcastle 

Hull 

London 

Ipswich 

Colchester 

106 
28 

23 
11 
10 

2,297 

1  Really  members  of  the  "  Port "  of  Lynn,  treated  separately  here  because  of  their  importance. 


APPENDIX  D 
Wells  and  Burnham  (continued) 


313 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

1633-34 

Maldon 

8 

(com/.) 

Gravesend 
Rochester 
Others 

4 

2 

7 

1663-64 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

US 

",l67£ 

Newcastle 

Lynn 

Colchester 

London 

Maldon 

Others 

So 
18 
16 
7 
7 
17 

l,2SO 

1684-85 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

42 

3,345 

Newcastle 
London 

24 
5 

525 

1688-89 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

188 

37,094* 

Newcastle 

London 

Wainfleet 

Whitby 

Others 

129 
19 
17 
11 
12 

4,339 

Yarmouth  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

ISSO 

Mich.  -      Xmas 

17 

S84 

London 
Walberswick 

16 

I 

514 

ISS2 

Easter-     Mich. 

39 

2,8755 

London 
Newcastle 
Unspecified 
Others 

6 

3 

17 

13 

410 

ISSO-60 

Mich.  -     Mich. 

173 

15,4955 

London 
Berwick 
Newcastle 
Others 

93 
33 
23 
24 

6,144* 

1562 

Easter-     Mich. 

84 

8,306* 

London 

Newcastle 

Tumbridge 

Sandwich 

Faversham 

Maidstone 

Rochester 

Others 

34 
8 

7 
5 
2 
2 
2 
24 

7,Ol6* 

3H 


APPENDIX  D 
Yarmouth  and  Members  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

Ports  Whither 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of 
Corn 

IS64 

25  Mar.  -     Mich. 

117 

13,734 

London 

Rochester 

Sandwich 

Newcastle 

Maidstone 

Faversham 

Milton 

Others 

38 

IO 

8 

6 

3 

1 
1 

4,086 

IS82  » 

1  Mar.  -22  June 

3° 

2,383 

London 

Faversham 

Newcastle 

Alborough 

Colchester 

Others 

14 
4 
4 

2 
2 
4 

1,245 

1  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth,  div,  No.  17  (iv). 


(b)  INWARDS 
Barnstaple  and  Ilfracombe 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

ISS2 

24  June    - 

Mich. 

O 

O 

1554-55 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

I 

12 

1556 

Easter- 

Mich. 

2 

180 

1556-57 

Mich. - 

Easter 

O 

O 

1557 

Easter- 

Mich. 

O 

O 

1558-59 

Mich. - 

Easter 

I 

36 

1562 

Easter- 

Mich. 

12 

355* 

1564-65 

Mich. - 

Easter 

12 

345 

1613-14 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

3° 

i,376i 

Milford 

Bridgewater 

Bristol 

Carnarvon 

Chichester 

Padstow 

Plymouth 

Sandwich 

Wells 

22 

APPENDIX  D 
Barnstable  and  Ilfracombe  {continued) 


315 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Com 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1653-54 

24  June  -24  June 

IO 

353 

Bridgewater 

Minehead 

Padstow 

Bristol 

Gloucester 

Milford 

Swansea 

2 
2 
2 

I 
I 

I 
I 

Bristol  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

IS5I-S2 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

8 

603 

[Gloucester,  etc.] 

1552-53 

Xmas-  ] 

Apr. 

I 

12 

Tewkesbury 

I 

1553-54 

Mich.  - 

Mich. 

68 

4,365 

Tewkesbury, 
Gloucester,  etc. 

1556 

Easter- 

Mich. 

4 

370 

Gloucester 

1557-58 

Mich.  - 

« 

13 

912 

Tewkesbury 

Gloucester 

Worcester 

8 

4 

1 

1558-59 

«      _ 

Easter 

1 

18 

Gloucester 

1 

1574-75 

u        _ 

Mich. 

70 

6,I52| 

Tewkesbury 

Gloucester 

Worcester 

57 
11 

2 

1 591 

Easter- 

Mich. 

14 

998 

Tewkesbury 

Gloucester 

Others 

6 
4 
4 

1599-1600 

Mich. - 

Mich. 

46 

2,821 

Bridgewater 

Gloucester 

Tewkesbury 

Cardiff 

Caerieon 

Swansea 

Tenby 

18 
14 
7 
7 
1 
1 
1 

316 


APPENDIX  D 
Chichester  and  Members  l 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1551 

8  Jan.    -      Easter 

23 

1.222 

Members  of  port 

Sandwich 

Dover 

14 

5 
4 

*SS* 

Easter-     Mich. 

15 

845 

Members 
Sandwich 

12 
3 

1553 

Easter-     Mich. 

48 

2,324 

Members 

Sandwich 

Dover 

Bridlington 

Faversham 

Others 

18 
12 

9 

2 
2 
5 

I5S3-54 

Mich.  -     Easter 

42 

2,2I0i 

Members 

Sandwich 

Southampton 

Dover 

Others 

23 
8 

5 
2 

4 

1554 

Easter-     Mich. 

43 

2,070 

Members 

Sandwich 

Poole  &  Lyme 

Hull 

London 

Southampton 

Others 

14 
16 

3 

2 
2 
2 
4 

1555 

Easter-     Mich. 

57 

2,468 

Members 

Southampton 

Sandwich 

Weymouth 

Poole 

Dover 

Hull 

22 
11 
10 
7 
5 
1 
1 

1555-56 

Mich.  -     Easter 

53 

2,932 

Members 

Sandwich 

Dover 

Southampton 

Others 

32 
11 

4 
4- 
2 

1556 

Easter-     Mich. 

26 

1,524 

Member 

Sandwich 

London 

Bourne 

Dover 

Hull 

14 

7 
2 

1 
1 
1 

1600 

Easter-      Mich. 

0 

O 

»  Chief  members  were  Arundel,  Folkstone,  Hastings,   Hythe,    Littlehampton,    Meeching   and 
Lewes,  Pevensey,  Romncy ,  Rye  and  Winchelsea. 


APPENDIX  D 
Exeter  and  Dartmouth  and  Members 


317 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

ISS2 

24  June   - 

Mich. 

O 

O 

ISS2-53 

Xmas- 

Easter 

6 

88 

Unspecified 

1554-55 

Mich.  - 

u 

7 

88 

a 

1555 

Easter- 

Mich. 

6 

255 

a 

*556-57 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

2 

17* 

u 

1556-57 

Easter- 

Mich. 

7 

387 

a 

1557 

u        _ 

u 

2 

140 

« 

1558-59 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

6 

223 

■ 

1562 

Easter- 

Mich. 

12 

802 

« 

1564-65 

Mich. - 

Easter 

36 

2,761* 

a 

1586  I 

«      _ 

Xmas 

1 

200 

u 

1587-88  * 

«      _ 

Easter 

0 

0 

X588  > 

«      _ 

Xmas 

3 

108 

Unspecified 

1589  l 

24  June   - 

Mich. 

0 

0 

1589-90 x 

Xmas- 

Easter 

15 

1,416 

New  Shoreham 

Blakeney 

Lyme 

Southampton 

Arundel 

Chichester 

Poole 

Sandwich 

Others 

3 

2 
2 
2 
I 

I 
I 
I 
2 

Hull  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1549 

20  Feb.    -12  Nov. 

2 

140* 

Burnham,  etc. 

I5SO 

Easter-  1  Aug. 

II 

965 

Lynn 

Yarmouth 

Unspecified 

5 
I 

5 

I550-5I 

1  Nov.  -  2  Feb. 

2 

140 

Lynn 
Yarmouth 

1 

1 

1551 

1  Aug.    -  1  Nov. 

4 

226 

Lynn 
Others 

1 
3 

1551-52 

1  Nov.  -Good  Fr. 

5 

490 

Lynn 

5 

1552 

2  Feb.    -  1  May 

7 

696 

Lynn 
Blakeney 

6 

1 

1  Dartmouth  only. 


■  Exeter  only. 


3i8 


APPENDIX  D 
Hull  and  Members  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1552 

1  May  -  1  Aug. 

3 

390 

Lynn 

3 

1563-64 

Mich.  -     Mich. 

59 

8,571 

Lynn 

Blakeney 

Others 

51 

I 

7 

1586-87 

Mich.  -     Easter 

9 

1,290 

Lynn 
Ipswich 

8 
1 

Records  with  no  entries  of  corn  shipments  are  found  for  the  following 

periods:  — 

1554,  1  Jan.-i  Oct;   1555-56,  1  Oct-i  Jan.;    1556-57,  1  Oct-i  Jan.;   1558, 
[il  July-Mich. 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1627-28 

Xmas-     Xmas 

74 

4,965 

Lynn 

47 

(H.  B.  G.  &  S.) 

Bumham 

London 

Boston 

Wells 

Blakeney 

Sunderland 

16 

5 
2 

2 
1 
1 

1644-45 

Xmas-     Xmas 

124 

14,431 

Lynn 

65 

(H.  S.  &  G.) 

Wells 

Blakeney 

Yarmouth 

Wisbeach 

Others 

34 
10 

7 
3 
5 

1654-55 

Xmas-     Xmas 

7 

4S0 

Lynn 

3 

(H.  B.  &  S.) 

Boston 
Others 

2 

2 

1673-74 

Xmas-     Xmas 

37 

3,735 

Yarmouth 

8 

(H.  B.  S.  &  G.) 

Lynn 

Wells 

London 

Blakeney 

Others 

7 
6 

5 

1 

10 

1689-90 

Xmas-     Xmas 

11 

i,79°J 

Lynn 
Wells 
Maldon 

5 
3 

1 

H.  -  Hull,  B.  -  Bridlington,  S.  =  Scarboro,  G.  -  Grimsby. 


APPENDIX  D 


319 


London 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

IS65 

Easter-     Mich. 

9 

[324?] 

Ipswich 
Boston 
Others 

4 
2 

3 

1579-80 

Mich.  -         ■ 

263 

18,090 

Milton 

Faversham 

Rochester 

Maldon 

Boston 

Hull 

Ipswich 

Lynn 

Others 

89 

84 

19 

16 

11 

7 

7 

6 

24 

IS8S-86 

Mich.  -     Mich. 

734 

51,688 

Faversham 

Milton 

Sandwich 

Ipswich 

Maldon 

Lynn 

Rochester 

Boston 

Yarmouth 

Blakeney 

Others 

210 

137 
82 

67 
53 
5i 
35 
19 
19 
14 
47 

1649-50 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

989 

84,607 

Sandwich 

Faversham 

Milton 

Maldon 

Rochester 

Hull 

Yarmouth 

Dover 

Plymouth 

Ipswich 

Lynn 

Others 

179 

164 

69 

67 

66 

53 
49 
48 
4i 
27 

23 
203 

1657-S8 

1  Oct.    -25  June 

786 

65,715 

Faversham 

Sandwich 

Milton 

Margate 

Maldon 

Leigh 

Rochester 

157 
no 

94 
94 
76 
74 
58 

320 


APPENDIX  D 
London  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qra.  of  Com 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1657-58 

Lynn 

3 

(cont.) 

Others 

120 

1680-81 

Xmas-     Xmas 

1,112 

191,650 

Sandwich 

HuU 

Faversham 

MUton 

Berwick 

Maldon 

Woodbridge 

MiUord 

Ipswich 

Stockton 

Yarmouth 

Lynn 

Others 

I7S 

154 

129 

76 

52 

44 

39 

32 

28 

27 

27 

24 

3°S 

Lynn 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1576 

Easter- 

Mich. 

O 

O 

IS84-8S 

Mich. - 

■ 

13 

i,355 

HuU 

Boston 

Newcastle 

8 

4 
1 

1593-94 

Mich.  - 

Easter 

O 

0 

1596-97 

«      _ 

Mich. 

3 

378 

HuU 
Ipswich 

2 

1 

1600-01 

Mich.- 

Easter 

0 

0 

1620-21 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

0 

0 

1631-32 

«      _ 

■ 

13 

1,075 

HuU 

Wells 

Newcastle 

Berwick 

Boston 

5 
4 

2 
1 

1 

1633-34 

Xmas  - 

Xmas 

6 

280 

Sutton 

HuU 

Wells 

3 
2 

1 

1681-82 

Xmas- 

Xmas 

3° 

1,141$ 

Spalding 
HuU 
Boston 
Others 

n 
8 

5 
6 

APPENDIX  D 
Lynn  (continued) 


321 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Com 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1684-85 

Xmas  -24  June  (?) 

7 

1,027 

Spalding 
Others 

2 

5 

1688-89 

Xmas  -     Xmas 

26 

l,568 

Sutton 

Spalding 

Holbeach 

Wisbeach 

HuU 

Boston 

Newcastle 

WeUs 

7 
6 

4 
4 

2 

I 
I 
I 

Newcastle  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1540-50 

Mich.  -      Mich. 

106 

15.951 

Lynn 

HuU 

Yarmouth 

Grimsby 

Blakeney 

Boston 

Bridlington 

Cley 

Others 

51 
14 
IO 

9 

8 

3 
2 

2 
7 

I550-5I 

Mich.  -31  July 

64 

5,0495 

Lynn 

HuU 

Blakeney 

Yarmouth 

Boston 

Bridlington 

Others 

19 
10 

9 
4 
3 
3 
16 

1552-53 

1  Oct.    -  1  Apr. 

32 

2,318^ 

Lynn 

BridUngton 

HuU 

13 
7 
5 

Scarboro 
Others 

4 
3 

1562 

2  Feb.    -31  July 

55 

5,20l| 

Lynn 

Ipswich 

HuU 

4i 
5 
3 

322 


APPENDIX  D 
Newcastle  and  Members  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1562 

Yarmouth 

2 

(cotU.) 

Others 

4 

1564-65 

Mich.  -     Easter 

22 

1,099 

Lynn 

Scarboro 

HuU 

6 

5 
4 

Grimsby 

Yarmouth 

Blakeney 

3 
3 

1 

Plymouth,  Fowey  and  Members 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Ports  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1551-52 

Mich.  -  6  Jan. 

O 

O 

1552 

15  Jan.  -10  Apr. 

O 

O 

1552 

26  Apr.    -30  Sept. 

2 

66 

Bristol 

2 

1553 

6  Jan.    -21  Apr. 

21 

5»7i 

Weymouth 

Lyme 

Bristol 

Hampton 

Others 

8 
5 
3 

2 

3 

1553-54 

Xmas  -      Easter 

25 

1,264$ 

Bristol 

Lyme 

Exeter 

Minehead 

Weymouth 

15 
6 
2 
1 

1 

1554 

24  June   -     Mich. 

13 

73<5 

Bristol 

Bridgewater 

Lyme 

Gloucester 

Weymouth 

Others 

4 
2 
2 
I 
I 

3 

[1554?] 

Mich.  -     Xmas 

O 

O 

1554-55 

Xmas.-      Easter 

17 

5l5f 

Lyme 

Bridgewater 

Bristol 

Gloucester 

Minehead 

Tewkesbury 

Others 

6 
2 
2 

1 
1 
1 
4 

APPENDIX  D  323 

Plymouth,  Fowey  and  Members  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Ship- 
ments 

Qrs.  of  Corn 

Porta  Whence 

Ship- 
ments 

1557 

Easter-     Mich. 

2 

54 

Weymouth 

[1557?] 

Mich.  -     Xmas 

I 

3° 

Weymouth 

I 

[IS57-S8?] 

Xmas  -      Easter 

3 

47 

Lyme 

3 

1562 

Easter-     Mich. 

5° 

2,633 

Poole 

Weymouth 

Hampton 

Bristol 

Chichester 

Lyme 

Gloucester 

Tewkesbury 

Southampton 

Others 

IO 

8 
7 

5 
4 
3 
2 

1 
1 
9 

1586-87 

Xmas  -25  Mar. 

2 

3° 

Gloucester 
Lyme 

1 

1 

1587  l 

25  Mar.  -24  June 

0 

O 

1587  " 

24  June   -     Mich. 

0 

0 

1587  l 

Mich.  -     Xmas 

0 

0 

1587-88 » 

Xmas  -25  Mar. 

9 

298* 

Gloucester 
Bridport 
Exeter 
Lyme 

Westbury 

5 

1 
1 
1 
1 

I590 

25  Mar.  -24  June 

5 

218 

Gloucester 
Lyme 

Melcombe  Regis 
Plymouth 

2 
1 

1 
i 

I590 

24  June   -      Mich. 

1 

15 

London 

1592-93 

Xmas  -25  Mar. 

0 

0 

1  Fowey  and  members. 


3  H 


APPENDIX  E 


APPENDIX  E 
STATISTICS  OF  CORN  PRICES,  LONDON,  1537-1673 

Prices  of  Corn,  1537-68 

Bought  by  the  bakers  of  London. 

Unless  otherwise  stated,  the  entries  refer  to  wheat. 

The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used: 

I  —  imported  corn  (judging  from  the  alien  names  of  dealers  and 

from  other  specifications). 
L  —  some  official  connection  with  the  City. 
B  —  from  or  at  the  Bridgehouse,   Leadenhall  or  other  such 

granary. 
LB  —  "at  the  Bridgehouse  apoynted  by  the  commandement  of 

my  lorde  maire,"  or  an  equivalent. 
W  —  brought  into  the  City  by  water. 
S  —  purchased  from  the  Steelyard. 
R  —  rye. 

These  statistics  are  from  Wheat  Book,  No.  62,  preserved  in  the  Hall 
of  the  Bakers'  Company,  London. 


Year 


IS37 


Date  Amt. 

in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

Remarks 

Year 

Date  Amt. 

in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

Remai 

9  May 

500 

9/6 

W. 

IS37 

19  June 

44 

10/0 

L.W. 

16  " 

290j 

10/0 

W. 

21  ■ 

191 

1 0/0 

W. 

17  " 

8si 

10/0 

E. 

26  June 

80 

10/0 

W. 

19  ' 

160 

10/0 

W. 

26  " 

100 

10/0 

W. 

24  " 

100 

10/0 

W. 

27  ■ 

SO 

10/0 

B. 

24  " 

176 

1 0/0 

W&B. 

27  " 

132 

10/0 

W. 

25   " 

87 

10/0 

W. 

3  July 

65 

10/0 

W. 

25   " 

130 

9/0 

W. 

6  " 

i°5 

10/0 

W. 

26   " 

98 

10/0 

W. 

15  " 

90 

9/0 

W. 

26   " 

100 

0/0 

W. 

18  " 

120 

10/0 

B. 

28   " 

"5 

9/0 

W. 

Sept.,  Oct. 

IOOI 

9/0 

B. 

29   " 

266 

1 0/0 

W. 

1537-8 

1  Mar. 

75 

7/4 

W.» 

30   " 

97* 

9/0 

W. 

1538 

2  May 

163 

7/0 

W. 

I  June 

43 

1 0/0 

W. 

23  " 

100 

6/8 

W. 

1   " 

138 

10/0 

W. 

24  * 

214! 

7/0 

W. 

7  " 

150 

10/0 

B. 

June 

54S 

7/0 

W. 

8  " 

103 

1 0/0 

B. 

25  Oct. 

40 

7/6 

w. 

8  ■ 

»w 

10/0 

W. 

28  Nov. 

269 

7/8 

w.» 

9  " 

87 

10/0  via  Stratford. 

3  Dec. 

95l 

7/8 

w. 

11   " 

SO 

10/0 

B. 

10  ■ 

87 

7/0 

w. 

11   ■ 

78J 

10/0 

W. 

1539 

28  Mar. 

65 

6/0 

w. 

14   " 

I73f 

1 0/0 

W. 

3  May 

SO 

6/8 

w. 

IS   " 

120 

10/0 

W. 

IS4© 

31  ' 

225 

7/4 

w. 

18  " 

140 

1 0/0 

W. 

22  June 

70 

7/0 

w. 

1  From  Kent. 

J  From  Norfolk. 

APPENDIX  E 


325 


Prices  of  Corn,  1537-68  {continued) 


Year 

Date  Amt. 

inqrs. 

Price 
s.  d. 

Remarks 

Year   Date  Amt 

inqrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

Remark 

1541 

22  Dec. 

120 

1 0/0 

W. 

1548    30  Aug. 

30 

[6/4] 

LB. 

1541-2 

20  Jan. 

120 

1 0/0 

W. 

1  Sept. 

20 

[6/4] 

LB. 

4  Feb. 

120 

1 0/0 

W. 

[Sept. -Oct.] 

170 

6/8 

B.' 

IS4I-2 

8  Feb. 

26 

10/0 

W. 

22  Oct. 

80 

8/6 

W. 

1542 

16  May 

140 

9/0 

w. 

Nov. 

[305] 

8/8 

LB. 

7  July 

120 

1 0/0 

w. 

1548-9   2  Jan. 

[75] 

8/6 

W. 

18  Aug. 

99 1 

11/0 

w. 

21   " 

I47J 

8/0 

7  Nov. 

51* 

9/8 

w. 

Jan. 

395 

8/8 

LB. 

1542-3 

10  Feb. 

85 

10/0 

L,  W. 

30   " 

155 

8/0 

[LB?],  W. 

28  ■ 

72 

10/0 

W. 

Feb. 

355 

8/8 

LB. 

20  Mar. 

182 

10/0 

W. 

Mar. 

395 

8/8 

LB. 

1543 

9  Apr. 

79* 

1 0/0 

w. 

1549      Apr. 

195 

8/8 

LB. 

4  May 

88J 

11/0 

w. 

Aug. 

340 

9/10 

LB. 

10  " 

104! 

11/0 

w. 

27  Aug. 

206J 

11/0 

L. 

31  Oct. 

61} 

11/0 

w. 

15  Oct. 

132 

16/0 

W. 

1544 

11  Apr. 

"3 

16/0 

W,  I,  S. 

18  ■ 

30 

16/0 

W. 

11  " 

16s 

16/0 

W,  I,  s. 

26  ■ 

33 

15/0 

W. 

4  July 

164 

14/0 

w. 

3i   " 

80 

15/0 

W. 

25  * 

97 

14/0 

w. 

Nov. 

72 

16/0 

W. 

0  Aug. 

90 

12/0 

w. 

" 

134 

16/0 

W. 

18  " 

190 

16/0 

w. 

* 

193 

16/8 

L,  W. 

30  « 

60 

16/0 

■ 

59 

17/0 

L,  W. 

Sept. 

454 

12/0 

W.L. 

" 

104 

15/8 

L,  W. 

I54S 

7  May 

144 

16/6 

w. 

7  Dec. 

123 

17/0 

W. 

28  " 

205 

14/0 

w. 

1549-50   Jan. 

130 

17/0 

L.W. 

8  July 

65 

14/0 

w. 

7   " 

50 

17/0 

L,  W. 

13  July 

180 

14/8 

LB. 

14  * 

70 

17/0 

W. 

19  Aug. 

ICO 

14/8 

LB. 

14  " 

72* 

17/0 

W. 

10  Sept. 

190 

14/8 

LB. 

18   " 

120 

17/0 

W. 

28,  30  Sept. 

200 

14/8 

LB. 

24   " 

163 

17/0 

W. 

18  Oct. 

100 

iS/o 

LB. 

* 

66 

18/0 

L,  W. 

l545-<5 

6  Feb. 

54i 

22/0 

W.» 

26  [Jan.] 

7i 

18/0 

W. 

8   " 

88 

22/0 

W. 

26   ■ 

20 

17/6 

W. 

1546 

28  May 

119 

23/0 

W,  L. 

■ 

96 

15/3 

L.W. 

30  " 

79 

23/0  . 

W,  L. 

" 

140 

18/0 

W. 

1546  30  Sept.  &  1  Oct. 

73 

12/0 

LB. 

R 

92 

18/0 

W. 

20  Dec. 

67 

8/8 

W. 

28  Jan. 

63 

18/0 

W. 

1546-7 

6  Jan. 

55 

9/0 

w. 

■ 

96 

18/0 

L,  W. 

5  Feb. 

20 

9/0 

w. 

4  Feb. 

43 

15/4 

L,  W. 

8  " 

97 

8/6 

w. 

25   " 

24 

18/0 

W. 

12  " 

3° 

8/6  From  Essex. 

25   ■ 

60 

18/0 

L,  W. 

21  " 

55 

8/0 

w. 

26  Feb. 

47* 

18/0 

W. 

28  " 

80 

8/0 

w. 

26  " 

48 

18/0 

W. 

22  Mar. 

78 

7/0 

w. 

28  ■ 

54 

18/0 

W. 

1547 

6  Apr. 

45 

6/4 

w. 

■ 

79 

18/0 

L,  W. 

7  Aug. 

37f 

5/8 

w. 

28  « 

76 

18/0 

W. 

11  " 

60 

6/0 

w. 

28  « 

93 

18/0 

L,  W. 

1547-8 

24  Mar. 

45 

6/0 

w. 

1  Mar. 

76, 

18/0 

W. 

1548 

27  " 

I2S 

6/4 

w. 

1  « 

86 

18/0 

W. 

26  June 

37* 

6/4 

LB,  W. 

1  " 

120 

18/0 

w. 

14  July 

122 

6/0 

W. 

2  " 

58 

18/0 

w. 

17  Aug. 

ICO 

6/4 

LB. 

2  " 

I9l 

18/0 

w. 

28  ■ 

25 

[6/4] 

LB. 

3   " 

17 

18/0 

w. 

29  " 

2S 

(6/41 

LB. 

3   " 

20 

15/3 

w. 

1 

King's 

wheat. 

s  Barley. 

326 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1537-68  {continued) 


Year   Date  Ami. 

inqrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

Remarks 

Year 

Date  Amt. 

inqrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

Remarks 

J  S40-5O  3  Mar. 

65 

18/0 

W. 

1552 

31  May 

M 

22/0 

W. 

4  " 

10 

18/0 

w. 

June 

135 

13/8 

LB. 

4   " 

155 

18/0 

w. 

1553 

July 

240 

14/0 

LB. 

5   " 

96 

18/0 

w. 

July  &  Aug. 

338 

14/0 

B. 

5   " 

37l 

18/0 

w. 

I5S4 

9  Apr. 

123 

1 0/0 

LB. 

6  ■ 

»7 

18/0 

w. 

May 

237 

n/o 

LB. 

1549-50  10  Mar. 

441 

18/0 

w. 

3  July 

195 

15/0 

LB. 

13  " 

100 

i6/8 

w. 

17  " 

no 

14/4 

W. 

14  ■ 

40I 

17/0 

w. 

21  Aug. 

I20 

13/10 

W. 

18  * 

88| 

18/0 

w. 

1554-5 

4  Jan. 

60 

17/0 

Mar. 

406 

17/4 

w. 

4  Mar. 

I02 

16/0 

1550     Apr. 

16s 

19/0 

W.I. 

■ 

203 

17/0 

W.  L 

1a  " 

161 

18/0 

W,  I. 

1555 

1  May 

82 

18/0 

14  " 

150 

18/4 

W.I. 

Apr. 

442  JR  12/8 

W. 

20  " 

691 

17/6 

w. 

26  Apr. 

173 

17/6 

I.  s 

33  " 

84* 

19/0 

W,  I. 

26  " 

178 

10/4 

I.  R,  S. 

*5  " 

68 

19/0 

W,  I. 

29  " 

164* 

17/6 

B. 

ix  May 

23 

16/8 

w. 

29  * 

46R 

10/4 

B. 

IO44 

16/0 

W,  LB. 

4  May 

S6i 

17/6 

W. 

June 

H97i 

16/0 

LB. 

4   ' 

45 

10/4 

R. 

4o8f 

16/0 

W.  LB. 

7   ' 

149 

iS/o 

B. 

181 

19/0 

W,  I. 

8  ■ 

I54i 

17/0 

W. 

July 

502  J 

17/0 

W. 

9   " 

190I 

17/0 

B. 

Oct. 

148 

16/0 

LB. 

13  May 

"5 

17/0 

W. 

16  Dec. 

35 

16/8 

1, 

2,  3  Aug. 

I36i 

22/0 

W. 

»55o-i   5  Jan- 

60 

17/0 

W. 

7  " 

197 

22/0 

W. 

8  « 

120 

18/0 

W. 

9  * 

30 

22/0 

W. 

« 

40 

18/0 

W. 

9  ' 

96t 

aa/o 

B. 

17  " 

75 

20/0 

L.W. 

10  " 

191 

aa/o 

B. 

4  Feb. 

37 

19/6 

W. 

10  ■ 

80R 

13/4 

B. 

si  ■ 

00 

20/6 

W. 

12  • 

130 

13/4 

B. 

*S  " 

61 

20/0 

W. 

13  ' 

26} 

a  2/0 

B. 

6  Mar. 

62 

ao/o 

W. 

17  « 

130R 

13/4 

B. 

1551    11  Apr. 

143! 

laa/o]  L  (?),  W,  I. 

Sept. 

240 

33/0 

[S].L 

■ 

165  i 

ai/o 

LB.  I,  S. 

■ 

610 

ao/o 

B. 

9  &  10  May 

3i8 

a  2/0 

W,  I.  S. 

2  Nov. 

204}R 16/0 

B.  I,  S. 

12  &  13  " 

335 

a  2/0 

W,  I,  S. 

8  « 

137! 

22/6 

I. 

13  May 

aa7 

aa/o 

W.  I.  S. 

1555-6 

30  Jan. 

155 

35/0 

W.  I.  [S]. 

26  " 

6af 

aa/o 

31  " 

395R 

30/0 

W. 

9, 10, 1  a  June 

749  i 

22/0 

LB.  W. 

ISS6 

16  Apr. 

I38i 

35/8 

W. 

28  July-i  a  Aug. 

1609J 

22/6 

LB. 

■ 

204J 

35/4 

W.  I.  s. 

4  Nov. 

41 

23/1 

■ 

100 

35/4 

W.  I.  s. 

1551-a  a8  Feb. 

115 

22/4 

W. 

« 

299 

a6/8 

B. 

14  Mar. 

51 

23/4 

W. 

■ 

636 

20/0 

B. 

X55a    5  Apr. 

35 

25/0 

L.W. 

4  May 

166 

25/0 

W,  I,  S. 

6,7  " 

in 

25/0 

W. 

« 

53 

35/4 

W,  I.  S. 

5  May 

170 

24/0 

W. 

« 

360 

24/0 

W,  I,  S. 

5  ' 

4i 

9/0 

W.i 

16,  1; 

.  18  ■ 

330 

35/o 

W.i 

5   ' 

R 

17/0 

W. 

7  June 

395 1 

35/0 

I.  [S]. 

»3.  34   " 

65 

22/0 

L.  W. 

July 

388i 

3S/o 

1 

23.  34   " 

10 

8/0 

L,  W.i 

* 

878i 

35/0 

23. 24  " 

148R 

17/0 

L,  W. 

m 

738 

35/0 

[S],  I. 

24  ' 

188 

22/0 

W. 

u 

[149]  R  16/0 

B. 

24  " 

12 

17/0 

14  Aug. 

190 

34/0 

W. 

1  Bought  of  haberdashers. 

*  [English]  wheat. 

APPENDIX  E 


327 


Prices  of  Corn,  1537-68  {continued) 


Year 

Date 

Amt 

inqrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

Remarks 

Year 

Date 

Amt 

inqrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

Remai 

1556 

Oct. 

294  1 

26/0 

LB. 

»557 

July 

358J 

36/0 

LB.» 

1557 

S  May 

94 

42/0 

W.» 

5  Nov. 

30 

10/0 

W.« 

June 

S2i 

32/0 

W.« 

1562-3 

7  Feb. 

77 

32/6 

1 

a 

334 

36/0 

LB.» 

Mar. 

109 

33/4 

u 

174 

32/0 

LB,  I.» 

[1566-7] 

12  Feb. 

« 

704R 

32/0 

LB,  I.» 

IS68  (?) 

Sept. 

603 

16/0 

Prices  of  Corn,  1568-73 

Sold  from  the  Bridgehouse,  or  municipal  granary. 
Unless  otherwise  stated,  the  entries  refer  to  wheat.     Meal  is  wheat 
meal. 
The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used: 

T  —  total. 

R  —  rye. 

[  ]  —  price  reckoned  from  total  amount. 

Corn  sold  on  the  markets  was  normally  meal.  It  was  sold  to  the 
poor  in  small  quantities  by  the  order  of  the  lord  mayor  "  to  kepe  downe 
the  prices." 

These  statistics  are  from  the  Corn  Book  in  the  Guildhall  of  London, 
endorsed  thus:  "  This  Booke  made  for  all  suche  Corne  as  shalbe 
Bowghte  By  Roberte  Essington  and  Thomas  Bates  for  the  Cittis 
accoumpte  and  Layed  up  into  the  Brindge  Howse." 


Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  sale 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  sale 

1568 

s.  d. 

1568 

s.  d. 

[Apr.?] 

88f 

16/0 

To  bakers  [etc.]. 

[Sept.] 

1 

U4/0] 

To  an  alderman. 

* 

24 

[16/0] 

[To  bakers.] 

Sept. 

8  [meal] 

18/8 

■ 

xo 

[15/ni]   ' 

■ 

16     " 

17/0 

13  Sept. 

32 

16/0 

■          « 

[Sept.  or 

Oct.]  n 

16/4 

To  bakers. 

13     " 

21 

16/0 

■          ■ 

■ 

74  [meal] 

18/8 

On  "the  markets." 

13     « 

35 

16/0 

u             u 

" 

52 

16/4 

To  bakers. 

16     " 

33l 

16/0 

a             u 

" 

78 

14/0 

To  beer  brewer. 

16     " 

3ii 

16/0 

a             m 

[Oct.] 

i9i 

I16/4] 

To  bakers. 

Sept. 

91 

16/0 

«             « 

■ 

21 

1x6/411 

0        ■ 

M 

66i 

16/0 

«                  M 

10  Oct. 

114 

16/4 

u           a 

■ 

if 

[16/0] 

[Oct.] 

20 

16/4 

a          a 

« 

92$ 

13/6 

To  a  brewer. 

" 

19 

X6/4 

u          u 

* 

29 

13/6 

*           " 

1568-9 

17        « 

29 

16/0 

[To  bakers.] 

lFeb.1 

1 

14/2 

To  Alderman  B. 

[17]     " 

I9i 

[16/0J 

«          « 

■ 

1 

16/4 

To  Mr.  L. 

[17]     ' 

75i 

16/0 

«          « 

15  Feb. 

3 

13/4 

[Apr.?-Nov.?]  5751  T 

[16/0] 

To  bakers. 

15     ' 

4l 

16/4 

« 

132  T 

13/6 

To  a  brewer. 

15     ' 

20  [meal] 

16/0 

1  From  a  draper. 

'  From  Line 

olnshire. 

*  Danish  wheat. 

4  French  wheat. 

«  Yorkshire 

wheat. 

328 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1568-73  (continued) 


Date 

Amt.  inqrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  sale 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  sale 

1568 

3.  d. 

1569-70 

s.  d. 

xs    Feb. 

107! 

14/0 

To  a  baker. 

14  Nov. 

65 

x6/o 

To  bakers. 

[Feb.] 

37! 

18/8 

On  markets. 

IS     " 

34 

16/0 

■        " 

16  Feb. 

66J 

18/8 

On  markets. 

— 

47 

x6/8 

«        « 

1569 

30  Nov. 

H 

16/0 

«        « 

27  Apr. 

10 

15/0 

To  a  brewer. 

30        " 

I7i  [meal] 

17/4 

[On  markets.] 

27     * 

10 

16/8 

25       ' 

30 

16/0 

To  bakers. 

6  May 

31 

15/0 

To  a  brewer. 

1570-1 

16I 

16/8 

"  bakers. 

10  Jan. 

31 

16/8 

m           m 

June 

63 1 

16/4 

«         ■ 

10     " 

98 

x6/8 

*           a 

« 

5*1 

16/4 

a            a 

1  July- 

1 100  T  wheat  ^  #u 

Uune?] 

78 

16/4 

«  [bakers?] 

Jan.] 

and  meal 

1    t/n 

22  July 

10  [meal?] 

18/8 

On  the  markets. 

31ITR 

7/9 

30 

16/0 

To  bakers. 

— 

38  meal 

18/8 

On  markets. 

5 

15/0 

"  brewers. 

— 

3 

16/6 

To  Alderman  M. 

30 

16/0 

— 

oi 

16/0 

■  Thos.  Bates. 

31  meal 

18/8 

[To  people?] 

— 

46  meal 

18/8 

[On  markets.] 

a6     ■ 

18/4 

a             a 

— 

13     " 

18/8 

«        « 

21  R 

13/6 

To  Alderman  R. 

— 

S7 

17/4 

To  bakers. 

38 

13/6  ToBrownBakers'Co. 

— 

13 

17/0 

a           a 

3  Oct. 

87. 

16/0 

"  bakers. 

— 

40  meal 

18/8 

On  markets. 

3     " 

19 

[16/1JI 

— 

IS 

18/0 

a           a 

1  July- 

330  T  meal 

1   £798 
J  3/3* 

To  markets. 

— 

S 

17/4 

m           a 

[Oct.] 

6741  T 

"  bakers. 

— 

S 

17/6 

To  bakers. 

78    T 

"  brewers. 

— 

10 

17/0 

a          a 

14  Nov. 

4S 

16/0 

"  bakers. 

— 

98 

17/4 

a           a 

14     " 

44 

.16/0 

a            « 

— 

3  meal 

18/8 

[On  markets.] 

IS     * 

9 

16/0 

To  a  baker. 

i57i 

■ 

3 

16/0 

a             a 

— 

30 

16/0 

To  a  brewer. 

— 

10 

15/0 

*  a  brewer. 

— 

33 

15/8 

[To  a  brewer?] 

1560-70 

— 

59 

17/4 

To  bakers. 

xo  Jan. 

isi 

16/8 

*  bakers. 

— 

87  meal 

18/8 

[On  markets.] 

10     « 

s 

15/0 

«       a 

— 

6 

17/4 

To  bakers. 

xs7o 

— 

S9 

17/4 

a           a 

S  May 

"I 

15/0 

■  a  brewer. 

— 

35  meal 

18/8 

[On  markets.] 

23  July 

18I 

x6/8 

"  bakers. 

— 

a 

16/6 

32      ■ 

1  meal 

17/4 

On  markets. 

— 

40 

15/0 

To  bakers,  brew- 

33     ■ 

6     " 

iS/6 

«        a 

ers,  etc 

31  Aug. 

33  [meal] 

17/4 

a          a 

— 

17 

16/6 

Ditto. 

— 

xo 

16/8 

To  two  bakers. 

— 

30 

18/0 

Ditto. 

IS  Sept. 

3 

16/4 

To  a  baker. 

— 

46  meal 

18/8 

[On  markets.] 

is    ■ 

3 

16/8 

5 

17/4 

IS     ' 

43!  [meal 

17/4 

On  markets. 

— 

77 

17/4 

To  bakers. 

— 

isi 

17/4 

u            a 

— 

73 

16/8 

a          a 

— 

18I 

13/0 

To  a  brewer. 

— 

89J 

16/8 

a           a 

— 

36} 

16/8 

*  bakers. 

-to  24  Dec.  716IT 

[17/0I 

To  white  bakers 

— 

37 

16/0 

a         a 

by  order  of  the 

4  Oct. 

33  [meal] 

X7/4 

On  markets. 

Lord  Mayor. 

4      " 

13         * 

17/4 

a         a 

— 

397  T  meal  18/8 

On  markets. 

a 

s 

x6/o 

To  H.  R. 

1571-2 

— 

30 

16/8 

*  bakers. 

— 

1 

31/4 

To  Alderman :  — 

37  Oct. 

34 

16/4 

"  a  brewer. 

MuU. 

37     " 

13  [meal] 

17/4 

On  markets. 

— 

3 

31/4 

Martyn. 

— 

Si 

16/8 

To  bakers. 

— 

71* 

33/8 

To  divers. 

— 

5 

16/0 

a           a 

14  Feb. 

9    +ipk. 

33/8 

14  Nov. 

38 

16/0 

a           a 

" 

9l  +  1  Pk. 

21/4 

APPENDIX  E 


329 


Prices  of  Corn,  1568-73  {continued) 


Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  sale 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  sale 

1571-2 

s.  d. 

1572-3 

s.d. 

— 

9  meal 

32/8 

[On  markets.] 

— 

70  meal 

21/4 

On  markets. 

— 

0| 

17/0 

To  the  Lord  May- 

— 

4     " 

25/4 

M 

■ 

or. 

— 

4     ' 

26/8 

A 

a 

— 

2}  meal 

22/8 

[On  markets.] 

— 

1      " 

24/0 

" 

m 

— 

60 

[aa/flf] 

To  millers.1 

13  Mar. 

100     " 

24/0 

■ 

" 

— 

40 

[22/81 

a           a 

— 

57      " 

24/0 

" 

a 

— 

6 

[22/8] 

a            a 

— 

44      ' 

24/0 

■ 

* 

— 

14 

[22/8] 

"           " 

— 

47      " 

24/0 

" 

" 

— 

8 

21/4 

"  Christ  Hospi- 

— 

77      " 

24/0 

" 

" 

tal. 

— 

38      " 

24/0 

U 

" 

— 

1 

21/4 

"  Alderman  M. 

— 

17      " 

24/0 

" 

« 

— 

2 

22/8 

— 

5  mist'in 

[14/6] 

To  the  mill. 

— 

5 

[21/4] 

To    St.    Thomas 

— 

ii     ' 

[14/3] 

Hospital. 

— 

31  meal 

24/0 

On  markets. 

— 

8 

[21/4] 

To  Christ  Hospi- 

— 

37      " 

24/0 

« 

« 

tal. 

— 

25       " 

24/0 

u 

«                  < 

— 

117  meal 

22/8 

On  markets. 

— 

120     " 

24/0 

■ 

■ 

— 

21I 

2l/4 

To  bakers. 

— 

29     " 

24/0 

— 

[118J] 

[21/4] 

«            u 

— 

54     " 

24/0 

On  markets. 

— 

[85] 

[2i/8i] 

■       « 

— 

20     " 

24/0 

■ 

■ 

— 

8  meal 

22/8 

On  markets. 

— 

18$    " 

24/0 

u 

" 

— 

[135] 

[20/10$]  To  bakers. 

— 

1 

[19/11] 

To  Mr.  W. 

— 

119} 

22/8 

On  markets. 

— 

28}  meal 

24/0 

On  markets. 

— 

»i 

[23/3] 

To  bakers. 

1573 

— 

14J 

[20/0] 

To  the  Lord  May- 

— 

33       " 

24/0 

a 

a 

or,    to    Sir    T. 

— 

57        " 

24/0 

■ 

m 

Gresham,  etc. 

— 

19R    ■ 

21/4 

1572 

— 

31  meal 

24/0 

On  markets. 

— 

3oJ 

21/4 

To  bakers. 

— 

0)   ■ 

[20/8] 

— 

[I35l 

[21/4] 

«        ■ 

— 

15     ' 

24/0 

On  markets. 

— 

[H3H 

[21/ui]   •        '       etc. 

— 

10     " 

24/0 

M 

* 

— 

[114] 

[21/3] 

a           a 

— 

41R  " 

21/4 

" 

m 

— 

4*i 

21/4 

u           u 

— 

60     ■ 

24/0 

a 

■ 

— 

m 

[20/9U 

To  mills,  etc. 

— 

40     ■ 

24/0 

" 

" 

— 

448  |T  meal  22/8 

— 

30     " 

24/0 

■ 

" 

— 

*4*T     « 

21/4 

— 

20     " 

24/0 

On 

markets  and 

— 

10T     ' 

20/0 

to  hospital. 

— 

4lT     - 

22/8 

— 

2oi  +  3  pks 

— 

iT       " 

16/0 

meal 

32/0 

— 

800  T 

21/4 

To  white  bakers. 

— 

1 20  meal 

32/0 

On  markets. 

— 

I4*T 

17/0 

— 

10 

[28/0] 

Retailed. 

— 

19JT 

20/6 

— 

1 

[28/0] 

" 

— 

29T 

21/4 

To  hospital. 

— 

2 

[28/0] 

■ 

— 

160T 

21/0 

Old  wheat  remain- 

— 

oj 

[28/0] 

" 

ing. 

— 

2 

[28/0] 

a 

1572-3 

— 

ii 

[28/0] 

« 

— 

87  meal 

21/4 

To  millers. 

— 

5 

[28/0] 

a 

— 

29i   " 

21/4 

"        "        etc. 

— 

oj 

[28/0] 

M 

— 

19 

20/6 

— 

oi 

[29/4] 

a 

— 

15  meal 

21/4 

— 

oj 

[29/4] 

a 

— 

I4i 

33/0 

— 

oi 

[29/4] 

■ 

— 

20 

21/4 

On  markets. 

— 

S 

[28/0] 

■ 

30  Jan. 

42     " 

24/0 

u            u 

— 

2 

[28/0] 

« 

9  Mar. 

28     ■ 

21/4 

I                 ■ 

— 

3 

[28/0] 

■ 

1  And  by  them  ground  and  sold  as  meal  on  the  markets  ? 


33Q 


APPENDIX  E 


Date 


Prices  of  Corn,  1568-73  {continued) 


Amt.  in  qrs.    Price 

Particulars  of  sale 

Date     Amt  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  Mile 

8.  d. 

IS73 

s.  d. 

t              I28/0] 

Retailed. 

—           3T  meal 

26/8 

On  markets. 

1              [28/0] 

« 

-     »3oJT    - 

84/0 

m             m 

IS               U6/8J 

■ 

—       160  T    " 

3»/o 

M                   * 

156                a6/8 

On  markets. 

-           7tT.R 

[IS/8] 

42                36/8 

m            * 

—     33  T,  R  meal 

18/8 

On  markets. 

xR           [20/8] 

To  Mr.  R. 

—     60T  «     « 

» 1/4 

■            m 

I*4JT          I»4/8« 

-     33T"     « 

24/0 

249}Tmeal  21/4 

On  markets. 

—   108T  «     " 

26/8 

4T      «      as/4 

■         « 

Prices  of  Corn,  1568-73 

Purchased  for  the  City  and  laid  up  in  the  Bridgehouse. 
Unless  otherwise  stated,  the  entries  refer  to  wheat. 
The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used: 

T  —  total. 

R  — rye. 

[  ]  —  price  reckoned  from  total  amount. 

These  statistics  are  from  the  Corn  Book  in  the  Guildhall  of  London. 


Amt. 

Whence 

Amt. 

Whence 

Date 

in  qrs. 

Price 

and  from  whom  bought 

Date 

in  qrs. 

Price 

and  from  whom  bought 

1568 

s.d. 

1568-69 

s.  d. 

0  Apr. 

91 

14/6 

Kent,  Husbandman. 

20  Jan. 

38 

15/0 

Kent  (Leynam). 

9     ' 

»S 

14/4 

"      (Raynham). 

as     " 

75i 

14/8 

"     (Estesheppe). 

a?    " 

20 

13/0 

■ 

4  Feb. 

SS 

14/4 

"     (Leynam). 

ao    « 

40 

14/7 

■      (Milton). 

4     " 

83 

14/0 

■     (Milton). 

[29  Apr.] 

10 

14/2 

Oxf.  (Henley). 

S     " 

70 

14/0 

"     (Faversham). 

[ao    «    ] 

10 

13/6 

u                    « 

S     " 

143 

13/0 

York(?)HuU.  Merchants 

10  May 

77 

14/a 

«                         M 

(?). 

14    ■ 

11 

14/4 

«                         41 

26     « 

40 

14/0 

Kent  (Raynham). 

1A        " 

20 

14/4 

It                 m 

1  Mar. 

66 

14/0 

Essex,  Colchester. 

•  .        * 

10 

14/4 

«                 I 

[1]    " 

56 

14/a 

Kent. 

.,        « 

11 

14/10 

«                m 

22     * 

81 

15/0 

■     (Milton). 

17       " 

34 

14/0 

*               « 

1569 

17       " 

37 

13/4 

London  man. 

31  Mar. 

OS 

14/0 

«          * 

22       « 

31 

14/5 

Oxf.  (Henley). 

[Spring  or 

24      " 

92 

14/4 

Henley  on  Thames. 

Summer] 

20 

14/0 

"     (Faversham). 

i  June 

67 

14/0 

0                  « 

1568-69 

2     " 

56 

14/6 

m                         u 

[22  Nov.- 

"  At    Soundery  Pry- 

2     ■ 

40 

14/0 

m                         * 

July?] 

X024JT  [14/3] 

sses." 

30  July 

40 

14/0 

Kent,  London  man. 

1569 

[Summer] 

722JT  [14/21]  Divers  places.     Divers 

20  Dec. 

i8{ 

14/8 

Kent,  Isle  of  Sheppey. 

men. 

"  In  Summer  "  i 

I16/0 

London  markets. 

22  Nov. 

20 

14/0 

Kent  (Rochester). 

1569-70 

7  Dec. 

22 

14/4 

« 

14  Jan. 

3if 

16/6 

Kent,  Faversham. 

1568-60 

18     « 

891 

16/0 

Suffolk,  Ipswich. 

11  Jan. 

ISO 

iS/o 

*     (Faversham). 

18    ■ 

30R 

12/0 

m                  « 

16     " 

20 

15/0 

■ 

[18]  " 

"J 

iS/6 

Kent  (Faversham). 

18     " 

20 

15/0 

"     (Faversham). 

4  Feb. 

4li 

14/0 

"     (Tennannt). 

APPENDIX  E 


331 


Prices  of  Corn,  1568-73  {continued) 


Amt. 

Whence 

Amt. 

Whence 

Date 

in  qrs 

.  Price 

and  from  whom  bought 

Date 

in  qrs 

.  Price 

and  from  whom  bough 

1569 

s.  d. 

1570-71 

s.  d. 

6  Feb. 

17 

15/6 

Kent. 

30  June 

X050IT  [16/1] 

12     ■ 

ax 

15/4 

Essex  (Maiden). 

i57i 

15     " 

47* 

17/0 

Kent  (Faversham). 

IS  Oct. 

3 

x8/o 

Kent. 

Gentleman. 

IS     ' 

46 

17/0 

* 

S  Nov. 

69 

17/0 

■ 

« 

IS     " 

21 

14/6 

a 

18  Dec. 

30! 

17/0 

" 

21     " 

26 

16/0 

Oxf.,  Henley. 

24     * 

10 

17/0 

■ 

21       " 

18 

15/0 

Essex. 

1571-72 

22       " 

19 

15/8 

Kent. 

2  Feb. 

132 

21/0 

London  merchant. 

22       " 

12 

14/4 

a 

16    ■ 

132 

21/0 

Sussex 

2S       " 

30 

16/0 

m 

19     ' 

22f 

20/0 

Kent. 

Gentleman. 

27       " 

40 

16/0 

a 

18  Mar. 

123 

21/0 

Sussex 

Loudon   mer- 

27       ■ 

67 

17/0 

■ 

chant. 

2  Mar. 

23 

16/10 

■ 

19    " 

98 

21/2 

(By  water) .  London  man. 

2     " 

49 

16/10 

*      (Milton). 

22     ■ 

138 

21/0 

[London  merchant?] 

3      " 

"     IS* 

17/4 

Suffolk. 

24     ■ 

I30 

21/2 

4     * 

20 

17/0 

[London].      London 
Ironmongers. 

1572 
29  Mar. 

X06 

21/2 

to    ■ 

S5 

xs/o 

Oxf.,  Henley. 

12  Apr. 

4P1 

20/0 

Kent. 

1570 

7  May 

32 

17/0 

a 

Gentleman. 

25  Mar. 

27 

16/0 

Kent. 

12     " 

142 

21/8 

Sussex 

25      " 

18 

17/0 

"  Upplande  Whete." 

13     " 

120 

21/0 

a 

*S      ' 

9 

16/0 

Kent. 

14     « 

16 

20/0 

a 

25       " 

sol 

16/0 

— .     Widow. 

30  June 

44 

20/0 

21  Apr. 

35 

17/0 

Kent  ("  Gryff  "). 

x6  Aug. 

48 

20/0 

Kent. 

13  May 

24 

16/6 

Suffolk  (Ipswich). 

''1571-72 

IS     " 

48 

16/0 

Kent. 

[15  Oct- 

20     ■ 

22 

17/0 

■      ("  Gryff  '*). 

30  Aug.] 

IS47T 

[20/7i] 

27     ' 

57 

15/0 

■      (Faversham). 

1572 

29     ■ 

no 

15/8 

■ 

[12  Mar.] 

36* 

15/0 

Kent. 

Gentleman. 

3i     " 

29 

15/0 

[London?].  London  man. 

12  Mar. 

I0i 

15/0 

a 

■ 

\ 1569  to 

70-71 

10  Apr. 

42i 

19/0 

Oxf.,  Henley.    Yeoman. 

20  Dec- 

20  Dec. 

28f 

18/0 

Kent. 

Yeoman. 

16  Jan. 

II3SJT  [16/0J] 

1572-73 

30TR 

12/0 

3  Jan. 

70 

19/0 

Oxf.,  Henley.    Yeoman. 

1370-71 

3     ' 

99f 

18/0 

■ 

a                      u 

13  Mar. 

40 

iS/6 

Kent.   Gentleman. 

10     ■ 

100 

20/0 

* 

*                      u 

21     " 

So 

15/8 

a                 a 

17     " 

60 

19/0 

c 

«                      « 

" 

74i 

17/0 

*     (Faversham). 

17     " 

45 

18/0 

« 

«                      « 

i57i 

17     " 

48 

19/0 

■ 

"                       ■ 

28  Mar. 

58 

iS/8 

"        ■  Gentleman. 

17     " 

79 

19/0 

" 

«                      « 

28    ■ 

119 

17/0 

■     Gentleman. 

17     ' 

20  mistlin  14/0 

" 

*                      « 

4  Apr. 

44 

16/0 

■     (Sittingbourne). 

21     " 

40 

17/0 

■ 

M                          < 

4     ' 

62 

17/0 

■            ■ 

21     ■ 

21 

17/0 

* 

«                    a 

a 

96 

16/4 

■      Gentleman. 

31     " 

23 

20/0 

« 

a                    a 

13      ■ 

61 

iS/6 

«             1 

4  Feb. 

38 

18/0 

■ 

a                    a 

2i  May 

27i 

15/8 

■ 

X3     ' 

26 

17/8 

• 

a                    a 

23     " 

120 

13/4 

Newcastle  merchant. 

13     " 

34 

20/0 

« 

a                     a 

as     " 

so! 

16/4 

Kent.  Gentleman. 

14     * 

30 

20/0 

" 

a                     a 

27    ' 

80 

17/0 

"     (Sittingbourne). 

26    ■ 

55 

19/0 

■ 

a                     a 

3i     " 

75 

16/8 

■     (Faversham). 
Gentleman. 

9  Mar. 
18     " 

2X 
20 

19/0 

20/0 

« 

a                     a 

4  June 

93 

x6/6 

"     Gentleman. 

x8  Mar. 

29 

19/0 

Kent. 

Widow. 

1570-71 

1573 

13  Mar.- 

29  Mar. 

23 1  mistlin 

332 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1568-73  (continued) 


Amt.  Whence 

Date        in  qrs.  Price  and  from  whom  bought 

XS73  s.  d. 

23/0  Oxf.,  Henley.    Yeoman. 

29  Mar.         58        24/0  "           ■                 " 

21  June        32        21/0  ■          ■                ■ 

11  Aug.         is        20/0  '          ■                " 

11     "            10       28/0  Wellingsforth.         ■ 
11     "            24  mistlin  and  rye 

20/0  •                     " 

14    *           60       30/0  Oxf.,  Henley.          " 

14    *           40       30/0  "          ■               ■ 


Date 


Amt.  Whence 

in  qrs.  Price    and  from  whom  bought 


1573 
IS  Aug. 
26     " 

9  Sept 

o    « 

9  Oct. 

I57J-73 

S  Dec.- 
31  Oct.      1698T    [21/3U 
334ITR  [10/10] 


.30 


180 
200 


t.d. 

28/0  Oxf.,  Henley.    Yeoman. 

28/0  ■           ■                ■ 

22/6 

27/0  Steelyard. 

20/8  Danzig.  Yarmouth  man. 


Prices  of  Corn,  1578-1670 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Merchant  Tailors'  Company  of  London. 

The  year  of  the  following  accounts  runs  from  August  to  August, 
e.  g.,  1586  to  1587  is  August,  1586  to  August,  1587,  while  1586-1587 
refers  to  the  period  1  Jan.  to  24  Mar. 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs. 

;  Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1578  to  79 

s.d. 

1583  to  84 

s.  d. 

310  wheat 

[18/7 II 

Bought  and  laid 

181  wheat 

25/0 

Sold  privately. 

up      in      the 

ii  "skrevings 

"  b/3l 

Sold. 

Bridgehouse. 

°i 

[5/4] 

" 

1579  to  80 

1584  to  85 

S  wet  wheat 

18/0 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

20  Mar.- 

Bought  from:  — 

1580  to  81 

30  Apr.  1 27 1  wheat 

17/6 

Jno.  Robinson 

216}  wheat  meal  [24/2}] 

Sold  on  markets. 

and  Thos.  Mar- 

3i "scryvings 

"   S/4 

«                             M 

grave  of  Hen- 

1581 to  82 

156        ' 

17/6 

ley.  Jno.Parkes 

30I  wheat 

22/0 

Bought  and  laid 
up    at    the 

158s  to  86 

of  Henley. 

Bridgehouse. 

None  bought  or  sold. 

69i      " 

23/0 

Ditto. 

1586  to  87' 

66  wheat  meal 

[22/11}]  Sold     on     mar- 

100  "  come  " 

37/a 

Snellingof  Ips- 

kets.i 

wich. 

4      -        - 

[23/oiJ 

Ditto. 

So  rye 

34/8 

Mr.  Clarke, 

1582  to  83 

Salter. 

21        '       " 

[22/2« 

Ditto. 

120    " 

26/8 

Mr.  Snelling  & 

2  J  "scmyngs 

'    [5/6] 

Ditto. 

Mr.  Browne- 

1582-83 

rigge. 

Bought  from:  — 

83    ' 

26/8 

H.  Sherat. 

5  Feb.  60  wheat 

[ai/o] 

Wm.  Cotes  of 

1586-87 

Henley. 

17  Feb.  10  wheat  meal 

[39/oJI 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

1583  to  84 

hall. 

208    ■ 

ln/afl 

Jno.  Robinson 
and  Wm.  God- 

2  Mar.    p     «        • 
1587 

b9/4« 

Ditto. 

eringe. 

1  Apr.  31  wheat 

45/4 

Ditto. 

101    « 

[19/3 1] 

Jno.  Finche  of 

2     "     0}      " 

[37/4] 

Sold. 

Waidsworth. 

4    •     IO     ■ 

S3/4 

« 

1  "  the  laste  of  the  furste  provision,"  i.e.,  of  [15 

78-9].          *  Separate  corn  accounts  begin  here. 

APPENDIX  E 


333 


Prices  of  Corn,  i 578-1670  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1587 

s.d. 

1580  to 

90 

s.d. 

10  Apr.  17  [wheat]  meal  45/4 

Sold. 

100  rye 

20/0 

Bought  from 

5  May  10  wheat 

39/4 

■ 

Aid.  Hugh  Ofi- 

11    "      4  rye 

33/4 

u 

ley. 

Sold  to:  — 

1589-00 

11    "       1    ■ 

36/4 

Mr.W.Webbe. 

13  Jan. 

7  wheat  meal 

26/8 

Sold. 

4f  wheat 

37/4 

Several  of  the 

19     " 

1      ■         • 

25/0 

■ 

M.  T.  Co. 

19     " 

5      ' 

26/8 

■ 

12     "       4      * 

40/0 

Sold. 

26     ■ 

7       "          " 

26/8 

■ 

20     "      s  rye  meal 

28/s 

Sold    on    New- 

9 Feb 

10    ■          ■ 

26/8 

« 

gate  markets. 

16     " 

8      ■          ■ 

26/8 

■ 

12  June  80  rye 

[22/1 1  J]  Sold. 

9      '          " 

26/8 

■ 

24     "        4    " 

26/0 

« 

2  Mar 

10  wheat 

26/8 

■ 

24     «        1    " 

26/0 

u 

9    " 

10  wheat  meal 

26/8 

■ 

27     "      5i  wheat 

37/4 

1 

16    ■ 

10      "          " 

26/8 

■ 

27     '      13  «ye 

29/4 

« 

23     " 

10      ■          ■ 

26/8 

■ 

27     "       5    " 

[24/7il 

■ 

iS9° 

1587  to  88 

30  Mar 

10      " 

28/0 

■ 

52    " 

[26/8] 

Bought  from 

6  Apr. 

S      " 

28/0 

■ 

several. 

13     " 

10      "          " 

28/0 

" 

300  wheat 

18/6 

Ditto. 

29     " 

8      " 

28/0 

■ 

Bought  from:  — 

4  May 

s    ■ 

28/0 

■ 

iooi  wheat 

18/0 

Frewin  &  Coles 

11     " 

S       "          * 

28/0 

" 

of  Henley. 

18     * 

7       « 

28/0 

u 

100        " 

16/0 

Jno.  Parkes  of 
Henley. 

1  June 

4  rye  meal 

[20/3J] 

Sold  at  Leaden- 
hall. 

1588 

18  July 

S 

[i8/8i] 

Ditto. 

17  June  6  wheat  meal 

[I3/Sl 

Sold  on  markets. 

1590  to  91 

16  Sept.  7      "         " 

18/10I 

■               « 

None  bought. 

13  Oct.  3      "         " 

18/8 

u                      a 

10  rye  meal 

21/4 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

1588  to  80 

hall. 

No  corn  bought. 

S    "      " 

[18/0I 

Sold. 

220  wheat 

21/0 

Sold. 

5  Oct. 

27    " 

18/0 

* 

2      « 

18/0 

Sold  to  account- 

16 Nov. 

10    " 

19/11 

■ 

ant. 

16    " 

6    ■ 

18/0 

■ 

1580 

16    ■ 

7  rye  meal 

24/0 

■ 

8  Sept.  3  wheat  meal 

24/0 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

14  Dec. 

1  wheat  " 

[27/6] 

■ 

hall. 

7  rye       ■ 

[20/0] 

■ 

2      "         ■ 

[20/0] 

Sold  to  Bache- 

1590-91 

lors'  Co. 

6  Jan. 

6    ■        ■ 

24/0 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

22    "     5     ■        ■ 

[20/6] 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

h.dl. 

hall. 

6    ■ 

2  wheat " 

29/4 

Sold. 

6  Oct.  5      ■         ' 

24/0 

Sold. 

6  rye      ■ 

20/0 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

11     "     3      "         ■ 

24/0 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

hall. 

hall. 

3i"      ' 

20/0 

Ditto. 

20    "     4      "         ■ 

24/0 

Ditto. 

1591  to 

)2 

Bought  from:  — 

27     "      6      ■          " 

24/0 

Ditto. 

300  Kent.  wht. 

19/0 

Rich.  Touche. 

10  Nov.  4      "         " 

24/0 

Ditto. 

50  Hants  wheat 

17/6 

Jno.  Parkes  of 

24    "      10    "         ■ 

24/0 

Ditto. 

Henley. 

1  Dec.  10    ■         " 

24/0 

Ditto. 

50      * 

x8/o 

Ditto. 

8     "      5      " 

25/4 

Sold. 

So      ■ 

18/6 

AveryBrayton. 

»5    "      S      " 

2S/4 

" 

So      * 

[18/6] 

«          « 

22     "      7      "          " 

26/8 

■ 

24  wheat  meal 

2      " 

25/0 
17/0 

Sold  on  markets. 
Sold. 

334 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1578-1670  (continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date       A  mt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Ami 

in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1591  to  Q] 

s.  d. 

1 59s  to  96 

s.  d. 

a  wheat 

l*o/o] 

Sold. 

44  rye 

21/0 

Sold. 

ISO*  to  93 

Bought  from:  — 

None  bought. 

ao      ■ 

17/0 

Ed.  Nicholson. 

1596  to  97 

Bought  from: — ■ 

MO*    " 

16/6 

Wm.  Cotes  of 
Henley. 

280  rye 

35/o 

Chamberlain  of 
London. 

100      " 

16/8 

Ditto. 

83    " 

32/0 

A  haberdasher. 

ISO      ■ 

16/6 

Jno.  Partes  of 

100J  w 

beat 

46/0 

A  haberdasher. 

Henley. 

a8o  rye 

3S/o 

Bought  at  "  Su- 

498J    « 

19/0 

Sold     to     Aid. 

serdam." 

Raddyff. 

Oo" 

32/0 

Bought. 

oi    « 

[*o/o] 

Sold. 

100J  wheat 

[4S/8II 

Sold. 

1593  to  94  None  bought. 

S 

■ 

53/4 

m 

4  wheat 

*4/6 

Sold  on  markets. 

1597  to  98 

Bought  from: — 

4S  "  come  " 

34/0 

«                        « 

200  foreign  rye 

[42/10H    Aid.  HaUyday. 

4  wheat 

ao/o 

«                   « 

So  rye 

3*/o 

Aid.  Clarclc. 

10  "  come  " 

28/0 

«                    a 

1597-98 

1 

34/0 

«                    c 

10  Mar.  4}  rye 

n.-.il 

45/4 

Sold. 

10 

38/0 

M                          M 

10    «      1      ' 

« 

4*/8 

1504  to  95 

Bought  from: — 

10     «      4!    ■ 

* 

4*/8 

35  wheat 

38/6 

Rog.  Vangogle. 

10    "      1      " 

« 

40/0 

S      ' 

38/0 

Mr.  Denman. 

IS             3       * 

■ 

40/0 

100  rye 

*S/4 

Peter  Collett. 

IS            6|    « 

" 

38/8 

*S      " 

*4/o 

Peter  Collett. 

ao-4"    17 1    " 

" 

37/4 

64      " 

26/4 

Sir  Rich.  Mar- 

1598 

tyn. 

36  Mar.  9}    " 

« 

37/4 

I50S 

*9     ■      4l    ' 

u 

37/4 

36  Mar.  68  wheat 

36/8 

Sold. 

31     "     Si    " 

' 

37/4 

23      " 

39/0 

M 

S  Apr.  8J    " 

* 

37/4 

3      " 

30/0 

m 

6     «      Si    " 

" 

37/4 

4*1    ' 

3*/4 

■ 

7     *      9i    * 

« 

37/4 

Sold  on  markets. 

55      " 

35/*J 

* 

9     "      Si    " 

■ 

37/4 

Sold. 

"I    " 

38/0 

« 

10     «      6}    « 

" 

37/4 

3      " 

34/o 

* 

12     ■      6|    " 

■ 

37/4 

34l    " 

37/4 

« 

14     "      3      " 

« 

37/4 

37      " 

36/7 

Sold. 

16     "      19  rye 

33/4 

Sold  to  R.  Tay- 

9*    " 

40/0 

■ 

lor. 

57      " 

37/3 

u 

21  Apr.  2I  rye 

meal 

37/4 

Sold. 

81    " 

1*3/611 

Sold  to  the  ac- 
countant. 

26     "      n|" 

* 

37/4 

Sold  on  markets. 
Sold  to:— 

30      " 

[38/S] 

Bought. 

6  May  10    " 

3*/o 

R.  Taylor. 

100  rye 

35/4 

Bought  of  Peter 

6    *       1    " 

U3/41 

Thos.  Kelyn. 

Collett. 

6    «       3    « 

30/0 

Mr.  Ellyott. 

10    ■ 

26/7 

Sold. 

8      '       30f  " 

meal 

37/4 

Sold  on  markets. 

40    ■ 

36/10 

* 

9    ■     il    " 

1 

37/4 

«               ■ 

ao   " 

*6/3 

■ 

I-I3  June  19}  rye  meal 

34/8 

«               « 

S    " 

36/8 

■ 

7  Aug.    3  rye 

34/0 

Sold. 

»S    * 

37/0 

■ 

IS98  to  99 

2S    " 

19/4 

Sold  (it  had  cost 

6 

24/0 

c 

34/). 

xo 

23/0 

a 

a  Aug.  10   • 

36/10 

Sold  (it  had  cost 

10 

21/0 

■ 

27/8). 

20 

31/0 

« 

0     "      10    " 

16/10 

Sold  (charges  de- 

None bought. 

ducted). 

1599-1600 

1}  wheat 

36/0 

Sold. 

21  Jan.  99  wheat 

24/0 

Bought. 

APPENDIX  E 


335 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  578-1670  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

* S99-! 600 

s.  d. 

1602  to  03 

s.  d. 

4  Feb.  8ji  wheat 

24/0 

Bought. 

7  J  wheat 

29/6 

H.  Baker. 

Bought  from:  — 

216      " 

29/0 

Thos.  Dawes. 

9     "      32 1    « 

22/0 

G.     Spier     of 
Reading. 

3  meal 

30/0 

Bought    in    the 
market. 

26     *      40  Kent.  wht. 

25/0 

Thos.  Spratt  of 
Hyde,  Kent. 

10  wheat 

20/0 

Bought  from 
Jno.     Swyver- 

27     "      I9l    "         " 

23/0 

H.  Moody. 

ton. 

1600 

3  meal 

24/0 

Sold. 

2  May  so      "       ■ 

29/6 

Bought. 

10  wheat 

31/0 

« 

June  78}  wheat 

35/4 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

30      ■ 

28/0 

"    to  a  miller. 

hall. 

10      " 

24/0 

«        m      m 

June  & 

10I    * 

23/0 

«        m      « 

July  2361    ■ 

I31/6H 

Sold. 

6      * 

22/0 

"        "    baker. 

1600-01 

Bought  from:  — 

2      " 

21/0 

"       "     Roger 

3  Jan.  43 1  Reading  wht.3  2/6 

Ed.  Fawcett. 

Silverwood. 

100  Kentish    " 

33/o 

Thos.  Wood. 

oi    * 

24/0 

*    to  a  wife. 

14    "      100  French     " 

32/6 

Bought. 
Bought  from: — 

1      " 

24/0 

■    to  Fr.  Att- 
ley. 

50}  Reading  ■ 

32/6 

Ed.  Fawcett. 

289      * 

23/0 

Ditto. 

100  Kentish   ■ 

33/o 

Thos.  Wood. 

1603  to  05  None  bough! 

or  sold. 

40  rye 

20/0 

Bought. 

1 60s  to  06 

40    " 

[19/11J]  Sold. 

1  Feb.- 

Bought  from: — 

216  wheat 

[28/4  f] 

Sold  on  markets. 

30  Apr.  105  wheat 

24/0 

Sir  Rich.  Sands 

160 1  to  02  No  corn  bought. 

of  Kent. 

1601 

18  Mar.    76      ■ 

23/6 

Nich.  Russel  of 

11  Aug.  o|          "come 

"  28/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

Shorem, Sussex. 

»i 

29/4 

«               « 

1606 

12  Aug.  si               " 

[29/5] 

Sold  to  a  mem- 
ber of  the  M. 

25  Mar.    I9f    " 

22/6 

Wm.    Cleydon 
of  Henley. 

T.  Co. 

39}    " 

23/0 

Ditto. 

14    «      il 

[32/0] 

Sold. 

39i    * 

23/0 

Ditto. 

17     "     3l  +ipk.     " 

[30/4] 

■ 

87      ' 

22/0 

A  fruiterer. 

19     "      3i+2ipks." 

[30/3H 

• 

None  sold. 

21     "      o|+3*pks." 

[36/0] 

■ 

1606  to  07 

Sold  to: 

24     "      ol+ipk.    * 

[40/0] 

u 

102}  corn 

29/0 

A   member  of 

26     "      oj+ijpks." 

fai/iof]     " 

the  M.  T.  Co. 

1  Sept.  1   +1  pk.     * 

[32/10] 

* 

354  wheat 

29/6 

Jno.  King  and 

2    "     31+ipk-    " 

[29/8U 

■ 

Thos.  Probyn. 

4     "      4i+2pks.   " 

i8/9i 

« 

Bought  from:  — 

4     "      3i+2pks.  ■ 

19/4 

■ 

105      " 

I24/9II 

Sir  Rich.  Sands 

7  Oct.   1   +1  pk.     " 

26/8 

■ 

of  Kent. 

9     "      of 

26/8 

" 

1607  to  08 

14     «      if 

26/8 

■ 

50  rye 

29/8 

A  merchant. 

23     "      3   +ipk.    " 

24/0 

« 

1608 

2  Nov.  2j+3pks.  " 

24/0 

ft 

18  July     s  rye  meal 

29/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

16  "  come  " 

19/4 

Sold  by  the  mil- 

24   "      10    "      " 

26/8 

«               « 

ler. 

2  Aug.    7    "      " 

26/8 

«               « 

1602  to  03 

Bought'from:  — 

2    "      " 

25/4 

«               « 

9  wheat 

26/0 

Ed.  Walters. 

5    "       ' 

26/8 

«                     a 

18      ■ 

29/6 

Ed,  Wjer. 

10    "       " 

26/8 

a                     m 

36      « 

29/6 

Mich.Borrowe. 

11  rye 

20/0 

*    to  a  miller. 

3°      " 

28/0 

Jno.  Lawrence. 

ol    ' 

I20/0I 

Sold. 

45       " 

29/6 

Wm.  Balcome. 

1608  to  09 

Bought  from: 

SO      « 

30/0 

H.  Baker. 

18  Aug.  50  wheat 

44/o 

Geo.  Sotherton. 

336 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  15 78-1 670  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date        Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date        Amt.  in  qrs 

Price   sale  and  purchase 

1608  to  09 

s.  d. 

1614  to  15 

s.d. 

18  Aug.  25  wheat 

Us/oJ] 

Sold. 

10  wheat 

25/0 

Raynen,  Kent. 

»s    '    ■ 

[43/sl 

■ 

S 

i 

25/0 

Ed.  Allen,      * 

oj      ■ 

48/0 

u 

10 

« 

28/0 

Rob.  Edwards," 

1600  to  10  None  bought 

or  sold 

31 

«     t 

20/0 

Rob.  Edwards," 

1610  to  II 

Bought  from:  — 

31 

«     t 

26/0 

Rich.  Taylor,  " 

49}  wheat 

36/8 

Jno.  Wood,  Kent. 

38 

i 

Sold  to  a  Salter. 

83I      " 

35/0 

Rich.  Back,    ■ 

10  rye 

£465/4  " 

60       « 

26/4 

Wra.Goldock.« 

10  meal 

37/4 

"     on  markets 

4*1      ' 

36/6 

H.  Bote,         ■ 

9 

" 

37/4 

a         «           * 

39!      ' 

26/4 

Eliz.  Seede,     * 

8 

■ 

36/0 

«         ■          « 

IS        " 

26/0 

Rob.  Allyn,     « 

xo|  wheat 

36/0 

"     to  a  baker. 

ai 

36/3 

Ran.  Brokoll, " 

10  meal 

37/4 

"    on  markets. 

41        ' 

36/8 

Xfer  Allyn,     " 

1615  to  16  None  bought. 

10        " 

37/0 

Rob.  Raynen," 

10  wheat 

30/0 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

27$        " 

36/8 

Jno.  Allyn,      " 

11}  meal 

32/0 

"   on  markets. 

40  Scotch  wheat  35/0 

A  merchant 

2* 

■ 

32/0 

ii               « 

taylor. 

Hi 

I 

32/0 

M                          * 

1611  to  13 

1616  to  17 

Bought  from: — 

60  wheat 

36/6 

Xfer  Clithe- 

13  Dec.  80  wheat 

33/o 

Several. 

rowe. 

18    "      30 

« 

l35/o] 

Rich.  Taylor. 

Sold  to:— 

1616-17 

376        « 

32/0 

A  Co.of  bakers. 

13  Jan.   31 

" 

[33/9U 

Hooper  (Kent). 

37        ' 

30/0 

■        U                     u 

13       "        IO 

" 

34/o 

Joshua  Lott  of 

6i      " 

33/0 

Members      of 

[Kent?] 

the  M.  T.  Co. 

»     "       s 

« 

34/o 

Bought. 

ao  wheat  meal 

36/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

Bought  from: — 

60      " 

36/0 

u                     u 

8  Feb.  80 

M 

41/0 

A  merchant. 

Bought  from: — 

20    •       5 

« 

38/0 

Hooper  of  Kent. 

15  wheat 

34/o 

Hum.  Basse. 

4  Mar.  16}  meal 

[34/10J]  Sold  at  Leaden- 

330    " 

31/0 

Two    men    in 
Lewes,  Sussex. 

1617 

hall. 

5  wheat  meal1 

36/0 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

39  Mar.  2$ 

m 

[34M] 

Ditto. 

hall. 

19  Apr.  r6$ 

" 

[31/10$] 

Ditto. 

s    ■ 

36/0 

Ditto. 

10  May  18 

" 

[3i/"il 

Ditto. 

5     "        ■ 

36/0 

Ditto. 

3  June  17$ 

■ 

[31/ioi] 

Ditto. 

1613  to  14 

Bought  from: — 

31       "        l6$ 

" 

[31/10] 

Ditto. 

18  wheat 

36/0 

Wm.  Bardsey. 

19  July  31 

■ 

[31/10$] 

Ditto. 

6      " 

36/0 

Wm.  Bardsey. 

S  Aug.  1a 

" 

[31/ni] 

Ditto. 

3      ' 

36/0 

Jas.  Cambell. 

1617  to  18 

Bought  from: — 

3      " 

36/0 

Bought. 

30  wheat 

40/0 

Rich.  Taylor. 

6  meal 

36/0 

Sold  on  markets 

30 

a 

35/o 

Rich.  Taylor. 

6      " 

36/0 

«                « 

30 

a 

39/o 

Arthur    Keen- 

6$    " 

36/0 

«                « 

law. 

6      " 

36/0 

"                " 

ao 

' 

38/0 

John  Fisher. 

61    ' 

36/0 

«                     a 

ao 

" 

37/o 

John  Fisher. 

1614  to  15 

Bought  from: 

6o 

M 

[37/6]  . 

S.  Crow. 

49  wheat 

39/o 

Jno.  Gore. 

39  Aug.- 

38      « 

34/o 

Bought. 

1 2  Sept.  1 7  meal 

[29/2$] 

Sold  on  markets. 

10  rye 

34/0 

■ 

19  Sept- 

Bought  from:  — 

3  Oct.   15* 

' 

[29/3$l 

u                     a 

36  wheat' 

35/0 

Xfer  Allyn,  Kent. 

10-24  Oct.  6|  meal 

[29/3il 

u                     m 

as      "     ' 

34/0 

Allyn, 

1618  to  19  None  bought. 

1  Containing  37$  bushels. 


*  Twenty-one  quarters  to  the  score. 


APPENDIX  E 


337 


Prices  of  Corn,  1578-1670  (continued) 


Particulars  of 
Date        Amt.  in  qrs.    Price    sale  andpurchase 

1618  to  19  s.  d. 
21  Aug- 

28  Oct.   18  meal  [32/gi]    Sold  on  markets. 

1619  to  20  Boughtfrom:  — 

46  Kent.  wht.     20/6  Marke  Trowte. 

49  *  "       19/0  Marke  Trowte. 

50  "          "       21/4  Marke  Trowte. 
129}  Sussex  "       22/6  Mr.  Staker. 

1620  to  21  No  corn  bought. 

100  wheat  [22/0]      Sold  to  Mr.  Cos- 

well  for  Vir- 
ginia Co. 

4  meal  [15/9]      Sold  on  markets. 

1621  to  22 

45  wheat  34/0       Bought. 

22  meal  [19/ii]    Sold. 

is  Oct- 

3  Nov.  20     "  [25A]         " 

1622  to  23 

140  wheat  46/0       Bought. 
16  Aug-13  Sept.  30  meal  [36/1}]  Sold  on  markets. 

20  Sept-18  Oct.  30  "  [39/5]       " 

8Nov.-i3Dec.  30  "  [39/s]       * 

ao  Dec.  -  7  Feb.  42  ■  [41/oi]     "               " 

Feb.  -     Mar.  39  "  [41/10I]   "               " 

ai  Mar.-  9  May  70  "  [38/gi]     *               " 

16  May -20  June  68  "  [38/0]       "                " 

20  June- 1  Aug.  77  "  [38/0]      ■               " 

1623  to  24  Boughtfrom:  — 
30  Dec.  20J  wheat  35/0         Wm.  Knight. 
38  Feb.  77        "  38/0         Wm.  Knight. 

5  Mar.  iof      "  37/0         Wm.  Knight. 

No  corn  sold. 

1624  to  25  Boughtfrom:  — 

21  Jan.   100  wheat  40/0         Mr.  Yates. 

4  Mar.    70      "  40/0         H.  Batchlor  of 

Mundon,  Essex. 
16    "       67 J    "  4a/o         David  Moor- 

head. 
50        "  40/0         City  Chamber- 

lain. 
1625 

22  Apr.     so      "  36/0       D.  Jerrard. 

55      "  [40/0]    Sold  to  Sir  Allen 

Apsley. 

—  corn  Sold  for  £16/0/0 
162s  to  26  None  bought. 

—  corn  Sold  for  £35/0/0 

—  "    &meal  "       £159/16/0 
34  meal              [36/8]    Sold. 

1626  to  27  Boughtfrom:  — 

68}  wheat  32/0  Marke  Trowte. 

31        "  33/0         Marke  Pearce. 

52}      "  32/0  Jno.  Banfield. 

9}      "  32/0         Geo.  Pollard. 


Date 


Particulars  of 
Amt.  in  qrs.    Price   sale  and  purchase 


1626  to  27  s.  d. 

S4i  wheat  28/0         Marke  Trowte. 
None  sold. 

1627  to  30  None  bought  or  sold. 

1630  to  31  Boughtfrom:  — 
8  Mar.  24  Irish  wheat  44/0   Abram  Freeman. 

1631  Boughtfrom:  — 
29  Apr.  30     "         "  44/0   Abram  Freeman. 

6  June  42     "  "  44/0   Mr.  Burlimarchy. 

iS°     "         "  [37/4I  Sir  Rich.  Deane. 

31 J  Kent.  "  26/8   Nich.  Pordage. 

1  July  30  Irish      "  44/0   Abram  Freeman. 

12  ■      78     "         "  44/0   Abram  Freeman. 

—  meal  Sold  on  markets 

for  £503/11/6. 

1631  to  32  Boughtfrom: — 

SS  rye  38/0        Mr.  Longe. 

49    "  38/0         Cap.  Stiles. 

48i  wheat        .  b7/o]      Bought. 

Boughtfrom:  — 

38  ■  34/6        Rob.    Rye    of 

Faversham. 

I7ii      "  [27/3]        Wm.  Bridge. 

14J      ■  36/0         H.  Jenkin. 

13}      "  36/6         Nich.  Pordage. 

5}      "  30/0         Abraham  Rey. 
22gJ      ■       1  Sold  on  markets 

28Jrye       J  (at  £  451/2/7). 

20  wheat  [28/0]      Sold  on  markets. 

1632  to  33  Bought  from: — 

ISO  Hamburg  wt.  40/0       Lawr.  Reade. 

28  Nov.  20}  wheat  38/9       Jno.  Tront. 

47        '  40/0       Rob.  Rye. 

21J      *  39/6       Jno.  Tront,  Jr. 

59I      "  38/0       Jno.  Tront,  Jr. 

41        ■  40/0       Jno.  Tront. 

64I      "  41/0       Ely  Hardyman. 

66        *  39/0       Ely  Hardyman. 

39  "  42/0       Marke  Pearce. 
47        ■  42/6       Jno.  Tront,  Jr. 

2        *  35/0       Jno.  Tront,  Jr. 

54!      ■  43/6       Rob.  Ride. 

6}      "  41/0       Ely  Hardyman. 

29}      "  41/6       Nich.  Pordage. 

15I      "  41/0       Jno.  Neve. 

1633  to  34  soj  "  44/0       Thos.  Lathum. 

100        "  42/0       Rob.  Bell. 

30J      "  41/0       Rob.  Bell. 
1634 

6  May  50        "  36/0       Job  Harley. 

13  June  60        "  34/0       Bought. 

Bought  from:  — 

11  July  144      ■  40/0       Rob.  Bell. 

11     "        2        "  41/0       Rob.  Bell. 

17    "     91        "  38/0       Geo.  Porter. 


338 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  or  Corn,  15 78-1 670  {continued) 

Particulars  of  Particulars  of 

Date        Arat.  in  qrs.    Price   sale  and  purchase       Date        Amt.  in  qrs.    Price   sale  and  purchase 


1634  to  35 

s.d. 

1641  to  42 

s.d. 

24  Aug.  40  wheat  meal 

36/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

Bought  from: — 

30    "      40      " 

36/0 

«                     a 

6  wheat 

33/0         Mr.  Besbich  of 

1  Oct.  40      "         " 

36/0 

■                   a 

Faversham. 

24  Dec.  40      "         " 

36/0 

«                    u 

17       " 

30/0         Ditto. 

1634-5 

67  Kentish  wht 

32/0        Thos.  Bewtye. 

24  Jan.  40      "         " 

40/0 

«                   ■ 

7        "           " 

30/0         Thos.  Bewtye. 

ri  Mar.  40     "         " 

40/0 

1                    « 

10        "           " 

32/0         Thos.  Bewtye. 

1635 

65l      ■ 

30/0         Thos.  Bewtye. 

6  May  40     "         " 

40/0 

"                   " 

87 1  wheat 

29/0         Fr.  Smith. 

10  June  40     "         " 

40/0 

■                   ■ 

46I      « 

29/6         Fr.  Smith. 

23  July  40     "         " 

40/0 

Bought  from:  — 

9        " 
None  sold. 

30/0         Fr.  Smith. 

13S  Fr.  wheat 

36/0 

Rob.  Bell. 

1642  to  43 

Bought  from 

58!  «      ■ 

37/o 

Rob.  Carter. 

26  Sept.  19}  wheat 

34/7         Fr.  Cripps. 

264!  wheat 

35/o 

Mr.  Delabarre. 

No  corn  sold. 

553  meal 

40/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

1643  to  46  No  corn  bought  or  sold. 

1635  to  36 

Bought  from: — 

1646  to  47 

Bought  from 

no!  wheat 

38/0 

Geo.  Johnson. 

100  wheat 

43/0         Geof.  Lee. 

7oJ      ■ 

34/o 

Geo.  Johnson. 

No  corn  sold. 

10  Nov.  20I        ■ 

36/6 

Jno.  Adman. 

1647  to  48  No  com  bought. 

24    "     20         ■ 

36/6 

Ed.  Egleston. 

25  Oct.- 

1636-37 

17  July  106  wheat  meal  48/0    Sold  [on  markets]. 

5  Jan.      88J    ■ 

38/0 

Geo.  Evans. 

1648  to  52  Hiatus  in  records. 

17    *       25!     ■ 

35/o 

Thos.  Lathum. 

1652  to  53 

Bought  from:  — 

3  Feb.  112!      ■ 

35/o 

Rob.  Rye. 

126!  wheat 

34/0  Rich.  Blackens  tall. 

156  "  corne  " 

43/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

10       ■ 

33/0  Raph  Sherly. 

5  Mar.  qi|  wheat 

38/6 

Bought  from 

65        " 

32/7  Raph  Sherly. 

Geo.  Johnson. 

38        «      1 
38       "       J 

32/0 

439  meal 

40/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

33/o 

100  wheat 

3S/o 

Bought  from 

No  com  sold. 

Jno.    Richard- 

1653 to  54  —  wheat 

Bought  at  £99/15/0. 

son    of   Maid- 

      « 

"      "    £i49- 

stone. 

Bought  from:  — 

1637  to  39  No  corn  account. 

20      ■ 

26/3  Warden  Blackwell. 

1639  to  40 

Bought  from:  — 

45      " 

28/0  Mr.  Goodwin. 

30  wheat 

30/0 

Mr.  Smith, 

No  com  sold. 

broker. 

1654  to  55 

Bought  from:  — 

26      " 

28/0 

Ditto. 

200  wheat 

Mr.  Strange. 

93      ' 

31/0 

Ditto. 

47      " 

[22/0]  Warden  Blackwell. 

, ,         m 

Bought  as  above 
at  £128/14/6. 

45      " 
No  com  sold. 

[28/0]  Mr.  Goodwin. 

20    « 

32/0 

Bought  from 

1655  to  58  No  com  bought  or  sold. 

Warden  Mollish. 

1658  to  59  No  com  bought. 

No  corn  sold. 

30  wheat  [meal?] 

[42/8]      Sold  at  Leaden- 

1640  to  41  No  corn  bought. 

hall. 

—  com 

Sold  at  £290/17/0. 

1659  to  60  No  com  bought. 

« 

"     ■  £  87/3/0. 

20  wheat  [meal?] 

Sold  at  LeadenhaU. 

1641  to  42 

Bought  from: — 

50      " 

51/0       Sold      to     Mr. 

36!  wheat 

29/0 

Mr.  Greensheet 

Bobb,  baker. 

of  Faversham. 

1660  to  63  Gap  in  records. 

10J      ■ 

30/0 

Ditto. 

1663  to  69  No  com  bought  or  sold. 

10 

33/o 

Ditto. 

1669  to  70  No  corn  bought. 

24  fine  wheat 

33/o 

Mr.  Besbich  of 

i37i  wheat 

22/6       Sold. 

Faversham. 

1670  to  82  No  com  bought  or  sold. 

APPENDIX  E 


339 


Prices  of  Corn,  1579-1672 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Skinners'  Company. 

The  year  of  these  accounts  is  from  Lady  Day  to  Lady  Day. 

The  accounts  are  found  in  sundry  volumes  of  "  Receipts  &  Pay- 
ments," dated  1564-1596,  1596-1617,  1617-1646,  1646-1672  (vol. 
1672-  missing),  preserved  in  the  Skinners'  Hall,  London. 


Date 

Amt.  in 

qrs.    Price 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of 

sale  and  purchase 

sale  and  purchase 

1579-80 

s.d. 

1585 

s.d. 

16J  wheat  (9  lots)  [16/0]  Sold. 

1  wheat 

24/0 

Sold  to  the  corn 

1580-81 

70 

■ 

[21/0J]  Sold  to  a  baker. 

seller  of  the  Co. 

65 

« 

[21/ioi 

" 

" 

Royden, 

13      - 

24/0 

Sold  to  the  Lord 

baker. 

Mayor. 

—  wheat 

meal] 

Sold 

on 

markets 

1586-87 

Bought  from:  — 

for  £73/17/6. 

2  May 

50  Hamb'g  wl 

.28/0 

Alderman  Bonde. 

1581-82 

1      " 

[me 

al?J  [21/0] 

Sold 

on 

markets. 

2  Dec. 

100  Eastland ' 

37/2 

Rob.  Snelling. 

il    " 

[22/0U 

u 

to  a  baker. 

20  rye 

34/8 

Roger  Clark  and 

at    * 

[21/6I] 

* 

■ 

■ 

Jerome  Baile. 

oi  +3  pks. 

wht.  [21/4] 

" 

to 

Goodman 

1587-88 

Amias. 

8  May 

50    ' 

26/8 

Wm.  Cockayne. 

1583 

12     ■ 

33    * 

26/8 

Wm.  Cockayne. 

31  Aug. 

1  wheat 

22/6 

Sold  to  Aid.  S. 

22     " 

47    " 

26/8 

Thos.  Brainrigg. 

1583-84 

i7[wheat]meal  [30/ 6] 

Sold  on  markets. 

4  Mar. 

123 

« 

»       [22/0] 

■ 

" 

N  i  c  h. 

10  wheat 

30/0 

" 

Bonde. 

9      " 

29/6 

" 

1584-85 

25 

■ 

20/0 

Bought. 

37[wheat]meal  [41/4I] 

"    on  markets. 

65 

" 

20/0 

Sold  privately. 

55  wheat  (2  lots) 

40/0 

■     privately. 

1585 

8  wheat 

[40/0] 

"           " 

15  Aug. 

2 

■ 

[23/0I 

■ 

on 

markets. 

18J  rye  meal 

[33/9] 

"     on  markets. 

21       " 

2 

" 

[23/4! 

■ 

■ 

■ 

1  rye 

[34/8] 

1 

21       " 

1 

" 

[23/0] 

" 

« 

■ 

25    " 

[26/5] 

"     on  markets. 

23       ■ 

4 

a 

[23/4] 

" 

« 

* 

oi    « 

26/8 

"     privately. 

26      " 

2 

" 

[a  1/4*] 

■ 

" 

" 

7  July 

24I  "  (2  lots) 

30/8 

"     atBridge- 

2  Sept. 

2 

* 

[22/9] 

" 

■ 

" 

house. 

3     * 

3 

■ 

[24/1 11 

■ 

" 

■ 

8    * 

If 

30/8 

Ditto. 

ii 

"(2 

lots)[24/o] 

* 

" 

" 

10    " 

24  J  "  (2  lots) 

30/8 

Ditto. 

11  Sept. 

2 

" 

[22/6] 

" 

" 

" 

11     " 

I3i" 

29/4 

Ditto. 

11     " 

1 

■ 

[21/3] 

■ 

■ 

■ 

13     " 

35    " 

[26/8] 

Bought   from   Sir 

18     " 

5 

■ 

[23/3*1 

" 

■ 

" 

Thos.  Pullinson. 

20     " 

5 

■ 

[23/0] 

" 

■ 

" 

3  rye  meal 

32/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

24     " 

4 

■ 

[23/0] 

■ 

■ 

" 

oi"       « 

34/8 

■     *         ■ 

1 

■ 

[24/0] 

■ 

■ 

■ 

14  July 

3     " 

30/8 

8    atBridge- 

3 

* 

[23/0] 

u 

■ 

■ 

house. 

25  Sept. 

3 

" 

[23/0] 

■ 

" 

■ 

3     ' 

[25/511 

Ditto. 

29     " 

5 

■ 

[23/0] 

" 

" 

■ 

15  July 

3  [wheat]  meal  [31/0}]  Sold  on  markets. 

3  Oct. 

3 

" 

[23/0] 

■ 

■ 

■ 

15     " 

1        "         " 

[29/4] 

«      «         « 

6     ■ 

5 

■ 

[22/3] 

■ 

■ 

" 

17     " 

5       "         " 

[32/61] 

CM                « 

9     " 

3 

" 

[23/0] 

" 

" 

" 

26     " 

4        "          " 

37/4 

a        a            a 

12     " 

5 

■ 

[23/0] 

" 

" 

■ 

27     " 

30I  rye 

32/0 

"  at  the  Bridge- 

16     " 

3 

■ 

[23/0] 

■ 

« 

" 

house. 

19     " 

4 

■ 

[23/0] 

■ 

« 

■ 

3i     " 

1      ■ 

33/o 

Sold  privately. 

2 

■ 

[23/0] 

« 

to 

queen's 

oi  ■ 

30/2 

«            « 

baker. 

11  Aug 

oi    « 

26/8 

«           « 

il 

a 

24/0 

Sold  to  the  Clerk. 

19     " 

7i    " 

34/0 

«               a 

1  "  half  reddye  money." 


34° 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1579-1672  {continued) 


Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt.  in 

v> 

Price 

Particulars  of 

sale  and  purchase 

sale  and  purchase 

1587-88 

s.  d. 

1590-91 

s.  d. 

0 

\  rye 

37/4 

Sold  privately. 

1  wheat 

[24/0] 

Sold  privately. 

a  j  Sept.    0 

\    ' 

[26/8] 

■ 

■ 

4  mistlin 

[ax/8] 

■ 

■ 

0 

I    '■ 

[30/8] 

" 

■ 

1 

« 

[18/9] 

1 

« 

3  wheat  meal 

U6/0] 

■ 

on  market 

1 

$90 

and  to  several  of 

16  Sept.  [oj?]  rye 

[18/0] 

■ 

the  Co. 

29  rye  (2  lots] 

18/0 

■ 

2  rye 

[26/8] 

Sold  privately. 

7 

« 

19/0 

"     privately. 

1588-89  9i  [wht.]  flour  [io/ioj 

* 

« 

4 

■ 

19/0 

■     to 

1  baker. 

o|  +  I  pk. 

M               « 

[19/10] 

■ 

" 

I 

1" 

20/0 

u         m 

« 

si 

■               II 

[22/0] 

■ 

a 

46  wheat 

26/0 

I         ■ 

■ 

2  wheat 

20/0 

■ 

So  rye 

x8/o 

■         ■ 

■ 

1 

■ 

[20/0I 

So 

wheat 

25/0 

■     for 

queen's 

1580-90 

Bought  from 

ships. 

100  rye 

20/0 

Aid 

Offley. 

1591-92 

2 

rye 

20/0 

Sold. 

3  Sept.  2  wheat 

[ax/4] 

Sold. 

Bought  from: — 

1 

« 

[24/0] 

« 

100  wheat 

20/0 

Mr.  Storie. 

1 

" 

[22/8] 

« 

100      ■ 

20/0 

Mr.  Osborn. 

1 

" 

[22/4] 

M 

1592-94 

[N 

one  bought 

or  sold?] 

1  Oct.  5 

" 

[18/8] 

Sold  [on  markets?] 

1594-95 

22    "     5 

" 

[23/1 II 

« 

" 

26  June 

100  wheat 

[26/7  J]  Sold 

26    "     3 

" 

fa/all 

■ 

u 

Cockayne. 

6  Nov.  3 

* 

[23/2}! 

" 

" 

5 

hug. 

3  [wheat]  mea 

32/0 

Sold  on 

markets. 

8    ■     4 

" 

[23/3] 

■ 

" 

7 

m 

2 

" 

■ 

a8/4 

■      ■ 

■ 

13     "      3 

" 

[23/1] 

" 

■ 

12 

* 

5 

" 

c 

M/ai] 

•      ■ 

■ 

18     ■      5 

* 

[a3/i] 

" 

■ 

16 

* 

5 

■ 

■ 

[28/2U 

U           M 

m 

22    ■     8 

"  (2  lots) 

I23/3] 

■ 

■ 

19 

m 

4 

■ 

■ 

[28/0] 

«        m 

m 

26    ■     3 

■ 

[a3/3l 

1 

* 

21 

m 

4 

■ 

■ 

[28/0] 

m        « 

m 

27     "      4 

■ 

I23/3] 

■ 

" 

23 

* 

6 

" 

■ 

[a8/o] 

«        m 

■ 

2  Dec.  4 

■ 

[a4/o] 

" 

" 

26 

* 

5 

■ 

■ 

[28/0] 

«        « 

■ 

7    '      6 

■ 

[24/3 11 

* 

■ 

28 

* 

6 

" 

■ 

[a8/o] 

■        « 

« 

9     "      9 

■ 

[as/3*l 

■ 

" 

30 

* 

3 

* 

■ 

[a8/o] 

«        « 

11 

10     "      5 

■ 

[aj/xll 

" 

■ 

2 

Sept 

7 

* 

■ 

[a8/o] 

K            « 

11 

14     "      2 

■ 

[a4/3il 

" 

■ 

4 

" 

3 

" 

* 

[a8/o] 

«            ■ 

■ 

17     "      2 

■ 

[as/a] 

" 

" 

6 

« 

2 

■ 

■ 

ba/o] 

«            ■ 

■ 

20     "      1 

■ 

[as/4*] 

■ 

" 

U 

« 

4 

" 

■ 

[30/9] 

«            « 

11 

22     "      1 

« 

[as/4] 

■ 

■ 

iS 

« 

2 

■ 

* 

I30/9] 

■            ■ 

■ 

1580-90 

19 

■ 

S 

" 

■ 

[3a/iJ] 

■            * 

" 

6  Jan.  6 

« 

[asAil 

■ 

■ 

21 

■ 

3 

" 

* 

[30/4] 

«            ■ 

■ 

8    "     4 

■ 

[as/3l 

■ 

■ 

22 

" 

2 

" 

m 

ba/o] 

"            * 

• 

13     ■      6 

■ 

[as/a*i 

" 

" 

-'4 

■ 

1 

" 

* 

ba/«] 

«            « 

■ 

14    "     5 

« 

[as/3l 

« 

" 

26 

« 

2 

* 

" 

[32/6] 

II            II 

■ 

17    "     4 

a 

[25/3] 

" 

■ 

29 

" 

2 

■ 

■ 

ba/6] 

II            II 

* 

20    "     4 

« 

[as/3l 

" 

■ 

6  Oct. 

1 

■ 

" 

[a8/o] 

"             " 

■ 

24     "      5 

■ 

[as/3] 

■ 

■ 

14 

* 

a] 

" 

" 

34/8 

■            II 

" 

25     *      7 

" 

[25/3] 

■ 

■ 

1594-95 

8  Feb.  7 

■ 

[25/31 

■ 

■ 

17 

M;ir 

— 

wheat 

40/0 

"             * 

■ 

20    "    10 

u 

[as/of] 

■ 

■ 

— 

rye 

3a/o 

«            II 

m 

21     "      6 

it 

[as/3l 

■ 

" 

19 

Mar 

— 

wheat 

40/0 

U             U 

■ 

14  Mar.  5 

* 

[as/3l 

" 

" 

IS9S-9* 

20    ■      5 

■ 

[25/31 

■ 

" 

4 

Vpr. 

— 

rye 

3a/o 

M             II 

" 

5 

wheat  meal 

26/0 

Sold  to  Aid.  Slany. 

8 

« 

:6 

« 

as/4 

"     to  T  h  0  s. 

2 

u                * 

[a6/o] 

a 

■  Clark. 

Cockayne. 

6* 

u 

2 

wheat 

33/4 

Sold  privately. 

(7  lots) 

[26/8I 

Sold  privately. 

') 

Apr. 



■ 

42/8 

"    on 

markets. 

2 

wheat  mea 

[a4/o] 

■ 

■ 

18 

« 

— 

rye 

34/8 

«      11 

« 

APPENDIX  E 


341 


Prices  of  Corn,  15 79-1 67  2  {continued) 


Date      Amt.  in  qrs 

Price         Particulars  of 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs 

.    Price 

Particulars  of 

sale  and  purchase 

sale  and  purchase 

IS9S-96 

s.  d. 

1597-98 

s.  d. 

9  May  —  wheat 

42/8     Sole 

on  markets. 

ir   Apr.  6  rye  in  meal  [38/ioi]  Sold    at    Bridge- 

1 J  ry e-unground  32/0        " 

privately. 

house. 

13  May  1  rye 

32/0        " 

■ 

12     "    15    " 

in  corn 

41/0 

Sold  to  W.  W.  of 

13     "      o\  wheat 

40/0        ■ 

■ 

Reading. 

19    "      1  wheat 

r4     "      2     " 

"     " 

40/0 

Sole 

. 

ground 

42/8    Sold  to  accountant. 

15     «      6    • 

meal 

[38/4] 

" 

on  markets. 

27     ■      oi  wheat              \  c  . ,  .      „    .     . 
,  >  Sold  for  £1/16/. 
0}  rye-unground  1 

18    *     4i  wheat 
20     "      2  rye  in  corn 

47/6 

« 

a 

6  June  2  wheat 

[42/0]     Sold  to  four  men. 

21     "      5    * 

meal 

[38/7  il 

" 

"             " 

20    "      1 J  "  unground  [42/8]       " 

"  several  at 

[21]  *      5    " 

in  corn 

41/0 

* 

privately. 

Bridgehouse. 

22     "      7    * 

meal 

b8/5t] 

■ 

on  markets. 

21     "      2  wheat 

[42/8]   Sold  to  accountant. 

r    * 

in  corn 

[41/0] 

" 

to  a  widow  at 

21     "     oj  rye 

[34/8]       " 

privately. 

Kingston. 

1  wheat  ground  [42/8]       " 

* 

oi" 

[42/0] 

Sold  privately. 

24  June  3  wheat 

[41/8H     * 

[on  market?) 

27  Apr.  7    " 

meal 

[37/7] 

" 

on  markets. 

40  rye 

25/4        "  to  Thos.  Cock- 

29   "      7    " 

" 

[38/4?] 

■ 

M              ■ 

ayne. 

6  May  ro  " 

" 

[38/0] 

* 

a             a 

5  July  oj  wheat 

[42/8]    Sold 

6     "      1    " 

[41/0] 

* 

privately. 

23     "      2        "      meal  [39/6]       " 

9     "      6    " 

meal 

[27/10] 

■ 

23  Aug.  3        "         " 

139/6]        « 

11    «     8    ■ 

" 

[38/0] 

« 

3  Sept.  1        "        " 

[36/6]        " 

1    " 

" 

42/8 

" 

privately. 

oi      «         « 

[40/0]        « 

12  May  r    " 

in  corn 

[40/0] 

■ 

13  Sept.  1 J      "         " 

[38/8]        « 

13    ■     1    ■ 

«        a 

Ui/o] 

" 

a          «            « 

[27/6]  Sold  to  accountant. 

23     "      8    " 

meal 

[40/0] 

■ 

25  Sept.  oi      ■        " 

[37/4] 

25     '      4     " 

" 

[40/0] 

■ 

1       *        * 

[40/0] 

31      "    60     " 

in  corn 

[38/0] 

■ 

2       ■        " 

[40/0] 

3  June  s    " 

tt         u 

[35/0] 

* 

Sept.  4!      " 

40/0     Sold 

10     "      7  meal 

[37/Ii] 

■ 

1        ■ 

35/o        « 

17     "      3  rye 

meal 

I36/7M 

■ 

1        " 

32/8        ■ 

22     "      2    " 

" 

[34/0] 

■ 

2  [wheat]  meal  (35/0]       " 

2    " 

" 

[35/1] 

8 

o}  wheat 

[3S/o]       "  to  accountant. 

23  June  1    " 

" 

[30/0] 

" 

3  rye  meal 

[28/0]       " 

ii" 

[37/8] 

" 

6    "       ■ 

[2i/2i]     - 

S  wheat 

46/0 

Bought. 

10    "       " 

[20/ioi]   " 

166  rye 

35/0 

5    "       " 

[22/7i]       « 

93i 

" 

32/0 

1    "       " 

[24/0]          « 

1597-98 

2  wheat  mea 

28/0 

r7o  [wheat]  meal  [37/9J]  Sole 

on  markets. 

25  Nov.  1  rye 

[24/0]          " 

ii4i"  Come  ' 

'  [wheat]  [30/ioi; 

■ 

to  several. 

1596-97 

15  Mar.  s  "  come  " 

33/0 

■ 

12  June  4    ■    meal 

[25/9]          " 

15     "      3 

" 

36/0 

■ 

8  July  4    "       ' 

[26/7]          " 

18     "      2 

" 

32/0 

■ 

8     "      3    "       " 

|22/ro]     " 

23     "      5 

■ 

33/0 

• 

8     ■      of"       ■ 

[28/0?]   ■ 

1598-99 

1596-97 

28     "      3 

" 

36/0 

" 

14  Mar.  6  wheat  meal 

42/8     Sold 

on  markets. 

2 

■ 

36/0 

a 

16    "      4  rye  meal 

[38/roi]   ■ 

«         « 

2 

" 

36/0 

" 

18    ■     4    "      ■ 

[39/4]       " 

•         " 

12  Apr.  s 

" 

34/0 

« 

20     "      6    "       " 

[28/s]       ' 

1             u 

3 

"  (2  lots)  35/0 

23     "    10    "       " 

[38/4iI     ' 

a           a 

7 

a 

34/0 

1597-98 

13  Apr.ro 

■ 

34/0 

31     *      2    "    in  corn 

[37/o]       ■ 

privately. 

14    "     oi 

* 

32/0 

r  Apr.ro    ■    meal 

[38/8 «     « 

19     "      oi 

" 

32/0 

6    •     8   •      ■ 

[38/9]       " 

22     "    43 

■ 

32/0 

7    "     3    ■  Sa  corn 

[41/0]       " 

29    "      0} 

a 

32/0 

342 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1579-1672  {continued) 


Date      Amt.  in  an 

Price 

Particulars  of 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs 

Price 

Particulars  of 

sale  and  purchase 

sale  and  purchase 

150S-90 

B.d. 

1601-02 

s.  d. 

3  May  oi  ' 

come  " 

b»/ol 

Sold. 

ii  rye  meal 

20/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

iS  May  oi 

• 

132/0] 

« 

i|    a      « 

20/0 

«s            m 

26     '     oi 

m 

I32/01 

■ 

1602-03 

30     '      2 

M 

4»/8 

■ 

2  Apr.  41 1    " 

20/0 

Bought. 

30    "      1 

■ 

32/0 

• 

30    wheat 

30/0 

"      from  Rob. 

2  June  13  \ 

« 

30/0 

1 

Easton  of  Faver> 

2     *     48 

*  [wheat]  43/8 

"to  white  bakers. 

sham. 

40 

«       m 

43/8 

■     "  dyers. 

11 

28/0 

Ditto. 

8 

tt       m 

43/8 

"     "  wax-chand- 

5 wheat  meal  24/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

lers. 

1603-04 

Bought  from 

6 

u       m 

43/8 

"     "  fruiterers. 

9  wheat 

24/6 

Jno.    Parkes    of 

394 

m       m 

b7/3ll 

a 

Henley. 

1599-1600 

3oi    " 

24/0 

Bought. 

1 6  May    5  wheat  meal  40/0 

"     on  markets. 

e!  * 

22/0 

" 

23     '       8 

m            tt 

40/0 

41*  " 

22/0 

m 

28     -        3i 

«             m 

37/4 

u         «             ■ 

46J    " 

24/0 

■ 

30     "      isi 

u            * 

36/0 

10      « 

24/6 

■ 

30     "        Si 

m             « 

44/o 

■     to  a  baker. 

i9i  ' 

22/0 

■ 

2  June    2\ 

a            * 

36/0 

"     "  grocers. 

1604-05  20      ■ 

29/0 

« 

6      "        22} 

m            m 

33/4 

"     on  markets. 

32   " 

29/0 

■ 

6     "        2 

u            m 

33/4 

"     to  a  baker. 

si  ' 

30/0 

m 

13    *    is 

m             u 

33/4 

*     [on  markets]. 

20        " 

32/0 

* 

20      "       25 

«             « 

33/4 

u                     « 

195        * 

25/0 

Sold. 

27     "      20 

U                 M 

33/4 

«                  « 

43  rye 

16/0 

m 

30   "      s 

m           m 

33/4 

a                     * 

1605-06    2  wheat 

20/0 

* 

1600-01 

1606-07  20      " 

[28/d 

m 

4  July  20 

«            tt 

I31/2] 

"     on  markets. 

1607-08    1      "      meal  44/0 

*     on  markets. 

11     "      20 

tt           « 

[31/9U 

«         u             a 

2      ■ 

44/o 

*     [on  markets]. 

18     "       S 

u          m 

[31/3H 

u         a             u 

3      " 

44/o 

«                    u 

28    ■       s 

a             m 

32/0 

a        a            11 

1607 

1  Aug.    5 

u             u 

32/0 

11        11            11 

17  June    2  rye 

34/8 

u                   a 

8     ■         2} 

rye  meal 

[23/6il 

■        ■            11 

2  wheat  meal  44/0 

U                      u 

13     "        7 

u         u 

\      Sold  on  markets  for 

22  June    2  rye         " 

34/8 

a                   m 

13     "        S  wheat  mea 

| 

£lS/l7/lO. 

25     "        1  wheat     " 

44/o 

*     on  markets. 

19    '       oi 

rye 

\        Sold  privately  for 

1  rye  [meal] 

32/0 

m 

19     "       oi  wheat 

I 

£l/3/o. 

27  June    2    "   meal 

32/0 

Sold. 

22     "       s  wheat  mea 

\        Sold  privately  for 

100  rye 

29/0 

Bought 

22     •       3 

rye     " 

\ 

£ll/lo/o. 

1608-09 

Bought  from 

29     "       S 

wheat 

1        Sold  privately  for 

200  wheat 

44/0 

Thos.  Franklyn. 

29     "        7 

rye 

I 

£l4/lS/lI. 

97      "      meal\  Sold 

on  markets  for 

S  Sept.    s  wheat 

\ 

Sold  for 

ooirye        " 

J      £324/16/5. 

S     *       3  rye  meal 

j 

£i3/s/o. 

1610-11  126}  wheat 

[22/ioil  Sold  (aU  Co.  had). 

10  Dec.  oj  wheat 

I26/8] 

Sold. 

1611-12  No  account  found. 

oi 

u 

[26/8] 

" 

161 2-13  35  wheat 

l34/o] 

Bought  from  Mr. 

1600-01 

BaU. 

6  Feb.  1  wheat  meal 

\ 

Sold  for 

3S      " 

[34/o] 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

6*2  rye  in  corn 

/ 

£3/13/4. 

2      " 

35/6 

Bought    from    G. 

o|  wheat 

[26/8I 

Sold. 

Bland. 

i    lye  in  corn 

[21/4] 

" 

1613-14 10      " 

37/6 

Bought. 

1601-02 

5      ■ 

34/o 

m 

49  wheat 

26/0 

Sold  privately. 

100      « 

36/0 

a 

2 

* 

26/0 

«          « 

17  Sept- 

oi 

* 

26/0 

■          « 

25  Mar.  71  i    "      meal  36/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

oi 

rye 

20/0 

«          « 

1614-15  40      * 

[27/0] 

Bought  from  Jno. 

ii 

"   meal 

24/0 

"     on  markets. 

Willingson. 

APPENDIX  E 


343 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  579-1672  (continued) 


Date    Amt.  in  qrs.    Price  Particulars  of 

sale  and  purchase 
1614-15  s.  d. 

54  wheat  meal  [38/4!]  Sold  on  markets. 
1615-19  No  account  found. 

1610-20  Bought  from:  — 

48  J  wheat         [20/0]  Mr.  Henrys. 

41        ■  [18/0)  Mr.  Saunders. 

37J      "  [17/11U  Mr.  Saunders. 

of  wheat  meal  [24/0]  Sold  on  markets. 

of      "  "     [24/0]       *      "         ■ 

of      "  *     [22/0]       ■      "  " 

oj      «  [20/0]       «      ■ 

of      *  [20/7  J]     "      ■         * 

1620-21 3        "  —  Sold. 

1621-22  16      "   [meal?]  21/4  Sold  [on markets?] 

14      "  *     24/0        ■ 

5      ■  -     26/8        ■ 

4  "          "     32/0        " 
20      "  "     22/0  Sold. 
54      "          ■     23/0        ■ 

1622-23  Bought  from:  — 

20      "  "     46/0  W.  Grimward. 

100      "  *     48/0  Wm.  Cockayne. 

20  rye  [33/6]  Mr.  Stile, 

go  wheat  46/4  The  Lord  Mayor. 

10      *  [45/0]  Rich.  Whitlock. 

10      "  [43/0]  SoldtoRob.Horne. 

5  "  —  "  Thos.  Aslett. 
20  *  —  ■  Jno.  Farrar. 
12I  rye  — 

48!  wht.  meal  (5  lots)  40/0  Sold  on  markets. 
39f     *        "     (5    "  )42/8        '      ■ 
3°       "        "     (5    "  )45/4         "      "  B 

6  "  "  (ilot)  48/0  "  ■  ' 
27  "  "  (4  lots)  45/4  "  "  " 
46      "        "     (l  lot)   44/0        *      "         " 

22}      "  *      (I    ")     42/8  "        ■ 

I2j      "  "       (i    "  )      44/0  *        "  " 

10  rye  32/0  Sold. 

16  23-24  Bought  from :  — 

20  wheat  36/0  Thos.  Stiles. 

20      "  36/0  M.  Cradock. 

of  wheat  meal  32/0  Sold  [on  markets?] 
5      "         "      40/0        '     on  markets. 
4      "          ■     36/0        "      "         " 
4      "          ■     34/8        «      " 
20J    "          " 

(2  lots)  32/0        «      «         « 

1624-25 

40  Kentish  wt.  37/0  Bought. 
50  Scottish   "    42/0         " 
50  French     *    40/0         " 
42}  "  Old  East  Countrie  wheat  "    On  hand. 

1625-26  123J  wheat  —  Sold. 

1626-27  38J  Lincolnshire  wheat  26/0  Bought. 
80  Norfolk  wt.  32/0  " 

60 1  Kentish    "    32/0  " 


Date      Amt.  in  qrs.  Price        Particulars  of 
sale  and  purchase 
1626-27  s.  d. 

3  wheat  [21/2U  Sold. 

1    old  "  come  "  [26/0]      ■ 
of  new      ■  [18/0]       " 

1627-28  Sold  to 

100  "  Corne  "  [wheat]  [24/0]      Mr.   Clifton  the 
baker. 

1  wheat  [25/0]    Sold. 
1628-29  None  bought  or  sold. 

1620-30  1  wheat  meal    48/0   Sold  at  Queenhithe. 

2  «         «       42/8      «     ■ 

2      "         ■       40/0      *     "  " 

oj  "  corne  "  36/8  Sold, 
oi      ■  36/8        " 

1630-31  Bought  from 

102  Irish  wheat  44/0       Mr.  Barlemooke. 
24  wheat  and  mistlin  [45/9]    Bought. 
8  rye  [42/0]  ' 

23  Aug- 
22  July  168  "  corne  "  [wheat]  [46/2^ 

Sold  [on  markets]. 
1631-32  Bought  from 

50J  Danzig  rye  38/0       Mr.  Highlord. 
20  wheat  40/0     Bought. 

19  "  38/0 

85f    "    (alots)36/o  ■ 

I3f    "  34/o  " 

20}    *  37/0  " 

40      "  32/0  " 

4  J  [wheat]  meal  40/0  Sold. 
Si      "        "       36/0        " 

5  rye  24/0        ■ 

6  ■    meal       34/8        " 

isi  "  "  (3  lots)  32/0  Sold. 
14J  "  "  (4  lots)  26/8  Sold, 
of  rye  [30/8]  * 

of  [wht.]  meal  [29/4]  " 

20  rye  &  wheat  24/0 
3  rye  and  wheat  meal  26/8 

2    "     "         '  '      32/0  ■ 

5  rye  [22/0]  " 

i4f  Irish  wht.    34/0 

16  wheat  26/0 

of  rye  and  wheat  meal    26/8 

1  Irish  wheat    32/0 
1632  Bought  from: — 

20  Dec.  41  wheat  40/0  R.  A.  of  Faversham. 

1632-33 

10  Jan.  25}    "  39/0  A.  R.  "  " 

39    "      55      "  4i/o  R.  R.  "  " 

22  Feb.  82      "  40/0  R.  R.  "  •   ' 

22     "      20      "  40/6  W.  T. " 

22  Mar.  50      "  35/0  Mr.  Brand. 

28}  [wht.]  meal  36/0     Sold. 

56!      "        "     4*/8        ' 

39l      "        "     4%        ■ 


344 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  15 79-1 67  2  (continued) 


Date      Ami.  in  qrs.    Price 

Particulars  of 

Date      Ami.  in  qrs.   Price 

Particulars  of 

sale  and  purchase 

sale  and  purchase 

1633-34                            »• <*• 

1641-42                            s.  d. 

Bought  from:  — 

Bought  from:  — 

100  wheat          40/0 

Mr.  Johnson. 

66 1  wheat         30/0 

Mr.  Backensales. 

101      "               41/0 

Mr.  Johnson. 

1642-43  91        ■              32/6 

Mr.  Claye. 

30      *               42/0 

Mr.  Gough. 

1643-47  None  bought  or  sold. 

60      "               42/0 

Mr.  Bell. 

1647-48  251  wheat            — 

Sold  to  Mr.  Fludd. 

104J  [wht.l  meal  36/0 

Sold. 

1648-49 

Sold  by 

141 I      "        ■     40/0 

" 

30  wht.  [meal]  [45/10  j]  Beadleon  markets. 

«634-3S 

1649-so    5     "         "      [48/0] 

u           m           fl 

108       *         "     40/0 

■ 

1650-51  87+3  pks.  [wheat]  meal  [68/5]  Sold  to 

23I      "         *     32/0 

■ 

Thos.  Woodall,  granary  keeper. 

163S-36 

1651-52  13  wheat           40/0 

Sold. 

8  Feb.ioiJ  wheat         41/0 

Bought. 

1652-54  No  account  found. 

12  Mar.  46J      "              37/3 

■ 

1654-5S 

1635-36 

27  Apr.  a  wheat           28/0 

Bought. 

151  {  [wht.]  meal  40/0 

Sold. 

22      "                26/0 

■ 

2           "            "       36/0 

■ 

14  May  49  i    "                26/0 

■ 

1636-37     2           "             "       36/0 

■ 

7}    "                26/0 

" 

43        *         *     40/0 

" 

12  June  11      ■                24/0 

■ 

18        "         *     45/4 

■ 

1655-58  None  bought  or  sold. 

19        "         "     36/0 

" 

1658-59  10  [wheat]  meal  — 

Sold  on  markets. 

1637-38  Account  missing. 

1659-60  20       "           " 

"      "  market. 

1638-30   95  wheat          28/3 

Bought. 

1660-61  None  sold  or  bought. 

«7i    "             31/0 

u 

1661-62 

1  [wheat]  meal  36/0 

Sold. 

1 1  Feb.  &  fol.  90  [wheat]  meal 

Sold  on  market. 

oj      "          "     30/0 

■ 

11     "         "      10       "           " 

Given  to  poor  of  Co. 

1639-40  82§  "  come  "    26/6  Sold  to  Mr.  Van 

1662-71  None  bought  or  sold. 

Hoegard  &  Mr.  Luce. 

1671-72  No  account  found. 

1640-41  None  bought  or  sold. 

Prices  of  Various  Kinds  of  Grain, 
Bought  by  "  John  Tayler  of  London  Bruer." 

1582-88 
The  dates  given  here  are  not  always  those  of  purchase,  but  rather 
when  the  purchase  was  entered  in  the  account.     The  time  elapsing 
between  the  purchase  and  the  entry  was,  however,  not  great. 

The  source  of  these  prices  is  A  Brewers  Account  Book,  R.O.,  K.R. 
Customs,  522/16. 

Year 

1582 


Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Year 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

s.  d. 

s.d. 

4  Oct. 

60  best  — 

6/4- 

1582-83 

21  Jan. 

20 

wheat 

20/6. 

4     " 

56  berecorn 

9/10. 

21      " 

52 

malt 

14/0. 

15     " 

12  wheat 

17/0. 

23     " 

35 

berecorn 

9/6. 

24     " 

61    " 

16/0. 

23     " 

40 

malt 

14/8. 

30     " 

13      * 

18/0. 

24     " 

8 

" 

13/6. 

[5]  Dec. 

29  malt 

14/0. 

24     ' 

8 

■ 

[13/61 

7     " 

2}  wheat 

19/0. 

29     " 

8 

* 

[13/6] 

7     " 

4         " 

18/0. 

1  Feb. 

29 

" 

[9/9J] 

7     " 

4         " 

21/0. 

6    ■ 

8 

" 

14/0. 

8     " 

12         " 

[17/0J 

6     ■ 

50 

■ 

12/8. 

21     " 

40  berecorn 

9/0. 

6     ■ 

7 

wheat 

18/0. 

APPENDIX  E 


345 


Prices  of  Various  Kinds  of  Grain,  1582-88  {continued) 


Year 


1583 


Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Year          Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

s.d. 

s.d. 

11  Feb. 

Si  wheat 

19/6. 

153.5          12 

Vov. 

5  wheat 

16/8. 

18     ■ 

16  malt 

14/0. 

13 

* 

6      ■ 

16/0. 

it)     " 

49  berecorn 

9/6. 

IS 

" 

100  berecorn 

9/10. 

1  Mar. 

99  malt 

14/0. 

IS 

" 

100  "  wotes  " 

6/10. 

1     " 

20      " 

13/8. 

18 

" 

9}  wheat 

16/0. 

2     ■ 

5      " 

12/4. 

25 

" 

31  malt 

12/7. 

4     " 

S  wheat 

17/0. 

25 

■ 

7  wheat 

17/6. 

5     " 

4  malt 

12/6. 

25 

■ 

4°1    " 

16/6. 

17     * 

6|  meal 

19/6. 

26 

■ 

57  J  berecorn 

9/0. 

19     " 

20  wheat 

18/0. 

2 

Dec. 

28  malt 

13/0- 

20     " 

108  berecorn 

9/4- 

2 

" 

36      " 

12/6. 

25     " 

10  wheat 

18/0. 

2 

■ 

3°      " 

14/6. 

25     " 

S      " 

15/0. 

9 

" 

20      " 

12/0. 

25      " 

S      ' 

12/6. 

9 

K 

9  wheat 

16/0. 

4  Apr. 

20  berecorn 

9/6. 

9 

" 

22      " 

16/0. 

13     " 

82}  wheat 

19/0. 

18 

■ 

34  malt 

12/1. 

16     ■ 

13        " 

18/0. 

3° 

■ 

16  berecorn 

9/4- 

19     * 

15  malt 

14/6. 

1583-84       7 

Tan. 

56  malt 

12/0. 

23     " 

6      « 

12/0. 

10 

" 

10      " 

14/0. 

23     " 

5  meal 

[18/8] 

10 

■ 

40  berecorn 

9/6. 

23     " 

8  wheat 

18/0. 

6  Feb. 

15  malt 

12/4. 

24     " 

5      ■    meal 

18/0. 

21 

" 

7      8 

13/6. 

24     " 

40  malt 

12/8. 

23 

" 

50  berecorn 

9/0. 

29     " 

3  wheat 

16/0. 

22 

Vlar. 

34  malt 

11/10. 

6  May 

20  malt 

13/0. 

IS84           25 

■ 

29  berecorn 

9/0. 

6     « 

S  wheat 

16/6. 

27 

" 

39  wheat 

iS/o- 

13     " 

49I  malt 

12/4 

3 

Apr. 

25      * 

15/0. 

14    " 

40 

13/4- 

3 

■ 

25J  malt 

12/6. 

24     " 

I9i      " 

13/6. 

8 

" 

22        " 

1 2/1. 

27     " 

45-f      B 

12/4. 

8  May 

42i       " 

13/0. 

3  June 

10  wheat 

[16/4]. 

9 

" 

22         " 

12/0. 

7      * 

20  malt 

13/8. 

25 

" 

20        " 

12/0. 

12  July 

5  [berecorn] 

9/10. 

3° 

■ 

20        " 

[13/8] 

6  Aug. 

75  malt 

13/°- 

4 

June 

40        " 

14/0. 

[10]   « 

5  berecorn 

10/0. 

16 

" 

113         " 

14/0. 

12     " 

5  new  berecorn 

10/1. 

2 

July 

20        ■ 

13/8. 

12     " 

12  malt 

12/7. 

20 

* 

44  berecorn 

9/2. 

IS    ,: 

5  new  berecorn 

10/1. 

20 

" 

27  oats 

8/6. 

21     " 

5    "            * 

10/1. 

4 

Sept. 

15  J  musty  wheat 

16/6. 

30     " 

102  malt 

13/4. 

4 

" 

6  wheat 

15/0. 

30     ' 

40  [malt] 

13/4 

16 

■ 

12  malt 

12/0. 

30     * 

40  malt 

14/0. 

16 

* 

9  J  wheat 

16/0. 

7  Sept. 

I5l    " 

13/4- 

29 

■ 

10      * 

14/6. 

20    " 

8  berecorn 

10/0. 

29 

" 

16      ■ 

15/6. 

21     " 

oj  +  1  pk.  meal 

17/0. 

13 

■ 

45  berecorn 

9/0. 

8  Oct. 

6  malt 

10/6. 

27 

" 

22  malt 

12/4. 

12     ■ 

33  berecorn 

9/0. 

27 

■ 

6  wheat 

iS/6. 

16     " 

100  malt 

12/6. 

28 

* 

34  berecorn 

9/6. 

16     ■ 

9      * 

13/0- 

28 

" 

27  oats 

6/8. 

26    " 

27  berecorn 

8/8. 

4 

Vov. 

7  malt 

1 1/4. 

28    " 

6  malt 

10/6. 

9 

" 

25      " 

[11/2J] 

8  Nov. 

55  berecorn 

9/0. 

16 

■ 

5  wheat 

15/0. 

12     " 

6f  malt 

12/6. 

24 

■ 

S3  n»alt 

12/4. 

12     " 

2  wheat 

16/6. 

24 

" 

20  wheat 

17/0. 

12     ■ 

7      " 

18/8. 

24 

" 

1  "  mast  an  " 

11/0. 

12     " 

12      ■ 

12/6. 

24 

■ 

20  malt 

12/6. 

346 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Various  Kinds  of  Grain,  1582-88  {continued) 


Year           Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

24  Nov. 

10  wheat 

30    " 

12      • 

30    ■ 

24  malt 

10  Dec. 

16  wheat 

10     " 

7  malt 

15     " 

20}  wheat 

16    " 

7        " 

16    ' 

8        " 

17     " 

io|      « 

17     " 

118  malt 

[I7l    ' 

84      " 

1584-85     12  Jan. 

13      " 

16    ■ 

17  wheat 

21       " 

40  malt 

a  Feb. 

10      ■ 

3     ' 

10      ■ 

3     " 

8  wheat 

5     ' 

9      " 

0     " 

51    " 

9     " 

21      ■ 

12       « 

200  berecorn 

13       " 

10  malt 

ao    ■ 

1  wheat 

5  Mar. 

25 j  berecorn 

10    " 

40  malt 

n    ■ 

loj  wheat 

19    ' 

36  oats 

1585         31    " 

31  malt 

5  Apr. 

6  wheat 

7     " 

4l      " 

16     ■ 

91  berecorn 

16     " 

35  {  wheat 

21     " 

Si  meal 

26     « 

6  wheat 

19  May 

40      * 

20    " 

17  musty  wheat 

3  Aug. 

40  malt 

5     " 

14      ' 

5    " 

14      " 

IS     " 

20      ■ 

7  Nov. 

20      ■ 

9     " 

19      « 

22     * 

19  berecorn 

29     " 

10  malt 

30     " 

17      " 

7  Dec. 

60      " 

12     " 

9I  wheat 

U    ' 

42  malt 

20    ■ 

62      « 

21     " 

5  wheat 

1585-86      8  Jan. 

9      " 

13     " 

6      " 

3  Feb. 

40  malt 

S    * 

2  wheat 

1586          29  Mar. 

Si  meal 

27  Apr. 

48I  malt 

Price 
s.d. 

17/0. 
15/0. 
13/4- 
15/0. 
1 1/4. 
15/0. 
14/6. 
15/0. 
17/0. 
13/4. 
13/4- 
11/0. 
IS/6- 
13/0. 
12/4. 
13/6. 
16/0. 
16/0. 
16/0. 
16/6. 
10/0. 

13/0. 
17/0. 
9/6. 

12/0. 

16/8. 
8/0. 

12/0. 

17/0. 
17/0. 

10/0. 

16/6. 
17/0. 
17/0. 
16/0. 
17/6. 
16/4. 
14/8. 

14/0. 
15/0. 
20/4. 
18/0. 

10/0. 

16/0. 
16/0. 
17/0. 
24/0. 
16/0. 
16/0. 

22/0. 
22/0. 
22/0. 

17/3. 

[26/8]. 

29/0. 
14/0. 


Year          Date 

Amt  in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

27  Apr. 

S  wheat 

24/0. 

18  May 

104  malt 

16/0. 

18    « 

120      " 

16/4. 

18    « 

90      " 

17/0. 

20  June 

20  malt  from  the  west  17/10. 

21     « 

20  malt 

18/4. 

6  Aug. 

17      ' 

18/8. 

12     ■ 

8      ' 

18/6. 

17     " 

4      * 

19/0. 

25     ■ 

26      ■ 

15/0. 

26    ■ 

20      " 

17/8. 

29    « 

8      ' 

IS/6. 

10  Sept. 

7      " 

16/8. 

12     ■ 

3      * 

17/8. 

12    " 

S      * 

18/0. 

19  Oct. 

4      " 

19/0. 

21     " 

20       " 

18/4. 

29    ' 

22       " 

18/9. 

31    ■ 

43       * 

18/0. 

2  Nov. 

20      ■ 

18/4. 

7     " 

II       ■ 

17/6. 

7    ' 

I  wheat 

42/0. 

7     " 

6  malt 

18/6. 

7    « 

S      " 

19/0. 

1586-87     17  Jan. 

20      " 

22/6. 

21     " 

20      " 

22/0. 

21     ' 

8      ■ 

22/0. 

7  Feb. 

10      " 

20/10. 

10     " 

20  [malt] 

21/0. 

16    " 

4!  wheat 

40/0. 

17     ' 

o4  malt 

20/8. 

17     " 

7      " 

22/0. 

1587       28  Mar. 

60      " 

20/0. 

29    « 

36      « 

2O/0. 

2  Apr. 

100  oats 

11/0. 

27     ' 

20  malt 

34/4. 

29    " 

5  j  berecorn 

I4/0. 

16  June 

50  oats 

11/0. 

21     « 

30  malt 

26/0. 

23    " 

22      " 

24/6. 

7  July 

40      • 

26/0. 

S  Aug. 

5  wheat 

23/4- 

8  Sept. 

2      « 

20/0. 

18    « 

20  malt 

19/6. 

11  Oct. 

20      ■ 

18/0. 

11     " 

13      " 

15/6. 

11     « 

12      ■ 

14/8. 

ii    ■ 

6  wheat 

19/6. 

23    " 

6      « 

17/6. 

3  Nov. 

20  malt 

12/6. 

3     " 

11  wheat 

17/0. 

9     " 

Si    " 

17/6. 

27     " 

8  malt 

13/8. 

28     " 

6  wheat 

17/0. 

29     - 

9  malt 

13/6. 

i  Dec. 

17  [malt] 

14/0. 

APPENDIX  E 


347 


Prices  of  Various  Kinds  or  Grain,  1582-88  {continued) 


Year 


1587-88 


Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

1  Dec. 

60  imalt] 

13/8. 

1     " 

3S      " 

13/6. 

12  Jan. 

3  wheat 

17/0. 

30     " 

11      * 

16/8. 

3i     " 

132  malt 

13/0. 

19  Feb. 

10  wheat 

16/4. 

18  Mar. 

6      ■ 

16/2. 

Year 


1588 


Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

18  Mar. 

3  wheat 

16/2. 

26    ■ 

8      " 

16/0. 

4  Apr. 

40  [malt] 

12/10. 

4     " 

6      ■ 

12/6. 

6     ■ 

10  malt 

[12/0] 

12     ■ 

8      ■ 

1 1/8. 

14  May 

ill  wheat 

15/0. 

Prices  of  Corn,  1 580-1 643 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Drapers'  Company. 

The  year  is  usually  from  Mich,  to  Mich. 

Manuscripts  in  Drapers'  Hall,  called  Renters  Accounts  (unbound). 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Amt.  in 

qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1580  to  81 

s.d. 

Bought  from: 

1580  to  81 ' 

s.d. 

Sold  to: 

Mar. 

19}  wheat 

22/0 

Pluckley     man, 

[Sept.]  1  wheat 

[25/0] 

an  Alderman. 

Kent. 

"       3 

■ 

35/0 

Mr.  W. 

■ 

as 

*  (very  good)  22/6 

Faversham 

"       2 

u 

25/° 

wardens. 

man,  Kent. 

"     17 

* 

24/0 

a  baker,  "  price 

« 

is 

u        u 

23/0 

Kent  man  (bare 
measure). 

1581  to  82 

did  fall." 

" 

26 

. 

22/6 

Sittingbourne 
man,  Kent. 

Jan.  150 

20/0 

Bought    from    a 
Sussex  man. 

10-17  Apr. 

"     15 

■ 

22/0 

Came     in     same 

7  wheat  (less  a  pk.)  26/8 

Sold  on  markets. 

ship. 

24  Apr. 

[Jan.]  45 

■ 

21/0 

Bought    from 

10 

" 

"  "  - 

[26/si] 

11         «              it 

master  of  Yarm. 

1  May 

ship. 

5 

■ 

u       u       0 

[25/11? 

|    '        *              " 

2  Apr.     2  Norf.  meal 

[24/0I 

Sold  on  markets. 

8  May 

8  wheat 

[26/5I! 

"         ■              " 

12  July     2  wheat  meal 

25/4 

■      11          « 

22      ■ 

10 

■ 

[a6/5l 

■         «              a 

14      "      4 

" 

■ 

25/4 

u      11          « 

29      « 

6 

■ 

[26/0J] 

u        a             u 

17       "        4 

■ 

" 

24/0 

11        11             a 

2  June 

6 

II 

35/0 

Bought    from    a 

23      *       5 

* 

■ 

24/0 

k        11             u 

Sittingbourne 

3°      *     13 

" 

* 

24/0 

u        a             a 

man,  Kent. 

6  Aug.    9 

■ 

■ 

24/0 

it        u             11 

S     " 

6 

" 

[26/2}]  Sold  on  markets. 

13      '       8 

" 

u 

24/0 

11        ■             11 

12     " 

S 

U 

Mfetl 

a         ■              a 

20      "       7 

• 

" 

34/0 

11        it             11 

20-27  " 

f>i 

" 

[25/5] 

a         a              it 

27      "       5 

■ 

" 

34/0 

u        a             11 

3  July 

4 

" 

24/0 

"         "              B 

41 J  wheat 

33/6 

Sold  privately. 

10     " 

5 

a 

24/0 

■         "              ■ 

20 

" 

35/0 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

17     • 

3 

a 

24/0 

■         "              " 

20 

"(4  lots) 

25/0 

Sold  privately. 

24     " 

4 

u 

26/0 

"         ■              " 

10 

11 

25/0 

11            a 

31     " 

S 

" 

26/0 

II         u              11 

S 

" 

24/8 

■            ■ 

7-l4Aug.7 

a 

24/0 

"         "              " 

3 

" 

25/0 

it            « 

21      " 

3 

" 

24/0 

a        u             a 

9 

"(2 

ots) 

23/0 

11            « 

28      ■ 

6 

■ 

[as/sil 

u        a             a 

34 

" 

23/6 

11            « 

4  Sept. 

3 

■  ("  best 

1582  to  83 

Bought  from: 

wheat  of  all " 

)  [24/9] 

II          u                u 

18  Feb.  120 

wheat 

1 

20/0 

Two  men. 

Sold  to: 

80} 

■ 

21/10 

Ditto. 

[Sept. 

1 

wheat 

[24/0] 

the  Lord  Mayor. 

1  ai  qrs.  to  the  score. 


348 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  580-1643  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt.  in 

grs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Amt.  in 

qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1582  to  83 

s.d. 

1384  to  85 

s.d. 

30 1  wheat 

20/0 

A  man  of  Hen- 

28  Aug.    7 

wheat  meal 

26/8 

Sold   at    Queen- 

ley. 

hithe. 

17* 

20/0 

Ditto. 
Sold  to: 

28      "       2 

24/0 

Sold  to  a  "meale- 
man  "  of  Strat- 

30 Aug. 

120 

" 

24/0 

A  draper. 

ford. 

80 

* 

22/0 

Ditto. 

30      "     10 

■ 

24/0 

Ditto. 

[Aug. 

1 

■ 

22/0 

An  alderman. 

30      ■     10 

■ 

24/6 

Ditto. 

Bought  from: 

4  Sept.    7 

■ 

meal 

24/0 

Sold  on  markets 

44 

" 

18/0 

J.  K.  of  Henley. 

"  by  retaile." 

163 

19/6 

Quinby  of  Sus- 
sex. 

6      "      S 

6      "     10 

■ 

24/0 
24/0 

Ditto. 
Sold  to  a  baker  of 

10 

■ 

19/0 

Ditto. 

Southwark. 

6 

■ 

17/8 

Goodwin  of  Hen- 

10-12  "  10 

■ 

meal  24/0 

Sold  on  markets 

ley. 

by  retail. 

IS 

" 

17/0 

T.    Wheeler    of 

23-26  *  10 

u 

" 

24/0 

Ditto. 

Henley. 

23-26 "     4 

It 

■ 

24/0 

Sold  to  mealman 

1583  to  84 

of  Patney. 

22  Feb. 

None  sold 

Exchanged  for  next  year's 

27-30  "  10 

* 

■ 

24/0 

Sold  on  markets 

supply. 

by  retail. 

1384  to  83 

Bought  from: 

1583  to  86 

3Si  wheat 

21/6 

Man  of  Faver- 

7  Oct.  s 

■ 

" 

24/0 

Ditto. 

sham. 

12-21  "  25 

■ 

■ 

24/0 

Ditto. 

12  June-6  Aug. 

2S  "     4 

■ 

24/0 

Sold  to  Sir  Thos. 

3}  wheat  meal 

22/0 

Sold  to  the  Lord 

Cesill. 

Mayor. 

10  Nov.    s 

■ 

meal 

24/0 

Sold  on  markets 

4 

23/0 

"    at  Queen- 
hithe. 

12      "       5 

« 

24/0 

by  retail. 
Sold    to    Sir   T. 

o| 

« 

" 

24/0 

"     to  a  miller. 

Pullyson. 

S  July 

4 

■ 

" 

23/0 

*     on  market 

12       "        5 

■ 

24/0 

Sold  to  a  draper. 

"  by  great." 

14      "6  wheat  (6  lots1 

24/0 

"     privately. 

S      " 

oi 

" 

■ 

24/0 

"     on  market 

28  Nov.- 

"  by  retale." 

11  Jan.  ss 

wheat  meal 

9      * 

5  and  3  pk 

s.,8 

( 

n  lots' 

26/8 » 

Sold  on  markets. 

lbs.  wheat  meal 

22/8 

*     on  market. 

16  Jan.- 

19      * 

7    wheat  meal  23/0 

"      "  markets. 

13  Sept.  no 

wheat  meal 

21       " 

5 

23/0 

"  by  great." 
Sold  to: 

( 
30  Apr.  100 

22  lots' 
wheat 

32/0 
20/0 

«         a              « 

Bought  from  man 
of  Cockham, 

29      « 

12 

21/6 

Fintche  of 
Wansworth. 

[Aug.  or 

Sussex. 

29      " 

oi 

■ 

■ 

24/0 

Wardens  for 

Sept.]  oj 

a 

[26/8] 

Sold  to  a  draper. 

their  dinner. 

Aug.    1 

u 

meal 

26/8 

"      "  the  ward- 

31     " 

20 

« 

22/0 

A  baker. 

ens  for  dinner. 

3  Aug. 

4 

u 

22/6 

Ditto. 

10 

■ 

26/8 

Sold    to    Sir   T. 

3      * 

4 

" 

meal  23/8 

Sold  on  markets. 

Pullyson. 

Sold  to: 

1 

u 

26/8 

Sold  privately. 

6      ■ 

9 

■ 

23/0 

Newgate  man. 

1586  to  87 

7      • 

7 

« 

22/0 

A  baker. 

30 

rye 

34/6 

Bought  from  R. 

7      " 

S 

■ 

23/0 

Detford  man. 

Clark,  merchant 

S 

0 

meal  24/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

Apr.-July  g2  rye  meal 

33/o 

Sold  on  markets. 

1 

« 

24/0 

«         a              u 

May  83 

rye 

26/8 

Bought  from: 
A  merchant. 

1  "  6  d.  per  qr.  overmeasure." 


APPENDIX  E 


349 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  580-1643  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1586  to  87 

s.  d. 

1580-00 

s.d. 

May  87  rye 

26/8 

Two  merchants. 

Dec.    1  wheat  [meal 

20     " 

10 

26/8 

Sold  to  a  mealman 
of  Stratford. 

(ground) 
31  Dec.- 

22/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

20     " 

21 

26/8 

Sold    out    of    a 
lighter    at    Bil- 
lingsgate. 

8  Jan.   15  wheat  [meal] 
22  Jan.- 
28  Feb.  40     " 

26/8 
26/8 

a                  a 

27      ■ 

14 

26/8 

Sold  to  two  meal- 
men. 

Feb.    4  wheat 
IS  Mar.  15  wheat  meal 

24/0 
26/8 

"    privately. 
"    on  markets. 

27  June 

55 

26/8 

Bought  from  Sir 
T.  Pullyson. 

1      "          * 
3  Mar.- 

25/0 

■    privately. 

3  July 

24J 

«9/4 

Sold  at  the 
Bridgehouse. 

14  June  2s      "          " 

7i  ■ 

26/8 
24/0 

"    on  markets. 
"    privately. 

7      " 

12 

* 

20/4 

Ditto. 

I*  ' 

25/0 

"    to  clerk,  etc. 

11      " 

20 

■ 

29/4 

Ditto. 

10  June  75      ■ 

26/8 

■    to  baker 

14      " 

ll 

" 

30/8 

Sold. 

(London). 

ll 

■ 

26/8 

" 

6J  com 

24/0 

Sold  to  members 

19  and 

of  Co. 

31  July 

29 

" 

32/0 

Sold  to  a  warden. 

2  wheat 

24/0 

Sold  for  wardens' 

[July- 

dinner. 

Sept.]  3 

" 

26/8 

"     at  the 

20  June  96J  rye 

18/0 

Sold  to  London 

Bridgehouse. 

baker. 

1 

26/8 

■       to    Sir    T. 
Pullyson. 

7S  wheat 
1  rye 

26/8 

20/0 

Ditto. 
Sold    to   Sir   T. 

ft 

2 

" 

26/8 

Sold  to  a  draper. 

Pullyson. 

1588  to  89 

1    " 

18/0 

Sold  privately. 

[Mich-Apr.l 

3  wheat 

20/0 

"       •  "  white 

1    " 

18/0 

u             a 

baker. 

oj" 

18/0 

"    to  Renter 

■ 

2 

wheat 

20/0 

Sold  privately. 

himself. 

■ 

1 

■ 

20/0 

■           ■ 

1503-04  S°  wheat 

24/0 

Sold  for  Queen's 

■ 

3 

■ 

18/6 

11               u 

use. 

2  Apr. 

40 

■ 

21/0 

"     to  a  baker. 

June    s      " 

24/0 

Sold  privately. 

10  June 

76 

21/0 

■      "  Wm.Gar- 
waye,  Rob.  Sad- 
deler  "  &  Com- 
pany." 

1      " 

4  " 
30       " 

5  " 

28/0 
24/0 
28/0 
30/0 

"    to  clerk. 

[June 

8 

a 

21/0 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

24i   • 

29/0 

" 

1 

20/0 

"      "  Wardens 
of  Livery  for  a 

IS94-9S  * 
July  and 

great  dinner. 

Aug.  30  [wheat  meal]  [30/0] 

■    to  several  on 

1589  to 

00 

markets. 

[June-June] 

1  100  rye 

20/0 

Bought. 

Sept.  and 

17  Sept 

S  wheat 

24/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

Oct.  22      "         " 

[26/1 1 

J]  Ditto. 

8  Oct. 

4 

■ 

[meal] 

24/0 

"     privately. 

Oct.  and 

17      " 

7 

« 

meal 

[24/7  {]  Sold. 

Nov.  48      "         " 

[37/il 

Ditto. 

20     « 

3 

■ 

[meal] 

24/0 

"   [on  markets]. 

IS  Dec.  50  wheat 

38/6 

Bought. 

22      " 

S 

" 

« 

24/0 

■                 « 

Dec.  and 

1  Nov 

S 

■ 

a 

24/0 

ft                 ■ 

Jan.  30  rye  [meal] 

[30/1  \\  Sold  to  several  on 

5-22  Nov. 

markets. 

20  wheat  [meal 

24/0 

Sold  [on  markets]. 

7  Jan.   100  wheat 

37/o 

Bought. 

30  Nov 

- 

9     ■      116      " 

37/6 

« 

IS  Dec. 

31 

■ 

* 

as/4 

«                 u 

23     "     5°  rye 

24/0 

"  from  a  Grocer. 

1  Midsummer  to  midsummer. 

1  Apparently  account  runs  from  July  to'  July. 


35o 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  580-1 643  {continued) 


Particulars  of 
Date      Amt.  in  qrs.    Price     sale  and  purchase 

1594-95  s.  d. 
Jan.,  Feb.  and 

Mar.  50  wheat  meal  [41/9D  Sold  to  several  on 
markets. 

[Apr.)  25      "  [36/4!]  Sold  to  a  baker. 

Apr.  ao  rye  [meal]  [30/10I]  "     on  markets. 

20  wheat"  [36/11 1]  «      "         ■ 

3  wheat  [40/0J       "     privately. 
70      *  foG/oJ]     "  to  two  bakers. 

May  and 

June  40      "  [40/4U     "     on  markets. 

27  June  16  rye  24/0     Bought    from    a 
Grocer. 

June  26  wheat  meal  [39/10}]  Sold  on  markets. 

8      "         "  [40/3}]     "     to  members 
of  Co. 

10  July  54  rye  26/8     Bought. 

"      11  wheat  meal  [43/7]    Sold  on  markets. 

10  rye  ■  [24/4!]     ■      "         " 

10  wheat  [37/6]       "     to  a  baker. 

2      *  [40/0J       "     privately. 

20  rye  [19/0]    Sold. 

40    ■  [19/0]       " 

4  wheat  [40/0]       *     to  members 

of  Co. 
IS96-97 

18  Dec.  231  rye  35/0     Bought. 

Feb.     44    "    meal  42/8     Sold  on  markets. 

5  Mar.    66    "  32/0     Bought. 

39  wheat  46/0  " 

Mar.    25  rye  meal  42/8     Sold  on  markets. 

Apr.     20    *       ■  42/8        "      " 

■       38    "       "  42/8        "      « 

May    38    "       "  42/8        •      "         " 

June    18    "      "  42/8       «      «        « 

July    16    "      "  42/8        "      ■         " 

13  Aug.    25I  "      ■  46/0     Bought. 
Aug.  and 

Sept.    26    "       "  46/0     Sold  on  markets. 

119  corn  [35/3I]     "     privately. 

8  "  [36/10]]  "     to  members 

of  Co. 
Dec.    21  corn  meal     50/8     Sold  on  markets. 
1597-98  130  rye  ("Blasts")  43/1  Bought  from 
ships. 
160    "  43/1  '         "       " 

170    "  43/1  «         «       « 

is!  "  [40/0]    Bought. 

5 1  wheat         40/0  ■ 

9  corn  35/0     Sold  privately. 
1599-1600  Bought  from: 

ao  Nov.    34 1  wheat  20/0 »     Chichester  man. 

ao  Feb.  107  J      ■  34/0       Henley  man. 

5        "  23/6 


Particulars  of 
Amt.  in  qrs.    Price     sale  and  purchase 


Date 

1599-1600  s.  d. 

36]  wheat         24/0       A  London  hab- 
erdasher. 

26  Mar.  200        "  31/0       Gentleman  of 

Sussex. 

May    14  wheat  meal  40/0  Sold  on  markets. 
'        10      "         "     37/4        ■      "         * 
9      "          *     34/8        "      ' 
1      "                 21/0        "     privately. 

June    73      "     [meal]  33/4  ■     on  markets. 
July     45      *          "      33/4        "      "         B 

19  July     40  rye  20/0  Bought    from    a 

man  of  Copen- 
hagen. 
Aug.  8  J  wheat  [meal]  [29/1]]  Sold  on  markets. 
Aug.  and 

Sept.    39  rye         *       26/8        *      ■         * 
19    "  "      33/4        "      '         ' 

10  Dec.    41  wheat  32/6     Bought    from    a 

man  of  Leiston,  Norfolk. 
16     *       80      "  34/0     Bought  in  Nor- 

mandy. 
1600-01 

10  Jan.   100      "  33/0  Bought  at  Rochelle. 

June    5  Sussex 

wheat  [meal]  29/0     Sold  on  markets. 
July  13  Sussex      ■      28/0        ■      ■ 

■  3]  [Norfolk] «      24/0        «      " 
Aug.  25  Sussex      "      27/0        «      «         « 

■  i  [Norfolk] "     32/0        "     privately. 
Sept.  12  Sussex      "      27/0        "     on  markets. 

■  o§  best  Fr.  wht.  30/0        "     privately. 
1601-02 

30  Sept.  o]  wheat  meal    26/8  "  on  markets. 

2  Nov.  100  Sussex  wheat  26/4  "  to  a  baker. 

2     "         2  [Norfolk]  ■    30/0  "  privately. 

2     "         4  Sussex      "    26/8  "  to  a  baker. 

2  Dec.      4  [Norfolk]"    29/0  "  " 

2     "         1      "           "    30/0  "  privately. 
7     "      6  Sussex  wheat  meal 

26/0  "  on  markets. 

7*2  best  wheat       30/0  "  privately. 

27  Feb.  46  \  wheat           20/0  Bought  from 

Kent. 

20  Apr.  5  [Norfolk]  wht.  26/0     Sold  to  a  baker . 
20     "      2]  wheat  [27/n]     "     privately. 

Aug.  1  best  wht.  meal  [42/0?]  " 

"      8|  wheat  meal    23/0  "     on  markets. 

"      16      "         "       24/0  "      " 

Sept.    6      "         "       24/0  «      " 
1602-03 
Mich.-Feb. 

15  Kentish  wheat  meal  24/0  "      ■         " 
(qr.  -  8  bu.,  6  lbs.). 


1  Gave  him  6  d.  per  qr.  extra. 


APPENDIX  E 


351 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  580-1643  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date      Amt 

in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1602-03 

s.  d. 

1616-17 

s.  d. 

12  Feb.  10  wheat  meal 

29/4 

Sold  on  markets 

14  Apr.  7}  wheat  [meal]  37/4 

Sold  on  markets 

(qr. 

=  7  bus.,  3  pks.,  12  lbs.). 

28    "      10      " 

37/4 

a      a           « 

19    ■     8Fr. " 

■ 

30/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

12  and 

26     "      11  wheat 

29/4- 

19  May    8      "          " 

37/4 

a      a           « 

30/8 

«        «             a 

26  May  and 

S  Mar.  11      " 

meal 

30/8 

■      a          u 

2  June  13J    ■          " 

37/4 

a       a           u 

12     "       8      " 

* 

30/8 

It          it               « 

16  and 

19     "       8      " 

" 

30/8 

a     a         It 

23  June  12      *          " 

37/4 

u        u            « 

25     "       8      ■ 

" 

30/8 

a      a           u 

30  June  and 

2  Apr.     7$    ■ 

" 

32/0 

a        a             u 

14  July  13      ■           * 

37/4 

a      a           « 

9     "        8      " 

" 

32/0 

a        u             u 

21  and 

1603-04 

28  July    8      ■          « 

37/4 

18  Dec.  104I  wheat 

26/0 

Sold  to  East  In- 

1 Aug.  20  Danish  wht. 

40/0 

Bought. 

dia  Co. 

4  and 

ol 

■ 

24/0 

Sold  privately. 

11  Aug.  10  wheat  [meal]  37/4 

Sold  on  markets. 

oj 

■ 

26/0 

«           « 

13  and 

X. 

■ 

26/0 

"     to  granary 

18  Aug.    ?!    " 

37/4 

u         a              It 

keeper. 

19     "      10  Kentish  wht.  40/4 

Bought. 

1604-05    90 

" 

20/0 

"     privately. 

20    ■      10  Scotch     " 

38/0 

" 

61 

" 

22/6 

«               u 

20  and 

2 

" 

20/0 

u           a 

23  Aug.    9  wheat  [meal]  37/4 

Sold  on  markets. 

o| 

■ 

24/0 

a            « 

1  and 

oi 

" 

34/0 

"     to  J.  Lang- 

8  Sept.  13      «          * 

34/8 

«      «          a 

ley. 

9     *      20  Danish  wht. 

35/o 

Bought. 

of 

■ 

24/0 

Sold  to  J.  Lang- 

IS     "      10  wheat  [meal]  34/8 

Sold  on  markets. 

ley. 

29  Sept.  and 

337 

26/4 

Sold  to  Wm.  Gar- 
way. 

1  Oct.   10      "          ■ 
1617-18 

34/8 

Bought  from: 

oi 

■ 

24/0 

Sold   to  granary 

17  Jan.  so  East  Country  28/0 

A  London  mer- 

keeper. 

wheat 

chant,     Danzig 

SO 

" 

24/0 

Bought  from  P. 

measure. 

Riley. 

7  May  so  Ditto 

28/0 

Ditto. 

70 

" 

20/0 

Bought. 

24  and 

30 

" 

23/6 

a 

31  Aug.  6}  wheat  [meal 

31/6 

Sold  on  markets. 

16 

■ 

23/0 

■ 

Ki     «          ■    1 

29/8 

a       a           a 

39l 

■ 

23/0 

■ 

i 

32/0 

244J  wheat  1 

22/8 

Bought    in    the 

1618-19 

Bought  from: 

country. 

16  Mar.  180  E.  Country  27/0 

A  London  mer- 

39 

■ 

22/0 

Bought. 

wheat 

chant. 

5 

" 

21/0 

" 

28  Aug.  100  wheat 

26/8 

Sold  privately, 

1616-17 

Danzig  measure. 

20  Dec.    17} 

■ 

34/o 

"       from  a 

18  meal 

[21/of]  Sold  on  markets. 

Faversham  man. 

1619-20  128I  wheat 

18/6 

Bought. 

21  Jan.     2if 

■ 

37/o 

Bought. 

Nov.    6      "       [meal 

18/8 

Sold  on  markets. 

11  Feb.  20  Kentish  wht 

•  35/o 

■ 

13  Aug.    2      "      meal 

29/4 

17  and 

20    "       3      "         " 

26/8 

a      a           « 

24  Feb.  nj  wht.  [meal]  40/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

27     "      and 

3  Mar.  34  Kentish  wht 

34/o 

Bought. 

10  Sept.    7      "         " 

24/0 

a      a           « 

3,  10  and 

1621-22 

17  Mar.  18  wheat  [meal]  40/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

1, 9  Oct.  12      "         " 

26/8 

a      a          u 

19     *      27  J  Kentish  wht.  35/6 

Bought. 

16     "       3      " 

26/8 

It            u                  « 

24  and 

23     "        3      *          " 

32/0 

u           u                ■ 

31  Mar.  14  wheat  [meal]  37/4 

Sold  on  markets. 

17  Nov.    6      "         " 

34/8 

u          a               m 

1  Twenty-one  to  the  score. 


352 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  580-1 643  {continued) 


Date     Amt .  in  qrs. 


Particulars  of 
Price    sale  and  purchase 


1031-23  s.  d. 

Dec.  ni  wheat  |meal]  34/8  Sold  on  markets. 
Bought  from: 

7  Feb.  30I    "                  35/0  A  Milton  man. 

30  Sussex  wht.     37/0  A  London  baker 

5  wheat             36/0  Bought. 

19  and 

26  Aug.  11  wheat  meal    38/8  Sold  on  markets. 

2  Sept.    8      "         "       42/8  "      * 

9    "       6      «         "       42/8  "      "          ■ 
16  and 

23  Sept.  10      "         *       45/4  "      "         " 
30  Sept.  and 

7  Oct.     8      "         ■       45/4  "      " 
1622-23 

2  Nov.    6      "         ■       36/0  «      «         « 

16    «       6      "         «       37/4  "      " 

28    "      12E.C0unt.wht.  47/0  Bought. 

Dec.  11 J  wheat  meal  45/4  Sold  on  markets. 
Dec.  and 

Jan.  33  East  Country  wheat  meal  (3  lots) 

45/4  Sold  on  markets. 
23  Jan.   50  East  Country  wheat 

50/0  Bought. 

4  Feb.  160  French  wheat  46/0  " 
6     "      44 1  East  Country  wheat  meal 

50/8  Sold  on  markets. 

i\  Ditto              48/0  "      "          " 

6  Feb.  4  Ditto                48/0  "      *         " 

6  Ditto                48/0  "      "         " 

2  East  Country  wheat   45/0  "     to  a  baker. 

20  "           ■            "        42/0  "     privately. 
16$  "            "           "        41/6  "     to  bakers 

and  loaders, 

oj  "           "           "        46/0  Sold  to  Lady  B. 
Feb.  and 

Mar.  45  wheat  meal 

(6  lots)       48/0  "     on  markets. 

Mar.  28  Ditto  (3  lots)  44/0  "      "          " 

12  wheat  meal    48/0  "      "          ■ 
18      «         « 

(2  lots)       44/0  "      " 
16  and 

23  June  12  wheat  meal    48/0  *      ■          " 
26    "      20  East  Country 

wheat         40/0  Bought. 
30  June  and 

7  July  6  East  Country 

wheat  meal    44/8  Sold  on  markets. 

4    Ditto              44/0  "      "          " 

7i  Ditto              44/0  "      "         " 

si  Ditto              45/4  "      "         ■ 
14  and 

21  July     4  wheat  meal    44/0  «      «          ■ 

7i    "          "       48/0  "      « 


Particulars  of 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs.     Price  sale  and  purchase 

1622-23  s.  d. 

4  wheat  meal    37/4  Sold  on  markets. 
2      '                 (38/6I  "     to  a  baker. 

IS      "                 46/0  "     to  Lady  B. 
1631-32 

1  Feb.  105  Sussex  wht.  38/0  Bought 

24     "       45  Kentish  "     38/6  " 

108      "          "     36/0  " 

28  Mar.    39      "          "37/6  ' 

64J  East  Country  rye  27/0  Sold   to   a    mer- 
chant 

28  July     3  wheat  meal    36/0  "     on  markets. 

20      "         "       36/0  "      "          " 

10      ■         "       36/0  «      «          « 

10      "         "       42/8  ■      ■          ■ 

5  "                  56/0  ■     to  a  baker. 
10      "       meal    42/8  ■     on  markets. 
20      *                  53/0  "     to  a  baker. 

5      '                  S3/o  '     privately. 

8  Dec.  16      "      meal    42/8  "     on  markets. 
1632-33 

17  Jan.  40  Kentish  wht.  40/0  Bought. 

6  Feb.  64        ■          ■    41/9  ■ 

11  Apr.     7  Sussex       ■       —  ■  from  Alder- 
man G. 

132}       "          "       —  Ditto. 

77         "          "       —  Ditto. 

Apr.  17  wheat  meal    40/0  Sold  on  markets. 

8  May    8      "         "       40/0  "      ■         ■ 

22     "      37      "                  37/0  Bought 

22     "      26      "                  38/6  ■ 

32     "      14      "                  37/6  * 

May  27      "      meal    40/0  Sold  on  markets. 
17  June  100  Hamburg  wht.  32/0  Bought  from  Lu- 
cas Jacobs. 
June  21  wheat  meal 

(3  lots)       40/0  Sold  on  markets. 

July  IS     *         "       40/0  "      "         * 
"     16      « 

(2  lots)       36/0  «      «          « 

Aug.  30  Ditto             36/0  "      "         " 

Sept.  47  wheat  meal    36/0  "      "         " 

28  Nov.  100  Sussex  wht.  45/0  "     to  a  baker. 

35  wheat             44/0  " 

1633-34  Bought  from: 

152!  Sussex  wht.  40/0  Alderman  G. 

20  June  150   French  "     40/8  Mr.  B. 
20  Nov.- 
17  Oct.  34s  wheat  meal  I36/8J]  Sold  on  markets. 

(sic)       5      ■                40/0  "      ■         ■ 
1630-40 

28  Jan.  xxi |  "       28/0  Bought. 
14  Feb.  102   "        — 

13  June  50   "        —  " 

17  May  271  ■       28/0  ■ 


APPENDIX  E 


353 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  580-1 643  (continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date      Amt.  in 

qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

sale  and  purchase 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

sale  and  purchase 

1639-40  106  wheat 

— 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

1641-42 

21  wheat 

31/0 

Bought 

1640-41      oj    " 

meal  40/0 

" 

39}    " 

29/0 

■ 

of    * 

■ 

40/0 

" 

ioi    ■ 

32/0 

■ 

[July]  100      " 

36/0 

"     to  a  baker. 

1643-44 

Bought  from: 

1641-42  104}    " 

32/0 

Bought. 

30  Mar. 

23      * 

34/o 

A  Stroud  man. 

90      " 

31/0 

" 

May 

—      " 

37/o 

«         ■           a 

93J    " 

32/0 

" 

—      ■ 

32/0 

«         ■           « 

96  i    " 

32/0 

■ 

—  dry  corn 

33/6 

A"Clayes"man. 

92J    " 

32/0 

" 

Prices  of  Corn,  1581-1663 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Ironmongers'  Company. 
The  year  seems  to  be  from  July  to  July. 

The  sources  of  these  statistics  are  found  in  the  Ironmongers'  Hall, 
"  Companys  Register,  1541-1592,"  and  succeeding  volumes. 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt. 

in  qrs. 

Price 

s.d. 
26/0 

sale  and  purchase 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1581-82 

2i  wheat 

Sold. 

1586-87 

191  rye 

s.  d. 

Sold  with  a  gain 

Bought  from: 

of  £8  iSs.  6d. 

18 

" 

21/0 

Jno.  Bennet  of 

1587-88 

Bought  from: 

Henley. 

29  Jan. 

60  whsat 

19/0 

A.    Phillips    of 

47 

" 

21/0 

Ditto. 

Bassingstoke. 

1582-83 

IS 

" 

20/0 

Thos.  Wheler. 

1  Feb. 

64i    " 

18/0 

Wm.  Warner  of 

1583-84 

Henley. 

19  Nov. 

9i 

" 

18/0 

A.  Phillips. 

13     " 

50     " 

18/0 

And.  Streete  of 

19    " 

47 

■ 

18/0 

Thos.  Wheler. 

Reading. 

19    " 

27f 

" 

16/6 

And.  Strike. 

24    " 

50I    " 

17/8 

0.     Fowler     of 

20    " 

7 

" 

18/0 

T.  Bolte. 

Middleton,  Kent. 

20    " 

ioi 

" 

16/6 

Jno.  Bridges. 

22  Mar. 

24     * 

17/6 

Ed.  Nicholson 

4  Dec. 

12I 

" 

[i7/4l 

Rich.  Craye. 

of  Reading. 

4    a 

23 

* 

17/0 

And.  Strike. 

18  Apr. 

38}    ■ 

17/2 

0.     Fowler    of 

4    * 

14 

" 

17/0 

Jas.  Pocock. 

Middleton,  Kent. 

3  Jan. 

9i 

" 

17/6 

A.  Phillipps. 

25      " 

38i    « 

16/8 

Ed.  Nicholson 

1  Feb. 

30 

■ 

17/0 

A.  Phillipps. 

of  Reading. 

6  Apr. 

29i 

" 

17/0 

A.  Phillipps. 

4  May 

60      ■ 

15/8 

Jno.  Farmer  of 

16     " 

io| 

■ 

16/6 

A.  Phillipps. 

Henley. 

40  Essex  wheat 

20/0 

Mr.  Butler. 

1588-89 

10  wheat  [meal]  19/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

29      " 

" 

20/0 

Mr.  Sames. 

317  wheat 

20/0 

■ 

1584-85 

20      " 

« 

20/0 

Goodman   Ten- 
ter. 

1589-90 

5  wheat  mea 

si   " 

22/8 
20/0 

"  on  markets, 
"to  Thos.  Cam- 
bell. 

18  Mar. 

75  wheat 

19/0 

Rich.Hutchin  of 

42f     " 

22/0 

Sold  to  members 

Faversham. 

of  Co.  by  order 

14  Apr. 

99$    " 

17/6 

Mr.  Cletherowe. 

of  court. 

1585-86  84  wheat  [meal 

24/0 

Sold  at  Leaden- 

70  rye 

20/0 

Bought  from  H. 

hall. 

Offeley. 

3       " 

28/0 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

66}    " 

18/0 

Sold  to  members 

82       ■ 

(10  lots) 

26/0 

"        "   member 
of  the  Co. 

of  Co.  by  order 
of  court. 

354 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1581-1663  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Amt.  of  qrs 

Price 
s.d. 

sale  and  purchase 

1580-90 

xlrye 

18/0 

Sold. 

1603-04 

Sold. 

o\    " 

18/0 

m 

65  wheat 

28/0 

"  to  Mr.  Lynge. 

1500-01 

x|    * 

18/0 

* 

20      " 

28/0 

"      Mr.  Lynge. 

1501-03 

None  bought  or  sold. 

1604-05 

Bought  from: 

!59*-93 

1  skryvinges 

20/0 

Sold. 

140I    " 

27/0 

Sir  Tbos.  Cam- 

I503-O4 

1  a  wheat 

21/4 

•     on  markets. 

bell  and  Peeter 

1594-95 

177      ' 

(31/" 

1]  "     with  gain  of 

Beavoir. 

£  114  7s.  4§d. 

57*    ' 

27/0 

Peeter  Beavoir. 

>595-96  None  bought  nor  sold. 

Sold  to: 

1596-97 

81  rye 

l37/io 

]  Sold  to  members 

180I    ■ 

26/0 

Mr.  Daves. 

of  the  Co. 

1605-06  188I    " 

26/0 

Mr.  Seracole. 

57      " 

[38/0U  Sold  to  Mr.  Stor- 

6      « 

23/0 

Sold. 

er  and  Mr.  Gra- 

Bought  from: 

venor. 

198J    ' 

27/0 

Mr.  Leate  and 

HO  J    ■ 

[33/3] 

Sold. 

Mr.  Caninge. 

IS  wheat 

[44/81 

' 

I39i    ' 

23/0 

Several. 

30  Jan. 

180  Danzig  rye 

35/o 

Bought  under 

151      " 

22/0 

Several. 

compulsion. 

1606-07  100      " 

28/0 

Sold   to    Harvie, 

44  rye 

3»/o 

Bought  from 

the  baker. 

Thos.  Smithe. 

4       " 

[31/2$]  Sold  on  markets. 

15  wheat 

46/0 

Ditto. 

2       " 

28/0 

"     to  a  miller. 

X597-98 

200  rye 

— 

Sold  on  markets. 

1607-08   50  rye 

29/0 

Bought  from  Mr. 

1598-99 

52    « 

38/0 

■        a             a 

Shute. 

1599-1600 

Bought  from: 

1608-09  41I  +  1  pk.  rye  meal  [27/0J]  Sold. 

56  wheat 

25/0 

And.  Browne. 

Bought  from: 

4*1    ' 

24/9 

And.  Browne. 

100  wheat 

47/o 

Jno.  Langham, 

33      " 

24/10 

And.  Browne. 

London    mer- 

80     « 

26/8 

Wm.  Gravenor. 

chant. 

77  wheat  meal  [33/8}]  Sold  on  markets. 

5      - 

50/0 

Mr.  Cletherowe. 

1  wheat 

[24/9] 

"     to  And. 
Browne. 

1600-10    41}    " 
1610-n  None  bought 

31/0 
or  sold. 

Sold. 

2      ■ 

134/8] 

Sold  to  steward 
of  the  hospital. 

1611-12    ss  wheat 

— 

Sold   at   loss   of 
£16  2S.  lid. 

i 600-01 

16  J  rye  [meal 

26/8 

Sold    in    South- 

1612-13 

Sold  to: 

wark  market. 

5      " 

32/0 

St.  Thos.  Hos. 

i6f    «        ■ 

[26/8I 

Ditto. 

1613-14    76!    • 

[34/i] 

Smith,  white  ba- 

65 wheat  meal  34/8 

Ditto. 

ker. 

15      ' 

34/8 

Ditto. 

17 : 1 

1  rye      ' 

Sold  on 

market  for 

Sold  to: 

£29 

[4s.  1  i  <1. 

5      ' 

27/0 

Sheriff. 

1  Aug.      5  wheat 

I35/0U  Sold  on  markets. 

3*    " 

27/0 

And.  Browne. 

1614-15 

Sold  to: 

II*     " 

29/6 

Several   of    the 

1  [wheat]  meal  [31/3] 

Oliver  Gildner. 

Co. 

57*   " 

34/o 

Cooper,  baker. 

5      " 

29/0 

Mr.  Gravenor. 

8  rye 

24/0 

Bought  from  the 

1601-02 

Bought  from: 

Chamberlain  of 

40      • 

22/0 

Hy.  Pettitt. 

London. 

1603-04 

5*i    " 

24/6 

Jas.  Woiseter. 

1615-16  13  com 

— 

Sold. 

10      " 

24/6 

Jno.  Parks. 

1616-17  S3l  Danzig  wheat l  [39/4II  Sold. 

60      ■ 

24/0 

Hy.  Parmore. 

10       "  [meal]  [36/1  Jl  Sold  on  markets. 

40      " 

22/0 

Wm.  Weyman. 

1617-18  23      " 

— 

Bought  from  Mr. 

10      " 

22/0 

Bought. 

Hayward. 

1      " 

24/0 

Sold. 

1618-19  None  bought 

or  sold  (?). 

1  The  rate  is  42  s.  per  Danzig  measure,  50  of  which  are  equivalent  to  53}  qrs. 


APPENDIX  E 


355 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  581-1663  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs.     Price  sale  and  purchase 

s.d. 

1610-20  97J  wheat           18/0  Sold  on  markets. 

08$      ■                a  1/6  Bought. 
1620-22  None  bought  or  sold. 
1622-23 

3  Jan- 

28  Feb.  40  [wheat  meal]  [44/3]  Sold  on  markets. 
38  Feb- 

5  July  70      "         "      [45/1]  "     "         B 
Bought  from: 

40  wheat              52/0  Thos.  Marshall. 

70      "                  46/4  Chamberlain  of 
London. 

1623-24    8  wheat  meal   [27/6]  Sold  on  markets. 

10}  [wheat]"      48/0  Bought  from  Rich. 

Wilcocks. 

72  wheat             32/0  Bought  at  Bride- 
well. 
1624-25 

16  July  si  [wheat]  meal  34/8  Sold  [on  markets]. 
30    "      6         "          "     34/3  "             " 

11  Aug.  6         "          "     34/8  * 

18  "      6  ■     34/8 

25  "      6                     "     34/8  ' 

1  Sept.  6         ■          "     34/8  "             " 

so    "      6         "          "     34/8  " 

29  "      6         ■          "     34/8  " 

8  June  2}       "          ■     34/8  "             " 

5  °          "     34/o  " 

6  -          ■     34/8  ■ 

40  wheat              41/6  Bought. 

50      *                  40/0  * 
1625-26 

5  July     6  [wheat]  meal  40/0  Sold  [on  markets]. 

22     "        4I     "           "     4%  "              " 

1  Aug.    4       ■          "     40/0  "             " 

4  ■  6  ■  "  40/0  "  " 
15  *  7  "  "  4%  ■  " 
22     ■        8       "           "     40/0  ■              " 

29  "        8       "           "     40/0  "              " 

5  Sept.    8       ■          ■     40/0  ■             ■ 

12  "       4       ■          "     40/0  ■             * 

19  "       4       "          *     40/0  " 

30  ■        6       ■           "      40/0  "              " 

17  Oct.     6       "          "     40/0  ■             " 

26  ■       4       "          "     40/0  "             " 
3  Nov.    3       ■          ■     40/0  " 

24  "  3  "  *  4°/o  "  " 
1626-27 

31  July   3§    "        "    4%  "       " 

32i  wheat           30/0  Bought. 

54*      "  bo/7»l        " 

44i      *  [28/0] 

1627-28   8        ■                26/8  Sold. 
1628-29  None  bought  or  sold. 


Particulars  of 
Date      Amt.  in  qrs.      Price    sale  and  purchase 

s.d. 

1620-30    6  [wheat]  meal  48/0  Sold. 

6      "  "     48/0        " 

12       ■  ■     48/0       ■ 

«  J  48/0       ■ 

12       ■  '         '  _ 

1 4S/o        ■ 

12        "  "      42/8 

12        "  "      42/8         ■ 

IS        "  "      4»/8         ■ 

17!      "  «      42/8         ■ 

1630-31  Bought  from: 

20  wheat  [58/0]      Rob.  Rye. 

20      ■  [56/2J]    Hy.  Goodwyn. 

2 1  barley  [25/9U    Rich.  Kestian. 

S  rye  [20/0]      Mr.  Ashwell. 

50  Irish  wheat    44/0       The  City. 

15  Nov.- 

6  Dec.  66  [wheat  meal]  52/0     Sold  on  markets. 

29  Nov.- 

18  Mar.  211     "  "     48/0        ■      ■         ■ 

23  Mar.- 

22  July  69       "  ■     48/0     "  Sold     to     the 

wardes." 

1631-32  Bought  from: 

69}  "  corne  "  [wheat]  36/0  Rob.  Greenstreete. 

igi        B  "       35/o  Jno.  Trout. 

6  "  "       35/6   Jno.  Trout. 

20  "  "       35/6   Jno.  Trout. 

14!        ■  *       37/0   Jno.  Trout. 

15  ■  *       36/6   Mark  Pierce. 

15  B  u35/o   Abr.  Rye. 

25  ■  "       32/0   Jno.  Barker. 

25  July     3  [wheat  meal]  40/0     Sold  to  Baynards 

Castle  Ward. 

27     "       7       *         ■      36/0     Sold  on  markets. 

1  Aug.    s       ■         "      34/8        «      "         " 

3     "       5       "         "      33/4        '      "         " 

S  Aug.- 

17  Aug.  25       e         "      32/0        "      "  " 

22  Aug.- 

12  Sept.  16}     "  ■      26/8        «      «         ■ 
1632-33  Bought  from: 

37§  wheat  41/6       Jno.  Trout. 

32!      ■  41/0       Rob.  Rye. 

23  July- 

27  Aug.  31  "  corne  "  [wheat 

meal]  36/0  Sold  on  markets. 

3  Sept- 

S  Jan.  43  J  Ditto  42/8  ■      ■          " 

5  Apr.- 

5  July  59    Ditto  40/0  ■      «          « 

12  July    6    Ditto  37/4  ■      ■         " 

22     "       5    Ditto  36/0  •      " 

1633-34  Bought  from: 

50  wheat  38/0  Norst. 


356 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  581-1663  (continued) 


Date     Amt.  in  qrs. 


Price 
s.d. 
30/o 
37/o 
38/0 


1633-34  40  wheat 
50      ' 
40      « 
29  July- 
as  Nov.  46  "  come  "  [wheat 

meal]  36/0 

10  Jan.- 
6  June  95  Ditto  40/0 

13  June  5  Ditto  37/4 
21-28  July  11  Ditto  40/0 
1634-3S 

87  J  "  come  "  [wheat]  38/3 
29!        "  "       42/0 

1  Aug- 

22  Sept.  50  "  come  "  [wheat 

meal]  40/0 

26  Sept.- 

31  Oct.   20  Ditto  37/4 

1635-36 

681  wheat  37/0 

50        ■  30/0 

IS  July- 

84  May  90        "  [meal] l  40/0 

1636-37  None  bought  or  sold. 

1637-38 

31  Jan.- 

14  Mar.  36$  "  come  "  [wheat 

meal]  40/0 

21  Mar.- 

4  May  37  Ditto  45/4 

9-16  ■      9  Ditto  42/8 

23  May- 

27  June  24  Ditto  40/0 


Particulars  of 
sale  and  purchase 

Bought  from: 
Mr.  Fortree. 
Job.  Harby. 
Rob.  Gravenor. 


Sold  on  markets. 


Bought  from: 
Rob.  Rye. 
Rob.  Rye. 


Sold  on  markets. 


Bought  from: 
John  Trowth. 
Rob.  Rye. 

Sold  on  markets. 


Sold  on  markets. 


Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

4-18  July  17  Ditto 
49  Ditto 
1638-39  60  wheat 

I44l    " 
30  July- 
7  Sept.  2oJ  "  come 
meal] 


Price 

s.d. 
36/0 
40/0 
33/o 
36/0 


Particulars  of 
sale  and  purchase 


Sold  on  markets. 
■  to  Mr.  Poole. 
Bought. 


[wheat 

36/0     Sold  on  markets. 
1630-41  No  com  bought  or  sold. 
1641-42  28I  wheat  37/0     Bought. 

1642-4330        "  33/o  " 

SO        "  3*A>  " 

10  [wheat]  meal  [35  S J 1  Sold. 
6      "  «      32/0        * 

1643-46  None  bought  or  sold. 
1646-47  54  wheat  38/0     Sold. 

1647-48  Sold  to: 

82$  "  come  "  [wheat]  39/0       Arthur  Slipp. 

80  Ditto  48/0       Wm.  Antrolus. 

1648-49  57  wheat  48/0      Sold. 

1649-5012      "  [56/8]       "at  loss  of  £113 

7s.  ml. 
1630-53  None  bought  or  sold. 
1653-54  None  bought  or  sold  (?). 
1654-55  7oi  wheat  [21/7U  Bought. 

i6i      "  [16/5U        « 

1655-57  None  bought  or  sold. 
1657-38  100  "  come  "  [wheat]  40/0  Sold. 
1658-59  13  wheat  42/8     Sold. 

1659-60  Amt.  sold  not  found. 
1560-61  None  bought  or  sold. 
1661-62  Particulars  of  sale  not  found. 
1662-63  ii  "come"  [wheat]1  [39/8!]. 
1663-70  None  bought  or  sold. 


Prices  of  Corn,  i 582-1 631 

Bought  by  the  bakers  of  London. 

Unless  otherwise  stated  the  entries  are  for  wheat. 

The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used: 

L  —  some  official  connection  with  the  City. 

P  —  date  of  payment. 

D  —  date  of  purchase,  exact  as  to  time. 

R  — rye. 
The  source  is  Wheat  Book,  No.  63,  Bakers'  Hall. 

1  Five  qrs.  every  week. 

5  Probably  the  last  of  the  com,  much  having  been  lost. 


APPENDIX  E 


357 


Prices  of  Corn,  1582-1631  {continued) 


\mt. 

Amt. 

Date    in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  purchase 

Date    in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  purchase 

1582 

s.  d. 

1587 

s.  d. 

Bought  from  a 

8  May 

320 

45/4  From  Danzig. 

10  Apr. 

127 

21/6 

Yarmouth  man. 

20     " 

93 

4S/o 

Danzig  wheat  bought  from  a 

10    " 

Soo 

24/0 

Gentleman  of  Faversham. 

London  fisherman. 

18     " 

120 

21/0 

Yarmouth  man. 

24    " 

Soo 

37/o 

"        vintner. 

21     * 

76i 

21/0 

Hemsby  (Norf.)  man. 

27     B 

101 

38/0 

■       haberdasher. 

7  May 

68 

20/6 

Norfolk  man. 

31     " 

82 

45/4 

Stranger. 

8    ■ 

in 

20/0 

u              u 

1588-89 

25    " 

163 

20/4 

Hemsby  (Norf.)  man. 

9  Jan. 

130 

20/0 

London  draper. 

25     " 

136 

20/8 

Norfolk  man. 

21     " 

60 

16/0 

■        fishmonger. 

26     ■ 

22! 

20/0 

Yarmouth  man. 

7  Feb. 

102 

20/0 

Gentleman  of  Kent. 

2g    " 

81 

22/0 

Faversham  man. 

14     " 

98 

19/6 

London  draper. 

8  June 

"S 

20/8 

Hickling  (Norf.)  man. 

14     " 

94 

18/4 

Yeoman  of  Kent. 

2S       ' 

118 

20/8 

Norfolk  man. 

IS    ■ 

63 

17/8 

■  Norfolk. 

13  July 

60 

21/6 

■           ■ 

24     " 

2SS 

30/6  (sic)  Paid  to  a  London  gird- 

7  Aug. 

113 

21/0 

u              u 

ler,  P. 

17    " 

93 

22/6  Bought  by  a  servant  of  the 

1S89 

Co.  of  Grocers. 

S  June 

67 

18/0 

From  Kent. 

Bought  from  a 

9     " 

90 

18/0 

11              a 

17    " 

1 20  \ 

20/4 

Norfolk  man. 

IS     " 

i°5i 

17/0 

<i              a 

7  Dec. 

36 

20/4 

Faversham  man. 

6  Aug. 

200 

20/0 

Bought  from  a  London  man. 

1382-83 

1589-90 

6  Mar. 

102 

20/0 

Norfolk  yeoman. 

29  Jan. 

77 

26/0 

From  Lewes,  Sussex. 

1S83 

29     " 

60 

26/0 

Bought  from  a  yeoman  of 

26  Mar. 

20S 

20/0 

Bought  in  the  "  west." 

Ipswich. 

Bought  from  a 

3  Feb. 

84 

26/0 

From  Faversham,  Kent. 

16  Apr. 

102 

20/0 

Norfolk  yeoman. 

10     " 

130 

24/2 

Bought    from    a    merchant 

1583-84 

stranger  of  London. 

17  Mar. 

21 

18/0 

Colchester  man. 

Norfolk  wheat  from  a 

1586 

16     ■ 

400 

25/6 

London  haberdasher. 

9  Apr.  and 

17     " 

130 

24/2 

■      merchant  stranger. 

afterwards  878 

28/0 

Hamburg  wheat. 

17     " 

41 

27/2 

Kentish  wheat  from  a  Whit- 

22  Apr. 

240 

28/0 

"            "     bought  from 

stable  mariner. 

a  London  skinner. 

27     ■ 

21S 

26/0 

Norfolk  wheat  from  a  London 

24     " 

240 

28/0 

Ditto. 

haberdasher. 

28  May 

107 

30/0 

Danzig  wheat  bought  at  the 

20  Mar. 

92 

25/0 

Ditto. 

Steelyard. 

20    « 

60 

26/8  Kentish  wheat  from  a  yeo- 

23  Aug. 

308 

27/0 

Ditto. 

man  of  Faversham. 

12  Oct. 

97» 

20/0 

From  Danzig. 

IS90 

8  Nov. 

—  1 

35/o 

Danzig  wheat  bought  from  a 
London  skinner. 

27  Mar. 

56 

25/0 

Norfolk  wheat  from  a  yeo- 
man of  Foxley. 

19    " 

1 

33/6 

Ditto. 

27     " 

160 

25/6  Norfolk  wheat  from  a  Lon- 

1386-87 

Bought  from  a 

don  merchant  tailor. 

17  Jan. 

144$  4l/o 

Sandwich  man. 

IS  Apr. 

114 

26/0 

Ditto. 

4  Mar. 

66iK 

32/0 

From  Danzig. 

17     " 

179 

25/6  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

4     ' 

iosK 

32/0 

"            " 

London  haberdasher. 

4     " 

61 

42/0 

«            ■ 

23     " 

SoR  20/0 

Bought  from  a  London  Alder- 

4    " 

247  JB 

32/0 

u            ■ 

man,  L. 

4     ' 

72F 

32/0 

a            « 

21  May 

iS7l  23/6  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

10     ■ 

216 

44/6 

u                 U 

London  merchant  tailor. 

1587 

Bought  from  a 

27     * 

184 

24/4  Bought    from    a    merchant 

7  Apr. 

IS9JR34/8 

London  clothworker. 

stranger. 

14     " 

97* 

41/4 

■       merchant. 

18  June 

S4 

24/0 

Cornish  wheat  bought  from  a 

Apr. 

39JR33/8 

II                              u 

Falmouth  merchant. 

1  The  total  cost  of  wheat  in  these  two  entries  is  £1984  12  s.  3  d. 


358 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  582-1 631  {continued) 


Amt. 


Date    in  qrs.    Price        Particulars  of  purchase 

1590  s.  d. 

14  July      54  J  23/0  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 
London  fishmonger. 
July     800  R  20/0  Bought  from  a  London  Alder- 
man, L. 
Bought  from  a 
1  Aug.    122     24/6      Lynn  merchant. 
14  Oct.       70    26/0      Sandwich  " 
27     '         84     26/8 

6  Nov.      81     26/0  Bought  from  an  Edinburgh 

merchant. 

14  *  49     25/0  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

London  merchant  tailor. 
Bought  from  a 
37     "        no     24/8      Sandwich  merchant. 
3  Dec.     192     24/0      London  draper. 
18     '  46!  27/0  Bought    from    an    Essex 

"  corneman." 
1500-91 

15  Jan.       90}  26/8  Kentish  wheat  bought  from  a 

Sandwich  merchant. 
20    *         49     26/0  Bought  from  a  mariner  of 

Middlesex. 
22     ■         64    26/0  Kentish  wheat  bought  from  a 

merchant  of  Faversham. 
22     "        130     23/8  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

merchant  of  Haverland. 
22     "        139     26/0  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

London  merchant. 
11  Feb.      64}  26/0  Kentish  wheat  bought  from  a 

Margate  merchant, 
n     *        103     24/6  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

London  draper. 

14  "       147     25/4  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

London  merchant. 

1  Mar.      48    26/0  Kentish  wheat  bought  from  a 

London  merchant  tailor. 

2  "        245     26/8  Emden  wheat  bought  from  a 

merchant  stranger. 
2     '        156     26/0  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 
merchant  tailor. 
10    "  20     28/4  Bought  in  Flanders. 

13     "         45  i  26/0  Suffolk  wheat  bought  from  a 

skinner  of  London. 
20     "         75     23/6  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 
merchant  of  Haverland. 
1 59i 

7  Apr.     165     25/0  Bought    from    a    merchant 

tailor  of  London. 

30  *  121  25/0  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 
merchant  tailor  of  London. 

24  *  40  25/0  Bought  from  a  Norwich  mer- 
chant. 

15  May    121}  26/8  Middlesex     wheat     bought 

from  a  London  merchant. 


Amt. 
Date    in  qrs.    Price        Particulars  of  purchase 

1 591  ■•  «!■ 

Bought  from 
15  May    400 R  20/0      Suffolk  merchants. 

19  *        147     24/0      A  merchant  tailor  of  Lon- 

don. 
25     "         30     26/0      A  merchant  of  London. 

31  "         88    21/4  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from 

merchant    tailor  of   Lon- 
don. 
Bought  from  a 
28  June    139     25/0      Lynn  man. 

5  July       57     25/0      Merchant  tailor  of  London 
10     *         57     *5/o      — . 

20  "        161     25/0  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from 

a  London  haberdasher. 
30     *         70    26/8      Ditto. 
4  Aug.      45     27/0  Bought    from    a    merchant 
tailor  of  London. 

35  *        159!  24/0  Bought  from  an  alderman  of 

London. 
Dec.     128I  19/1  Kentish  wheat  bought  from 

a  London  merchant, 
n  Dec.      99  J  18/0  Kentish  wheat  bought  from  a 

merchant  of  Dover. 
1501-02 

36  Feb.     120    18/4  Bought  from  a  gentleman  of 

Faversham. 

32  Mar.    no    18/5      Ditto. 

1592 
30  June      41     16/0  Kentish  wheat  bought  from  a 
yeoman  of  Isle  of  Thanet. 
1593  Bought  from 

12  Nov.    400    23/6      A    merchant    stranger   of 

London. 

1594 

15  Aug.  1068    30/0      Merchants,  L. 

14  Nov.    328    39/0      Three  merchants. 

16  "        155     39/0      A  London  merchant. 
16     ■         76R23/0       "        " 

7  Dec.    386*  38/0  . 

Bought  from  a 

13  "        196!  38/4      Merchant  stranger  of  Lon- 

don. 

1594-95 

20  Feb.     200  38/0        Merchant  of  London. 
13  Mar.  4-500  37/0  "         stranger. 

1595 
7  Apr.      —    37/6      London  alderman. 

May    200    39/0      Bridgemaster. 
12  Nov.    600    40/0  From  Hamburg. 

1596 
4  June      7iJ  32/0  Norfolk  wheat  bought  from  a 
husbandman  of  Fleg. 
1598  Paid  to 

27  Mar.    125    42/6      A  merchant,  P. 


APPENDIX  E 


359 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  582-1 631  (continued) 


Amt. 

Amt. 

Date 

n  qrs.  Price 

Particulars  of  purchase 

Date 

in  qrs.  Price     Particulars  of  purchase 

1598 

s.  d. 

Paid  to 

1610 

s.d. 

Paid  to 

30  May 

100    46/0 

An  alderman  of  London. 

xo  Sept. 

248}  30/0      A  merchant,  P. 

1600-01 

1611 

20  Jan. 

ISO    35/o 

A  London  draper,  P. 

3°  Aug. 

32    30/0      Co.  of  Merchant  Tailors. 

1601 

3°    " 

371     32/0         "     "          ■ 

21  Apr. 

50    3i/o 

A  London  merchant,  P. 

4  Nov. 

420    31/0      Grocers  Co. 

5  Sept. 

131     28/0 

The  Lord  Mayor,  P. 

1611-12 

1606-07 

7  Jan. 

655    36/0      Merchants. 

10  Mar. 

197!  29/0 

A  gentleman  of  Walsing- 

1612 

ham,  Norfolk,  P. 

15  June 

536    36/0 

1607 

1613 

26  Aug. 

21}  25/6 

A  yeoman  of  Sandwich,  P. 

3  May 

293    33/0  From  France,  D. 

1608 

3i     " 

270}  31/0      "           "       D. 

28  May 

73     3i/o 

A  London  alderman,  P. 

31     " 

564    32/0  Paid  to  a  merchant,  P. 

30    ■ 

315     44/0 

A  London  merchant,  P. 

2  June 

105     28/0  From  France,  D. 

3i     * 

173    45/o 

A  Hull  mariner,  P. 

21  July 

302    31/0      "      Danzig,  D. 

1  June 

20lf   35/0 

Paid,  P. 

3i     " 

314    34/0      "      France,  D. 

1     « 

—      44/0 

"     P. 

[July  or  Aug.]  162*  35/0  From  France,  D. 

Paid  to  a 

6,  7,  &  11 

Oct. 

13     ' 

—      53/° 

Merchant,  P. 

264!  31/0  Delivered  at  the  Iron  Gate 

14    " 

245     53/4 

Dover  baker,  P. 

Wharf,  D. 

27    ' 

I"     43/4 

Corcaby     gentleman     of 
Yorkshire,  P. 

27  Nov. 

252    38/0  From  Danzig,  D. 
Bought  from 

20  July 

98    46/8 

Colchester  mariner,  P. 

15  Dec. 

494    38/0      Merchants. 

20    « 

31     50/0 

■               "        P. 

1613-14 

13  Aug. 

50    44/0 

Merchant,  P. 

24  Jan. 

3i?>i  34/ol     John  Lucye,  a  merchant. 

19  Dec. 

S89I  47/o 

Paid,  P. 

D. 

1608-09 

Paid  to  a 

1614 

xFeb. 

130    40/6 

Gentleman  of  Walsingham, 

27  June 

402    44/0      The  Lord  Mayor,  D. 

Norfolk. 

17-22  Aug.  203  36/0      "       "         '        D. 

20    « 

21S    45/o 

London  alderman. 

1618 

1609 

14  Apr. 

42  5 1  43/6  Danzig  wheat  bought  from  a 

2  May 

66    41/6 

Hull  merchant. 

merchant,  D. 

2     " 

99    42/0 

«            « 

8  July 

146    39/0  Bought,  D. 

29     " 

704    40/0 

Merchant. 

[July  or  Aug.]  238  37/0  ■        D. 

10  July 

223t    36/o 

P. 

1619 

31     " 

477     40/0 

P. 

3  May 

41     23/0  Bought  from  a  merchant  of 

31     " 

1048}  48/0 

■          P. 

Longham,  Norfolk,  L,  D. 

7  Sept 

112     36/0 

London  alderman,  P. 

1626 

8    " 

337*  36/0 

Merchant,  P. 

24  Apr. 

ix8|  40/0 ,  P. 

16  Oct. 

I25f  36/0 

■          P. 

1631 

Bought  from 

4  Dec. 

337*  36/0 

P. 

16  July 

184    so/o      Two  aldermen,  D. 

1609-10 

July 

95R48/0      Alderman  B,  D. 

2  Jan. 

26    30/0 

Paid,  P. 

360 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1 588-1655 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Wax  Chandlers'  Company. 

The  year  is  31  Aug.  to  31  Aug. 

The  source  is  Renter  Wardens  Accounts,  Wax  Chandlers'  Hall. 


Particulars  of 
sale  and 
Year       Date   Amt.  in  qrs.  Price      purchase 

1588  s.  d. 

1  May  20  "corne"  [19/0]  Bought. 
1597-08  20  Mar.  3  [wheat]  meal  40/0  Sold. 
1622-23    7  Feb.  10  wheat       46/0  Bought  at  the 
Bridgehouse. 
1624-25  28    ■      10      "  [43/3]  Bought. 

[Feb.]     5      "  43/6 

1630-31      4  "Irishe  corne  "  [44/0I       " 
3  Danzig  rye         [38/0]        ■ 


Particulars  of 
sale  and 
Date    Amt.  in  qrs.  Price     purchase 

s.  d. 

36/0  Bought. 
43/o        " 
33/o        ' 
[37/9]  Sold  privately. 


Year 
1631-32 

7  wheat 
1633-34  3      " 

1641-42    5  Feb.  30     " 
1643-44  2 1  Mar.  3  "  corne 


1655 


(81ots)[37/9l 
6    "(6  lots)  37/9     " 
21  June  8  wheat        21/4  Bought. 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  593-161 8 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Cutlers'  Company. 
From  the  Cutlers  Company  Accounts,  1586-1621. 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1593-94 

s.d. 

1597-08 

s.d. 

20  wheat 

26/8 

Sold. 

9  J  wheat  meal  46/8 

Sold  to  several  of 

1594-95 

the  Co. 

3  Feb.     5  rye 

[28/4I] 

"  at  Queenhithe. 

9!  rye         " 

37/4 

Ditto. 

5    "    meal 

[30/0  J] 

■     ■                a 

oi    " 

32/0 

Ditto. 

1595 

5      " 

[29/otI 

"  at  Queenhithe. 

7  Apr.     5    " 

[30/0U 

a     a               a 

1599-1600 

2  May    5    " 

[26/1  il]  « 

13  Dec.  10}  wheat 

36/8 

"  privately. 

oj" 

[32/0] 

■ 

1 601 

21  June    5  wheat 

[44/0] 

■ 

16  July     s  wheat  meal  [32/4U 

■  at  Queenhithe. 

of    « 

[40/0] 

■ 

17     "        2      "         " 

[33/i  11 

U        U                       « 

3  July  10  rye 

22/8 

■ 

21       "           2         "              ■ 

[33/3] 

1596 

oj  wheat 

29/4 

" 

July]    5  wheat  meal  40/0 

■ 

0}      « 

32/8 

■ 

4      "          " 

36/0 

" 

oi      ■ 

30/0 

■ 

3i  +  3ipks.    '         " 

[34/sl 

"  to  a  baker. 

20 

[31/0I 

Bought. 

7  Sept.    4I  rye  meal 

[27/511 

"  privately. 

1        " 

28/0 

Sold. 

2      "       " 

34/8 

"  at  Leadenhall. 

6  Aug.  3  [wheat]  meal  [28/4] 

■ 

i|    *       ' 

26/8 

■  to  James   the 

7     "      1       "          * 

[29/0] 

" 

weigher. 

7     «.     2       ■          " 

[28/11}]  *  at  Queenhithe. 

23  Nov.  20  rye 

[33/o] 

Bought. 

1606-07 

Bought  from 

24    "      20    " 

34/o 

■  at  Queenhithe. 

1 1  Feb.  s  wheat 

32/0 

Thos.  Gyrnell  of 

4  Dec.  14    " 

35/o 

"from     the 

Gypson. 

Chamberlain 

25     "      5l    * 

[32/0] 

Ditto. 

of  London. 

16  Mar.  5      " 

[32/0] 

Ditto. 

1596-97    3  wheat 

[53/1  i\  Sold     at     Queen- 

24     *      Si    ' 

[32/0] 

Ditto. 

hithe. 

i8|« 

25/0 

Sold. 

3  rye 

[38/0I 

Ditto. 

1612-13  is     * 

[36/2H  Bought. 

2  wheat 

[46/0] 

Sold  privately. 

1617-18 

Sold  at 

1  rve 

32/0 

u                   ■ 

28  [wheat]  meal  [30/11}]    Newgate  mar- 

34l* 

36/0 

■  at  the  Hall. 

kets. 

APPENDIX  E 


361 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  599-1 639 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Clothworkers'  Company. 
The  year  generally  runs  from  Midsummer  to  Midsummer. 
Source  —  "Renter  and  Quarter  Warden,"  Accounts,  vols.  1599- 
1613, 1613-21,  1621-30, 1630-39,  preserved  at  the  Clothworkers'  Hall. 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt.  in 

qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1599-1600 

s.  d. 

1606-07 

s.  d. 

20  wheat  meal 

33/4  il  Sold  on  markets. 

10  Jan.       0}  wheat 

24/0 

Sold. 

i6i    " 

" 

[33/5 1] 

■      "          " 

1607-08 

24      " 

" 

[33/4] 

*      *         " 

30  Mar.     oi    " 

24/0 

« 

2oi      " 

■ 

[33/3J] 

"      *         " 

Sundry  times  7  wheat 

24/0 

" 

10     ■ 

" 

l33/7« 

■      *         " 

2  June  1  wheat  1 

2  lots 

24/0 

« 

7l    " 

* 

133/34] 

«      «          ■ 

oi    ■ 

24/0 

* 

I      " 

" 

[32/0] 

"      "         " 

16  June  50  rye 

29/8 

Bought. 

1  rye 

26/8 

■     to  Mr.  M. 

1  wheat  meal 

42/8 

Sold    at    Queen- 

16}" 

[22/6i]   Sold. 

hithe. 

13    " 

24/4 

" 

1608-09 

4    "    meal1 

26/4 

"     on  markets. 

28  June  oi      " 

32/0 

Sold  to  a  cloth- 

oi" 

[22/8] 

worker. 

3l" 

[27/I« 

-    oi      « 

32/0 

Ditto. 

] 

[oi  wheat 

[24/01 

Bought. 

3i    ■ 

32/0 

Sold  privately. 

40  rye 

20/0 

u 

2  rye  (14  lots) 

29/4 

■ 

1600-01 

Sold  at 

20  June 

S  wheat 

30/0 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

22  Aug.  3  wheat  meal 

45/4 

Queenhithe. 

2S       " 

18      « 

30/0 

"       "         * 

31     "      ii    " 

■ 

45/4 

" 

21  Aug. 

8  meal 

29/0 

«       «        « 

—     1  rye 

■ 

29/4 

■ 

21       " 

10      " 

28/0 

"     to  Mr.  Page. 

—    oi  wheat 

" 

32/0 

Sold. 

6  Sept.  62  wheat 

27/0 

"     privately. 

Sold  at 

20     * 

20      "    (3  lots) 

27/0 

a                  » 

16  Sept.  2      " 

* 

4S/4 

Queenhithe. 

29     " 

10  meal 

26/0 

a                  a 

2      " 

" 

48/0 

" 

29     * 

2      * 

26/8 

"     at  Leaden- 

1  rye 

* 

29/4 

« 

hall. 

2  wheat 

" 

48/0 

Bishopsgate. 

29     " 

oi    ■ 

26/8 

"     to    a    mer- 
chant. 

1  rye 
3  Oct.   2  wheat 

« 

32/0 
48/0 

Queenhithe. 

29     " 

oi    " 

26/8 

"     to    a    corn- 

8    "      1  rye 

" 

32/0 

" 

keeper. 

12*4  wheat 

■ 

48/0 

* 

16  Jan. 

100  wheat 

34/0 

Bought. 

12     "      1  rye 

" 

32/0 

" 

8  Feb. 

47       " 

33/0 

" 

16     "      2  wheat 

" 

48/0 

" 

1601-02 

5       " 

meal  [22/ni]  Sold  on  markets. 

16     "      1  rye 

■ 

32/0 

■ 

10      " 

■ 

[21/211 

"      "          " 

19     "      3  wheat 

" 

48/0 

■ 

80}    "  (4  lots) 

2S/0 

"     privately. 

2  Nov.  7i    " 

" 

48/0 

■ 

Bought  from 

2*2  rye 

" 

32/0 

" 

20  Jan. 

So      " 

22/0 

A  gentleman. 

11     "      5  wheat 

* 

48/0 

• 

7  Mar. 

48I    * 

19/2 

«             a 

18     "      4      " 

■ 

48/0 

" 

1602-03 

2  Dec.  6      " 

* 

48/0 

a 

11  Mar. 

16      « 

29/0 

Privately. 

9     "      3i    " 

■ 

48/0 

■ 

13     " 

i6i    a 

28/0 

■ 

16     «      4i    » 

■ 

48/0 

" 

*5     " 

*5i  " 

25/0 

" 

ii    ' 

* 

48/0 

Sold  to  a  meal- 

23     u 

28J     " 

28/0 

■ 

man. 

2  May 

1      " 

mea 

29/4 

Sold  on  markets. 

Sold  at 

2     " 

1      " 

" 

26/8 

Sold. 

2      " 

■ 

48/0 

Queenhithe. 

1605-06 

1      " 

25/0 

B 

3  rye 

" 

34/8 

■ 

1  Each  qr.  being  short  19  lbs. 


362 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1 599-1639  {continued) 


Particulars  of 


Particulars  of 


Date      Amt. 

in  qrs. 

Price    sale  and  purchase 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1608-09 

s.  d.       Sold  at 

1608-09 

s.  d. 

so  Dec.  2  wheat  meal 

48/0         Queenhithe. 

5  wheat 

30/0 

Sold  to  St.  Bar- 

20    *     3  rye 

* 

34/8 

tholamew  Hos- 

30   "      1  wheat     " 

48/0 

pital. 

30    «      1      - 

" 

42/8 

4S       " 

30/0 

Sold  to  a  baker. 

30    ■     4  rye 

" 

34/8 

ij  rye 

29/4 

"     privately. 

18  Feb.  2  wheat     " 

45/4                  " 

of    ' 

29/4 

u                      « 

10  Mar.-io  Apr 

3  wht.  meal  40/0            " 

7}    "  (33  lots 

29/4 

■          « 

«             a 

3  rye 

*     32/0           " 

3}  ■ 

29/4 

*     to    25    per- 

10-14 Apr. 

3  wht. 

"     40/0           " 

sons  of  the  Co. 

*       « 

2  rye 

"      32/0            " 

o|     « 

32/0 

Sold  privately. 

1 4- j  a  Apr. 

3  wht. 

"      4%            " 

137I  wheat 

47/o 

Bought. 

«       « 

3  rye 

"      3*/o 

Sol      ■ 

47/o 

■ 

28  Apr-4  May 

1  wht. 

*      42/0             ' 

1609-10     3I      " 

32/0 

Sold. 

■             ■ 

il  " 

"      41/4 

1        " 

26/0 

" 

u             « 

oi  * 

*      4V8 

10        " 

32/0 

* 

u                 a 

3  rye 

"      3»/o 

oi      " 

26/8 

" 

— 

1  wht. 

■      40/0  Southwark. 

1610-11    98I      " 

28/0 

■ 

— 

1  rye 

'      29/4 

46        ■ 

28/0 

■ 

4-13  May 

1 1  wht. 

"      40/8  Queenhithe. 

4  Mar.    139J    " 

32/0 

"     privately 

«       « 

ojrye 

*      32/0 

(an  old  sale). 

13-27   " 

3  wht. 

*      40/0            " 

4     "      42H-3pts.wht.I34/9i] 

Sold  on  markets. 

«       « 

2  rye 

*      29/4 

1617-18  29i  wheat 

39/6 

Bought    from    a 

3  May-i  June 

3  wht. 

"      4% 

merchant. 

a                 a 

1  rye 

"      29/4            " 

1618-19    6  wheat  meal 

32/0 

Bought. 

1-13  June  3  wheat  meal 

37/4 

1621-22  s  Dec.  20  wheat  36/0 

■ 

IS  July  3  wheat  meal 

37/o 

5    «      4i    * 

3S/o 

■ 

—    3      " 

■ 

34/o            " 

IS  Jan.  3oJ    * 

38/0 

■ 

26  July  0}    " 

" 

32/0            ■ 

IS     "      10      " 

37/o 

M 

11  Aug.  a      " 

" 

33/6     Sold  to  two  meal- 

22  May  63      " 

42/0 

■ 

men. 

4i  +  6  lbs.  meal  [32/1  fl      "           from  a 

»3     *      1      " 

■ 

30/0     Sold. 

baker  for  mar- 

oj   ■ 

32/0        "     from  the 

Bridgehouse. 

1622-23 

ket. 

23      ' 

(49  lots) 

32/0         Ditto. 

19  Aug.    1  meal 

40/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

o|rye 

meal 

29/4     Sold    at    Queen- 

21    "        2     " 

40/0 

«        u             u 

hithe. 

23     "        1     " 

40/0 

u       a            « 

1  wheat 

38/0     Sold  privately. 

26     "       4     " 

42/8 

«       a            « 

ill    " 

(36  lots)  40/0        ■ 

3  Sept.    6     " 

4S/4 

"       "            " 

1      " 

(2  lots)  48/0        *            ■ 

9    '       6    " 

45/4 

"        "            " 

3      ' 

(4  lots)  48/0        « 

16    '       6     * 

45/4 

a       a           « 

3      " 

44/0        ■ 

23     «        6     a 

4S/4 

"       "           * 

3      * 

40/0        ■            ■ 

30    "       6     ■ 

45/4 

a      a           ■ 

30      " 

50/0        "     to  East  In- 

7 Oct.     5     " 

45/4 

dia  Co. 

14     "       6     " 

45/4 

■      ■           " 

2      " 

38/0     Sold  to  a  miller. 

21  Oct.- 

1      * 

37/4        ■     privately. 

27  Jan.  42     ■     (9  lots)  45/4 

«        m             m 

2      ' 

32/8        "     to  a  man  of 

27  Jan.- 

Clapham. 

3  Feb.    9     "     (2  lots)  so/8 

u        u             m 

3l    « 

(3  lots) 

32/8         Ditto. 

10  Feb.- 

il    " 

32/0         Ditto. 

21  Mar.  36     "     (7  lots)  48/0 

UK                  « 

1      " 

33/0     Sold  privately. 

7  Apr.- 

2\        • 

(3  lots) 

32/0        "             " 

11  Aug.  69     *   (is  lots)  44/0 

«            K                  « 

31        ■ 

(2  lots)  31/0       ■ 

-      4i   " 

45/o 

"     to    men    of 

the  Co. 

APPENDIX  E 


363 


Prices  of  Corn,  i  599-1 639  (continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs.     Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1622-23 

s.  d. 

1631-32 

s.  d. 

—      5  meal 

44/0 

Sold  to  several. 

[Apr.]  7  barley 

40/0 

Bought. 

1624-25 

27  Apr.  15  Irish  wheat    44/0 

« 

9  Apr.     50  wheat 

40/0 

Bought. 

14  May  15  wheat 

44/0 

" 

27  June  100      "• 

37/6 

"       from  a 

-       l| 

* 

6o/o(?)       ■ 

merchant. 

1  June  is 

* 

[44/0] 

■ 

1630-31 

3     "        6 

■ 

44/0 

■ 

1  Sept.    10  meal 

45/° 

Sold  on  markets. 

4    "      20  rye 

4S/o 

■ 

6     "         s     « 

45/o 

*      *          " 

22     "      75  wheal 

44/0 

" 

13  Sept- 

29     "      15 

■ 

44/0 

■ 

3  Mar.  ill}   ■  (13  lots)  45/0 

u         u              u 

1632-33 

18  Mar.      6i    ■ 

46/0 

"      "         ■ 

29  Sept.- 

18    «         7     " 

48/0 

"     privately. 

20  July  96  meal  (14  lots)  40/0 

Sold  on  markets. 

7  May- 

[20  July]- 

20  June    42     "    (6  lots)  48/0 

«            « 

17  Aug.  33 

" 

(5  lots)  36/0 

a       a           a 

1631-32 

23  Aug.  97  § 

■ 

12  lots)  40/0 

u        u            a 

29  June      4  mistlin  l 

40/0 

"     on  markets. 

27  Aug.- 

3°     '          7       " 

40/0 

■       a           ■ 

6  Nov.  si 

■ 

(6  lots)  36/0 

mm           u 

8  July      s       ' 

40/0 

■       «           a 

Jan.     s 

a 

48/0 

u       u            a 

22     "        11       " 

40/0 

■       a           a 

16     "    146 

■  (16  lots)  40/0 

a         a             a 

S  Aug.    15       " 

38/0 

U             U                    If 

8  Mar.  50 

a 

36/6 

Bought. 

—    oi  wheat  meal 

44/o 

■     privately. 

—  146  i 

a 

[34/o] 

■ 

-    oi      « 

44/o 

a                a 

1635-36  38 

a 

40/0 

■ 

[Autumn]  60  rye 

38/0 

Bought. 

32 

■ 

38/0 

a 

2  Dec.     isi  wheat 

37/6 

* 

20 

" 

41/10 

a 

[Dec.]    11        " 

38/0 

■ 

10 

a 

43/4 

■ 

8  Dec.    37  J      " 

36/0 

a 

20 

" 

36/0 

a 

16     ■      132I      " 

37/o 

a 

49 

" 

(2  lots)  35/0 

■ 

16  Mar.  1 2  Irish  wheat 

44/o 

a 

1638-39  84 

" 

32/0 

■ 

a8  Mar.-2S  Apr.  * 

52 

■ 

30/0 

a 

Prices  of  Corn,  1599-1675 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Grocers'  Company. 
The  year  runs  from  July  to  July. 

Source  is  "  The  Book  of  the  Come  Accompte,"  Grocers'  Hall, 
No.  571. 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

sale  and 

.  sale  and 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs.   Price 

purchase 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price       purchase 

1S09-1600 

s.  d. 

1623-24 

s.  d. 

Aug. 

3  wheat  meal  2s/o 

Sold  to  a  ba- 

11 May 

40  wheat 

35/0    Bought. 

ker. 

a 

32      " 

33/o          " 

1  Feb. 

36 

46/4 

Bought. 

1624-25 

1     ■ 

10 

42/0 

" 

4-1 1  July 

8  wheat  meal  40/0    Sold  on  New- 

1     " 

S 

[42/0] 

■  at  Dart- 

gate  mkt. 

ford,  Kent. 

20  July-i  2  July  39  wheat 

[37/sJlSold. 

13  Dec. 

180 

46/0 

20    "   -1 2 

*     So      " 

40/0       ' 

1623-24 

20    "   -12 

"      7      "  (2  lots)  42/0      " 

11  May 

10 

36/0 

Bought  from 

20    "   -12 

■   18    ■ 

41/6     Bought. 

a  F  a  v  e  r- 

20    "   -12 

■     So      ■ 

42/0 

sham  man. 

20    "    -12 

'     So      " 

36/0 

1  Bought  by  contract  and  round  measure. 


•  Wheat,  rye,  and  barley. 


364 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1599-1675  {continued) 


Particulars  of 
sale  and 
Date  Amt.  in  qrs.      Price       purchase 

1624-25  s.  d. 

20  July- 1 2  July  39 J  wheat       I20/0]   Sold  [on  mar- 

kets]. 
"   -        "     50      "  40/0    Sold    to    the 

king. 
"   -        "      oj    *  4*/o        Ditto. 

'      8      "  [20/0]   Sold    to    the 

poor. 
1625-26 
July-     July  50     "  40/0    Bought. 

1620-30 

21  July-  7  July  23      "  meal   [38/8  J]  Sold  on  mar- 

kets. 
1630-31 
7july-i4july  107J    ■     ■      [48/0H     Ditto. 
7    ■    -14    "     13      "  54/0    Bought. 

7    "    -14    "     30      "  52/0  " 

7    "   -14    "     40      ■  S6/0  " 

7    "   -14    "17      *  (a  lots)  62/0         ■ 
7    "   -14    "     10      *  64/0  ■ 

7    "    -14    "     40      "  75/o  " 

7    "   -14    "     36  barley        42/0  " 

7    "   -14    "     24I    "  44/o 

7    "   -14    "    3°  rye  50/0  " 

7    "    -14    "     234  Irish wht.[44/oJ  " 

7    "   -14    "     100  rye  38/0  " 

1631-32 
14  July-19  July    31}  "  24/0    Sold. 

14    "   -19    "     10  wht.  meal  36/0       *     on  mar- 
kets. 
14    "    -19    "     10    "  35/0    Sold. 

14    "   -19    "    44!  barley       18/0       " 
14    "   -19    "     12  wheat        35/0    Bought. 
14    "   -19    "       5      "  37/o  * 

14    "   -19    "    90I    "  35/6 

14    "   -19    "     14      "  37/o  ■ 

14    "   -19    "     30}    "  30/0  " 

14    "   -19    "     19!    "  37/6  ■ 

July-     July  881  Irish  wht.  [40/0]   Sold. 
Sold 
*  -        "     54  wht.  meal  [32/1 }]   on  markets. 
«    68     "       ■     [26/2H    «  « 

"     -  "      2li    "  '      [35/911      ' 

1632-33 

I9july-i6  July    5  wheat  50/0  to  a  baker. 

19  "  -16  "      5  "  38/0  "       " 

19  "  -16  "       5  "  44/0  "   widow. 

19  "  -16  "       3  ■  50/0  "        ■ 

19  "  -16  "       2  "  38/0  ■        ■ 

19  "  -16  "  20  "  46/0  Sold. 

19  "  -16  ■       2  "  40/0  ■ 

xo  "  -16  "       5  «  35/0  ■ 

19  "  -16  *  57  ■  38/0  Bought. 

19  "  -16  "  i8|  ■  36/0  * 

19  "  -16  "  4oi  "  (2  lots)  39/0  " 


Particulars  of 
sale  and 
Date  Amt.  in  qrs.      Price      purchase 

1632-33  s.  d. 

19  July-r6July  i72wht.(2lots)38/o    Bought. 

19    "   -16    "     70      •  42/0         ■ 

1633-34 

i6July-i7july55wht.(2lots)35/o    Sold  to  a  ba- 
ker. 

16    "   -17    "    30      "  38/0        Ditto. 

16    ■   -17    *      2      "  40/0        Ditto. 

16    "   -17    ■      ij    ■  40/0    Sold. 

i5    "   -17    ■    125  wht.  meal  36/0       ■     on  mar- 
kets. 

16    "   -17    "    40    "     *         37/4        Ditto. 

16    "  -17    "     of  wheat         40/0    Sold. 

16    "   -17    "    1  So  wht.  meal  40/0    Sold  on  mar- 
kets. 

16    "   -17    "      2  wheat         40/0    Sold. 

16    "    -17    "     3l      "  (2  lots)  36/0      « 

16    ■    -17    "   2oo      "  (3  lots)  42/0  Bought. 

16  "    -17    "  215      "  36/0  ■ 

1634-35 

17  July-i4july4i      ■    meal  37/4    Sold  on  mar- 

kets. 
17    "   -14    "       x      "  36/0    Sold. 

17    "    -14    "       »      '  36/0       ■ 

17    ■    -14    "     50      "    meal  40/0       "     on  mar- 
kets. 
17    *    -14    "     il      "(slots)  40/0   Sold. 
17    "   -14    "  iao      "  36/0    Bought. 

1635-36 
14  July-12  July  20!  wheat  meal  (2  lots) 

40/0  Sold  on  markets. 
14    "   -12    "    oj  wheat         [36/0]  Sold. 
14    •   -12    "     75      "  39/2     Bought. 

14    "   -»a    "    3°     "  40/0  " 

14    *   -i2    ■    44     ■  37/6  ■ 

14    *   -12    ■     30      "  35/0  ■ 

14    "    -12    *     30      *  38/0  ■ 

14    "    -12    "  05      "  (2  lots)  [20/0]       ■ 
14    "   -12    "     44}    "  [19/oi]       ' 

14    '  -u    "90     "  (2  lots)  I20/0]      ■ 

1636-37 
1 2  July-14  July  o 

1636-37 
14  July-18  July  60  wht.  meal  40/0    Sold  on  mar- 
kets. 
14    "  -18    "    60    "       *     45/4        Ditto. 
14    "   -18    "      6     ■       "     36/0       Ditto. 
14    *  -18    "      3  wheat        48/2    Sold. 
14    «   -18    "     40  J    "  [48/1 11  Bought. 

J  4    *   -18    ■  i42j    «  48/0  " 

14    *   -18    "     91      "  33/6  ■ 

14    "   -18    •     61      "  37/0         "     irom  a 

"  Corn  merchant." 

1640-41 
16  July-  8  July  o 


APPENDIX  E 


365 


Prices  of  Corn,  1 599-1675  {continued) 


Particulars  of 
sale  and 
Date  Amt.  in  qrs.      Price       purchase 

s.  d. 

23/6    Sold. 


27/0  " 

32/0  Bought. 

30/0  " 
26/6 

32/0  "  from  [a 
corn  merchant]. 

30/0  Bought. 


1641-42 
8  July-12  July  58  wheat 

8    "   -12     "  42  ■ 

8    ■  -12    "  38  " 

8    «  -is    «  10  * 

8    ■   -12     "  55  * 

8    "   -12     «  96J  " 

8    "   -12     "     18J     ■ 

1642-43 

12  July-12  July  o 

1643-44 

„  _  ,        ,     ,  ,    I  Bought  from 

12  July-18  July  93}  wheat       31/0  f     „„„  ___ 
.  one  man. 

32/0  J 

1644-46 

i8July-i5  Julyo 

1646-47 

15  July-16  July  1  wheat  [20/0]    Sold. 

1647-48 

16  July-19  July  20    "      meal  48/0      "onmkts. 
16    "   -19    "  310  wheat  [meal]  (2  lots)  48/0 

Sold  [on  markets]. 
16    "   -19    "    17      "  48/0    Sold  to  offi- 

cials and  servants  of  Co. 
iC    "   -10    "     50      "  52/6    Sold. 

16    "   -19    "       2      *  [48/0]      "to  Warden 

West. 
1648-49 
19  July-19  July    5      "  [48/0]   Sold. 


Particulars  of 
sale  and 
Date  Amt.  in  qrs.      Price       purchase 

1640-50  s.  d. 

19  July-i  7  July  50  wheat  meal  56/0   Sold  on  mkts. 

19  "    -17    "     3*      "  48/0       " 
1650-51 

17  July-n  July  50      "    meal  48/0       "    onmkts. 

79      *       "     (2  lots)  40/0 

Sold  on  markets. 
16  wheat  [meal]  40/0  Sold  [on  markets]. 
1651-54 
1 1  July-20  July  o 
1654-55 

20  July-18  July  49!  wheat       16/0    Bought. 

1655-58 

18  July-22  July  o 

1658-59 
22  July-15  July  12  wht.  [meal]  44/0    Sold  on  mar- 
kets. 
32  wheat         —  Ditto. 

o{  wht.  meal  40/0        Ditto, 
of  light  corn  [24/9  j]  Sold. 
1659-60 
15  July-21  July1  [40J]  wheat  33/0       " 
1660-61 

21  July-18  July  o 

1661-62 
18  July-     July  27  wht.  meal  76/0    Sold  on  mar- 
kets. 
18    "   -        ■      9     ■        "     [71/9I]     Ditto. 
18    "   -        "      9     ■       ■     [71/ii]     Ditto. 
1662-75 
July- July  o 


Prices  of  Corn,  1602-09 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Carpenters'  Company. 
Source  —  the  Wardens  Account  Book,  1593-1613,  at  the  Carpen- 
ters' Hall. 


Particulars  of 
Date      Amt.  in  qrs.     Price    sale  and  purchase 

s.  d. 
1602-03    3  wheat  28/0     Bought. 

3      ■  [27/8]    Sold  to  John  Witt- 

dett. 
1      "  [28/0]    Sold  to  the  master 

of  the  Co. 
1      *      meal  [29/0]    Sold  on  markets. 


Particulars  of 
Date      Amt.  in  qrs.   Price      sale  and  purchase 

s.  d. 
24  Mar.  15  wheat  31/0     Bought  from  Jno. 

Lawrence. 
1603-04    &\    "  21/6     Sold  to  a  baker. 

1608-09  13      "       (un-  [42/411     *      "31  mem- 
ground)   bcrs  of  Co.  at  Bridgehouse. 
16  J  wheat        [32/5]    Sold  on  markets, 
meal 


1  Co.  unprepared,  no  corn  for  markets. 


366 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1617-74 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Mercers'  Company. 

Abbreviations:  CD  — "  charges  deducted."  In  1647-48,  the 
charges  on  250$  qrs.  of  wheat  meal  sold  on  the  market  were  £20 
14  s.  g\  d.,  or  about  1  s.  8  d.  per  qr. 

Source  —  Second  Wardens  Accounts,  vols.  1617-1629,  1630-1639, 
1648-1658,  1671-1676,  preserved  in  the  Mercers'  Hall. 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price    sale  and  purchase 

s.  d. 

Ul/*W  Sold  on  markets. 

Date 

Amt 

in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 
[«4/ol 

sale  and  purchase 

161 7-18  26  wheat 

1628-25 

3  wheat 

Sold     at     Queen- 

Bought  from 

hithe. 

27  Jan.  45  Danzig  wht.  40/0       Rob.  Greenewell. 

1620-30  100 

"  (2  lots)  [3 

Sold  on  mkts.,  CD. 

98  wheat 

38/0       Mr.    Venne   and 

45 

■ 

137/iil 

"      "       "CD. 

Hy.  Perry. 

20 

■ 

U*/3il 

■     «       "     CD. 

6      ■ 

[15/2U  Sold  on  markets, 

1 

■ 

48/0 

« 

CD. 

50 

• 

[37/ll 

■   on  mkts.,  CD. 

Bought  from 

1630-31 

4ii§wbt.  &  rye  (41/7}]   ■      *       "      at 

1610-20  sij    " 

[19/iof]  Nich.  Nenison. 

several  prices. 

60  Sussex  wht 

18/6       Repentance  Avis. 

Bought  from 

58  J  wheat 

18/11}  Bought. 

100  rye 

50/o 

Marcus  Brands. 

1620-21  107      " 

15/0     Sold.' 

100  Irish  wht 

44/0 

Aid.  Freeman. 

8irye 

1 1/8 

Si  rye 

38/0 

Dan  Garnish. 

12  wheat  meal  [14/0]    Sold  on  mkts.  CD. 
1621-22 

Early  in  yr.  1  "Corne"   20/0     Sold. 
28  Aug.  10  "Corne"      [30/oil     ■     CD. 
14  Sept.  12        ■             I37/1]       "      CD. 

22  "wheete"     [35/4]       "      CD. 

18     "              [36/6H    «     CD. 
1622-23  204J  wheat       [37/3$!  Sold     at     Queen- 
hithe  market.1 

1631-32 

40  wht.  &  rye 
20  wheat 

100      " 

75      ' 
40      * 

60      " 

[27/4] 
[48/0] 
[38/9] 

36/0 
36/10 

38/7 

Sold  on  markets.4 
■      a           «       4 
«      «          «       « 

Bought  from 
Rob.Ryelss.ex.]. 
Marke  Pearce 

[ios.  extra]. 
Ed.  Hales. 

8  Jan.  60  East  Country  wheat  52/0 

Bought  from  Roger  Henning,  a  mercer. 
11  Feb.  120  wheat         46/0     Bought. 
1623-24     8  J    "             [25/oi]  Sold  on  mkts.,  CD. 

3  Apr.  100      ■             [38/0I    Bought  from  Mr. 

19 

IO§ 

47 
40 
3i 

a 
m 
m 

38/3 
38/0 
38/0 
36/0 
36/o 

Jno.  Saffull. 
Jno.  Saffull. 
Abr.  Rye. 
Abr.Rye.  [5  s.  ex.] 
Wm.  Bladwell,  a 
merchant. 

1624-25  60  "corne" 

VUI. 

[40/0]    Sold  for  king's  use. 

1632-33  235 J 

« 

[36/7!]  Sold  on  markets.4 

43      " 
50  wheat 

37/0        "    on  markets. 
[40/0]    Bought  from 

15 

168J 

■ 

30/0 
41/7 

Bought. 

Chamberlain  of  City. 

1633-34 

180J 

■ 

[37/1 1]  Sold  (on  markets].* 

1623-26  103    " 

[34/4}]  Sold     at     Queen- 

Bought  from 

hithe,  CD. 

43 

a 

43/o 

Wm.  Austin. 

1626-27    3      " 

[29/4I    Sold. 

100 

* 

42/0 

Rob.  Bell. 

Bought  from 

SO 

• 

43/o 

Sir  Geo.  Sands. 

92!    " 

30/0       Francis  Bridges.' 

6J 

« 

40/0 

Warden  Chap- 

3     " 

33/0       Mr.  Cradock. 

man. 

19      " 

33/0       Jno.  South. 

100 

« 

41/0 

John  Goger. 

95l    ■ 

31/0       Jno.  Haine. 

I634-3S  *72i 

« 

(37/11]  Sold  on  markets.4 

1627-28  207    " 

[as/7l]    John  Carre. 

70 

m 

137/4J] 

«        a              a         4 

'  "  being  much  troubled  with  the  weavle." 
*  Costs  and  losses  deducted. 


'  10  s.  less  on  the  whole. 

4  "  all  charges  deducted  except  for  grinding.' 


APPENDIX  E 


367 


Prices  of  Corn,  1617-74  (continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date       Amt.  in  qrs 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

Date      Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

s.  d. 

Bought  from 

s.  d. 

1634-35  100  wheat 

38/0 

Sir  Geo.  Sands. 

1645-47  None  sold  or 

>ought. 

150      " 

39/6 

Mr.  Johnston. 

1647-48  250  wht.  meal 

48/0 

"Sold  to  the  poor." 

77*    * 

38/0 

Mr.  Bell. 

1648-49      7  wheat 

48/0 

Sold. 

49i    * 

!38/o 

Sir  Geo.  Sands. 

Sold  to 

1      « 

36/0 

Mr.  Greeneway. 

1649-50  251      ■ 

60/0 

Mich.   Dawes  & 

1635-36  230      " 

[33/n]  Sold  on  markets.1 

Gilb.  Maddock. 

300I    * 

[38/9  }] 

U          It                «           1 

too      " 

60/0 

Thos.  Floud. 

1636-37  None  sold  or 

bought. 

20      " 

60/6 

a              a 

1637-38  100  wheat 

42/0 

Sold  for  king's  use. 

42      * 

48/0 

Sold  weekly  to  the 

no      " 

[39/i  J] 

"   on  mkts.,  CD. 

poor  of  the  Co. 

150  Fr.  wheat   39/0 

Bought  from  Jno. 

1650-51  None  bought 

or  sold. 

Batty. 

1651-52      2  wheat 

44/0 

Sold    to    "  under- 

1638-39  None  sold  or 

bought. 

officers  "  of  the  Co. 

1630-40  135  wheat 

28/0 

Bought  from  John 

Bought  from 

Orwell. 

1652-53  108      ' 

34/o 

Rich.  Backensall. 

1640-41  None  sold  or 

bought. 

23      " 

32/0 

"            ■ 

1641-42  248J  wheat 

28/0 

Sold    to    Francis 

77l    " 

32/6 

Wm.  Allen. 

Smith. 

49*    " 

26/8 

"         ■ 

Bought  from 

1653-54  None  bought 

or  sold. 

5*i     ■ 

32/0 

John  Gogar. 

1654-55  300  wheat 

22/6 

Bought  from  Jno. 

28 

32/0 

Francis  Smith.' 

Loveday. 

100  "  Come 

'  3^/6 

«            « 

1655-56  None  bought 

or  sold. 

49}  wheat 

32/6 

u                   « 

1657-58  261  wheat 

36/0 

Sold  to  two  bakers 

20        " 

31/0 

■                 u 

out  of  the  Bridgehouse. 

ioo|      " 

33/6 

u                 a 

1666-73  None  bought 

or  sold. 

I5S        " 

34/o 

"                 * 

1673-74 

1642-44  None  sold  or 

bought. 

8  Jan.   60  wheat  40/ 

3      Sold  to  Thos.  Spurling. 

1644-45  43  J  wheat 

32/6 

Bought. 

1674-90  No  corn  accounts. 

/ 

Prices  of  Corn,  1634-58 
Bought  and  sold  by  the  Haberdashers'  Company. 


These  prices 

»  are 

taken  from  the  General  Account 

Books,  vols. 

1634-1653,  1653-1668,  Haberdashers'  Hall. 

Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date     Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 
s.d. 

42/0 

sale  and  purchase 

Date     Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

s.d. 
38/0 

sale  and  purchase 

1634  100  Fr.  wheat 

Bought. 

1636  132}  wheat 

Bought. 

40  Hamburg* 

36/6 

" 

1638  200      " 

42/0 

Sold. 

i6ii       ■ 

38/0 

■ 

i35i    " 

[39/o] 

"     on  markets. 

90  Fr.          " 

40/0 

■ 

16      ■ 

44/6 

Bought. 

1635    80  wheat 

38/0 

■ 

14      " 

41/6 

■ 

Qi      ' 

39/0 

■ 

60      " 

44/0 

■ 

100  Fr.  wheat 

35/0 

■ 

[44l     " 

44/0 

*      from  Lucas 

370  wheat 

b  7/3 11  Sold  on  markets. 

Lucy. 

85      " 

34/o 

"     privately. 

10      " 

42/0 

Bought. 

1636    90      ■ 

37/o 

■     on  markets. 

248!    ■ 

36/0 

"      from  Aid. 

89      " 

38/0 

Bought. 

Andrews. 

40      " 

35/o 

" 

1639  188J    " 

[29/0] 

Sold  privately. 

40I    * 

32/0 

■ 

28      « 

35/o 

Bought. 

1  "  all  charges  deducted  except  for  grinding." 


1  His  reward  is  i  s.  per  qr.  —  gratuity. 


368- 


APPENDIX  E 


Prices  of  Corn,  1634-58  {continued) 


Particulars  of 

Particulars  of 

Date    Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price      sale  and 
».  d. 

33/0     Bought. 

purchase 

Date     Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

s.  d. 
40/0 

sale  and  purchase 

1639     6J  wheat 

1644  3  Kentish  wheal 

Bought. 

112I    " 

35/o           ' 

1646  151  wheat 

38/0 

Sold  to  several  ba- 

xoo    " 

31/0           " 

kers. 

1643  100  decayed  wht 

.  28/0     Sold. 

ao      " 

37/o 

Sold  to  several. 

306J  wheat 

I30/7J]  Bought. 

1647    Si      " 

48/0 

"     on  markets. 

1643 145        " 

40/0           " 

41      ' 

56/0 

*     to  bakers  and 

9        * 

38/0 

meatmen. 

57 

37/o           " 

1648  iooj    " 

48/0 

Sold  "  to  the  use  of 

3»         * 

35/o           " 

the  poore." 

40         " 

33/o 

1653    20      " 

30/0 

Bought. 

1644    46        « 

28/0     Sold. 

1658    20j    " 

U»/o] 

Sold. 

Prices  of  Corn,  1636-65 

Bought  and  sold  by  the  Fishmongers'  Company. 
The  year  runs  from  Midsummer  to  Midsummer. 
Source  —  Wardens  Accounts,  vols.  1636-58,  1658-82,  Fishmongers' 
Hall. 

Particulars  of 
Date     Amt.  in  qrs.     Price      sale  and  purchase 

1642-48  None  sold  or  bought  ? 

1653-54  s-  d.    1  Paid  to  Wm.  Locke 

14  Mar.  200  wheat      34/0     /  baker  for  provision 

14     "      120      *  33/0    J       for  Co. 's  use. 

1654-58  None  bought  or  sold. 

1658-60  48  wheat       42/8       Sold. 

1660-64  None  bought  or  sold. 

1664-65  141  "corne"  42/0       Bought 


Particulars  of 

Date 

Amt 

nqrs. 

Price 

sale  and  purchase 

1636-37 

s.  d. 

2  Mar. 

23J  wheat  [37/0)  ' 

14     " 

94} 

" 

133/5H 

20     " 

00 

■ 

36/0 

Paid  to  Wm.  Locke 

30    " 

99i 

" 

36/3 

>  baker  for  provision 

1641-42 

for  Co.'s  use. 

14  May 

200 

■ 

30/0 

20  June 

50 

" 

31/0    t 

APPENDIX  F 


369 


APPENDIX  F 

STATISTICS  OF  CORN  PRICES,  GENERAL,  1 208-1669 

Particulars  concerning  the  bulk  and  distribution  of  the  prices  of 
wheat  sold  on  the  manors  of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester,  1 208-1 299. 

Total  Number  of  Entrees1  and  Localities,  1 208-1 299 


Year 

Entries 

Localities 

Year 

Entries 

Localities 

1208-09 

38 

34 

"58-59 

127 

40 

1210-11 

5° 

32 

1262-63 

188 

44 

1211-12 

39 

34 

1264-65 

*33 

43 

I 2 13-14 

42 

34 

1265-66 

159 

43 

1215-16 

34 

25 

1266-67 

118 

37 

1217-18 

3i 

25 

1267-68 

88 

33 

I2I8-I9 

30 

27 

1277-78 

156 

4i 

I2I9-20 

3i 

24 

1278-79 

126 

40 

I220-2I 

47 

35 

1282-83 

107 

43 

1223-24 

49 

33 

1283-84 

"5 

39 

1224-25 

35 

31 

1285-86 

no 

43 

1225-26 

38 

27 

1286-87 

87 

36 

1226-27 

30 

28 

1287-88 

81 

38 

1231-32 

59 

29 

1288-89 

112 

4i 

1232-33 

74 

40 

1289-90 

122 

43 

1235-36 

69 

34 

1290-91 

9i 

4i 

1236-37 

47 

36 

1291-92 

96 

4i 

1244-45 

62 

36 

1292-93 

96 

48 

1245-46 

148 

4i 

1293-94 

67 

39 

1246-47 

180 

40 

1297-98 

81 

4i 

1248-49 

169 

44 

1298-99 

90 

45 

1253-54 

161 

41 

1 299-1300 

123 

44 

1254-55 

64 

29 





1257-58 

128 

47 

Total 

4138 

1709 

1  During  the  first  few  years  the  "  entry  "  is  generally  the  total  amount  sold;  later  the  amount  sold 
at  a  particular  price. 

The  order  of  entries  followed  below  is  not  that  of  the  manuscript  but  the  order  of  rising  prices,  which 
is,  however,  often  the  one  also  followed  in  the  original  account  rolls. 


37o 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat 
Sold  on  the  manors  of  the  bishopric  of  Winchester,  1 208-1 299. 

Samoa 


1208-09' 

Adderbury 
qrs.  s.  d. 

34 a/a 

Alrestord 

41 la/81 

ia [3/0I 

ASHMANSWORTH 

16 [2/10U 

Barton 
a3»     (mill)  . .  [2/6*] 

Beauworth 

4 la/i] 

8 [3/0] 

Brightwell 
aoa| [a/7] 

Cheriton 

35* [3/o] 

Clere 
74 [a/8] 

Crawley 
61J [a/61] 

DOWNTON 

noj [a/ioj] 

Fareham 
55* [a/6« 

Farnham 

10  2/0 

7Sl 3/o 

Flodstoc 
1     (mill)  . . .  [2/10] 

Hambledon 
9 [a/61] 

Harwell 
76 [a/gll 

Itchingswell 

3S la/81 

Knoyle 
13 3/0 

Mardon 
a8J [2/7II 


Meon 
qrs.  s.  d. 

xooj [a/ioj] 

Meon,  Church 
ao7 [2/9] 

Overton 
i7l [a/nil 

Privet 

aj I2/8] 

RlMPTON 

71 Ia/7il 

Sparkford 
is     (mill)  . . .  [2/8H 

Sutton 
4a [a/611 

Taunton 
190 [3/3J] 

Twyford 
39 [a/iol] 

Waltham 

ao* [2/ail 


Wargrave 


I'M] 


Wield 


[3/al 


Winchester 
28I     (mill)  . .  Ia/7t] 


Witney 


[a/3ll 


WOODHAY 

44* [a/9ll 

Wycombe 

36 a/4 

80 2/6 

1210-11 

Adderbury 
21     (new). . .  [2/11}] 
24    (old)....  [3/0] 

Alresford 
I7l [3/4iI 


ASHMANSWORTH 

qrs.  s.  d. 

3 [3/io|] 

Beauworth 
a8l [3/1U 

Bentley 

a* [3/0II 

3a [4/0] 

Bitterne 

9 [3/6] 

Chertton 

89i [3/3] 

Clere 

6s 13/"] 

Crawley 
aa 5/5I 


DOWNTON 


[3/711 


Fareham 
81 [3/0] 

Farnham 
46 U/oll 

Hambledon 

9 13/3H 

Insula 
39l l3/»il 

Itchingswell 

1     (old)....  [3/0I 
52 13/Sil 

Knoyle 
aa| [4/0J 

Mardon 

44] L3/10II 

Meon 
34* [3/10] 

Meon,  Church 
204!  +  2  hops.  I3/0U 


Overton 


[3/6] 


qrs.  s.  d. 

8     (old)....  [2/6] 
23     (new)...  [a/7] 

SOUTHWARK 
3a [3/3] 

ao [3/6« 

100 [3/8] 

6a [3/10I 

36 [3/10I 

79 Lj/ioU 

SS [3/«] 

78 [3/«l 

So [4/0] 

100 [4/0] 

ia9 [4/0] 

44 U/61 

Stokx 
11     (old)....  [2/10U 

Sutton 
5* [4/0] 

Taunton 
a6sl [3/4U 

TWYFORD 

10    (old)....  [a/iij 
33     (new). . .   [3/1 1 11 

Waltham 

3l Lj/Sil 

no [4/0] 

Waltham,  North 

31J [3/"] 

Wield 
a8* [a/oil 

Witney 

83     (old)....  [a/ioll 
75     (new).  ..   [a/nil 

Woodhay 

7l U/o] 


Wycombe 


163. 


U/a] 


1211-13 

Adderbury 
8si [a/ill 


1  The  manuscript  is  dated  "  iao7,"  but  the  correct  year  1208-09  has  been  assigned  by  the  editor 
of  this  the  only  printed  roll.     Hall,  Pipe  Roll  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester,  p.  viii. 

The  figures  in  brackets  are  averages  deduced  from  the  amount  sold  and  the  total  price  received. 
The  figures  without  brackets  are  found  in  the  manuscripts. 


APPENDIX  F 


371 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1211-12  (continued) 


Alresford 
qrs.  s.  d. 

I5i l3/o] 

ASHMANSWORTH 

36I [a/6J] 

Beauworth 
23* (3/0] 

Bentley 

10 [a/6] 

IS b/o] 

Brightwell 
47 [a/«|] 

Calbourne 
82I [a/iol] 

Cheriton 

34i b/o] 

Clere 
115  +  1  strike.  [2/9] 

Crawley 
Si [a/6] 

DOWNTON 

ioi     (mUl)  . .  [a/3] 

i4*i [2/9] 

Ebbesborne 
70 [a/5] 

Fareham 
8 b/o] 

Farnham 

16 [a/o] 

8 [a/a] 

Hambledon 

14* b/o] 

Harwell 
8 [a/8] 

Itchingswell 

55i b/iil 

Knoyle 

Si b/o] 

Mardon 
66J [a/9] 

Meon 

is b/o] 

Meon,  Church 

Overton 
Si la/4] 

Rimpton 
a6i.. [1/11J] 


SOUTHWARK 

qrs.  s.  d. 

168 [a/7] 

Stoke 
19 [a/3i] 

Sutton 
33 b/o] 

Taunton 
6     (old)....  [a/4] 
3i4i  +  3  hops 

(new) [a/si] 

TWYFORD 

aoi [a/8|] 

Waltham 
36i [a/6] 

Waltham,  N. 

33i [a/6i] 

Wargrave 

13 [a/7] 

Wield 

ai [a/6« 

39i [3/0] 

Witney 

57 b/o] 

Woodhay 
SoJ [a/9] 

Wycombe 

3 (a/7l 

1313-14 

AODERBURY 
83 [I/Oll 

Alresporo 
14 Wo] 

Ashmansworth 
S  +  1  hop [i/ioi] 

Beauworth 
38} [a/8]] 

Bentley 

Si [a/41 

Bitterne 

4 [a/o] 

Brightwell 

13 la/81 

Cheriton 

49 [a/6il 

Clere 
105 [a/al] 


Crawley 

qrs.  s.  d. 

3 b/o] 

Downton 
IS     (mill)  . . .  [a/o] 
aiSi [3/3] 

Ebbesborne 
I03i [a/6U 

Fareham 
SI [a/11] 

Farnham 

3il [3/4] 

Harwell 

11 [3/0H 

Insula 
I33i [a/7il 

Itchingswell 
30     (new) . . .  [3/3] 
IS     (old)....  [a/8] 

Knoyle 
14 [3/3] 

Mardon 
39 [a/a] 

Meon 
80 a/8 

Meon,  Church 
i67i [a/sil 

RlMPTON 

59 [3/iU 

SOUTHWARK 

34 [a/o] 

74 [a/xj] 

60     (mill)  . . .  [a/8] 

133 [a/8] 

46     (mill)  . . .  b/o] 

36 b/6] 

Stoke 
33J [a/10] 

Sutton 
46  J l3/3« 

Taunton 
no     (old). . . .  [a/a] 
581     (new)...  [a/si] 

TWYFORD 

389!     (mill)  ..  [a/ai] 

Waltham 
i4ii U/i] 


Waltham,  North 
qrs.  s.  d. 

31  +  1  strike..  [3/3U 

Wargrave 
65  +  1  strike.,  [a/ti] 

Wield 
Sii a/o 

Witney 
130 [1/9U 

Woodhay 
36 [3/1] 

Wycombe 
14 [3/9] 

1315-16 
Adderbury 
io6J [a/6] 

Alresford 
4 b/o] 

Beauworth 

3i b/4l 

Bitterne 
7i [a/8] 

Brightwell 

16 a/6 

4 3/0 

Cheriton 

64l [a/8] 

Crawley 

4oi b/al 

Downton 

190 b/3iJ 

8J    (mill)  . .  b/sl 

Ebbesborne 

93 b/a] 

Hambledon 

3l [3/8] 

Insula 
37i  +  1  strike,   [a/ni] 

Knoyle 
36 [a/8] 

Mardon 
48! [a/7] 

Meon 
»i [3/0U 

Meon,  Church 
58 b/4l 


372 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  121 5-16  (continued) 


Morton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

So [a/si] 

Rlmpton 
43 i    (old)...  I2/7J] 
34I    (new)  . .  [2/7U 

SUTTON 

10J I3/0] 

Taunton 

a (mill)  [2/8] 

10 +  2  hops  "    [3/3!) 
So +  2   «      •    [3/4U 

21 «    [3/4J] 

210J [3/6] 

12I+3  hops  (mill)  [3/7] 
4+3  hops  (mill)  l3/8f] 

TlCHEBURN 

28 [2/gJJ 

Waltham 

60 [3/0] 

Wargrave 

7i I3/0JI 

Wield 
24 [z/o] 

Witney 
120 [2/0] 

Wycombe 
89 U/ioil 

1217-18 
Ashuansworth 

IS IsAll 

Beauworth 

3 U/611 

Bitterne 

i7i U/4J] 

Brightwell 

134 u/iiii 

BuRGHCLERE 

87i IS/"] 

Calbourne 

41 I4/I0U 

Clerk,  High 

6 U/7] 

Crawley 

34i ts/xj] 

Downton 
11     (mill)  . . .  [4/7  !1 
as [5/o] 


Ebbesborne 
qrs.  s.  d. 

8  +  1  strike  . .  [5/1I 

Farnham 
8    (bot.)    ..  [5/10U 

Harwell 
40J U/10J 

Itchingswell 

9* Is/ol 

2 Is/2] 

Ivtnghoe 

39 l5/7il 

Meon 

23 [4/10] 

Meon,  Church 

29 l5/7il 

Rmpton 
2S U/a!l 

SOUTHWARK 

05* Is/o] 

i8I b/o] 

Stoke 
3 b/o] 

Taunton 
23+3  hops  (mill)  Is/oJI 

10+3     *     IS/2i] 

S3 Is/4il 

1 J +3  hops [6/3I 

TlCHEBURN 

3 [4/5] 

TwYFORD 
4« I4/9H 

Waltham 
40 b/sll 

WOODHAY 
60 [S/3|] 

Wycombe 
S« Is/ol 

1218-19 

Adderbury 

6 Is/o] 

Ashuansworth 

iSi l5/3il 

Beauworth 

S7 I4/6] 

Brightwell 
39S  ■■ Is/5  J] 


Burghclere 
qrs.  t.  d. 

118 [5/3i] 

Calbourne 
3o ls/7»] 

Chertton 

46 U/ioJ] 

Clere,  High 
o* [5/0] 


Crawley 


[6/0] 


Downton 
6+1  strike  +  i  bush. 

Is/ Si] 
81+ 1  strike  ...  16/oJ] 

Ebbesborne 
17! Is/a] 

Fareham 

30 [4/0] 

So I4/6] 

32 Is/o] 

Freefolk 
108 b/iiil 

Haubleoon 

IS W*\\ 

Harwell 

124 Is/sil 

Itchingswell 
1     (in  gross) . .  [5/4] 

Ivtnghoe 

87i IS/61] 

Mardon 

24 l5/i] 

Meon 

141 I4/10] 

Morton 

44* Is/o] 

Rtmpton 

26 [6/0] 

SOUTHWARK 

09    (mill)  . . .  Is/o] 

Stokk 

40* Is/9f] 

Sutton 
3S [4/6] 

Waltham 
66* I3/8] 


Witnky 
qrs.  s.  d. 

*7o| Is/a] 

Wycombe 

So Is/iil 

1210-20 
Adderbury 

«3i l3/7i] 

Bentley 

47i 4/4 

Bitterne 
3ii [3/7] 

Brightwell 

69* [3/2U 

19*     (mill)  . .  [4/0] 

Chertton 

48* [3/3J] 

Crawley 

47! I2/10J 

Downton 
392 I3/1J] 

Ebbesborne 
62*    (best)..  [3/0] 

Fareham 

2Si I2/4] 

68 [3/8I 

35* I4/0] 

Farnham 
IS UAH 

Harwell 

43 13/8] 

Insula 
91 l3/8il 

Ivtnghoe 

102 [3/2] 

20J I3/11] 

Knoylk 

10 I3/9H 

Mardon 
aso Lj/sil 

Meon,  Church 

23* I4/0] 

Morton 

SS l3/8i] 

Overton 
ii [3/9*1 


APPENDIX  F 


373 


RlMPTON 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1219-20  (continued) 

Fareham 


qrs. 
4- 


Sutton 


8. 
3S- 

39- 
13  • 


s.  d. 
[3/4] 

[2/4] 
[3/0] 
[3/4] 
[3/8] 

Taunton 
248*+ 3  hops.  [4/2]] 

TwYFORD 
I73J [Vio] 

Waltham,  North 
47i b/6« 

Wycombe,  Church 
io4i [3/ioi] 

1220-21 

Adderbury 

5©} [4/4I 


28. 


Alresford 

[4/0] 


Beauworth 

a8J U/ail 

Bentley 
9*1 I6/0] 

BlTTERNE 

isi fa/sil 

BURGHCLERE 

4S§ IS/6H 

Calbourne 
84 Is/8i] 


Cheriton 


60. 


[4/11] 


Cheriton,  Church 
7*i U/sil 

Clere,  High 
4f  (bought)    [4/4] 
6} [5/9] 

Crawley 
aoj I4/7J] 

DOWNTON 

166J     (old)...  I3/0] 
303       (new)    .  [5/5*] 

Ebbesborne 
56i U/ioil 


qrs. 
8. 


s.  d. 
....  [4/4I 

12 [5/0I 

11 [5/0] 

12 [6/0] 

Farnham 
«iJ Is/s« 


Freefolk 


36. 


[5/7*1 


Hambleoon 
2} Is/SH 

Itchingswell 

77i [5/1] 

Ivinghoe 

231 J [5/4*1 

Knoyle 
61 U/7il 

Mardon 
162I [s/311 

Meon 

1 [6/9I 

Morton 

43* ts/iil 

RlMPTON 

25     (old)....  U/sfl 
20}  (new).  .  .   [4/7 Jl 

Southwark 

43 Is/ail 

Stoke 

65 15/311 

Sutton 
42} [3/6*1 

Taunton 
7     (mill)    ....  [4/ioi] 
3  +3  hops  (mill)  [5/2 ]] 
12J+1  hop  (mill)  [5/4U 

203     (old) [5/5II 

6+1  hop  (mill)  [5/7 Jl 
4°+i  "  "  [5/10I 
393+ihop  (new)  [6/1  J] 

Ticheburn 
13J U/3] 

TWYFORD 

124* [5/5*1 

Waltham 
290! [5/6I 


Waltham,  North 
qrs.  s.  d. 

30*+ 1  hop    ..  [6/3] 

Wield 
24 I6/0] 

Witney 
138I [5/0U 

Wycombe 
253* [5/6*1 

1223-24 

Adderbury 

hi  J    (new). .   [i/iiJ 

Si     (old)...  [2/0] 

Alresford 

51* [2/2il 

Ashmansworth 

118 [2/7J] 

BeAUWORTH 
8of [2/l§J 

BlTTERNE 

43} [3/i] 

Brightwell 

4991 [2/6*1 

i9i     (mill)  . .  [3/sil 

Burghclere 
257i [2/7I 

Calbourne 
36 [a/ifl 

Cheriton 
138 [2/8] 

Clerk,  High 

13I [2/2] 

Crawley 
58* [2/10J] 

DOWNTON 
375* [2/lil 

1888 (3/oil 

Fareham 

90 [2/10] 

6} [3/0I 

3il [3/4l 

Hambledon 

59 [2/10] 

129* [2/3  Jl 

Itchingswell 
241I [a/61] 


Ivinghoe 

qrs.  s.  d. 

53i     (old)...  [2/4*1 

187 i    (new)    .  [2/sil 

Knoyle 

9    (old)....  [2/0I 

130    (new)    ..  [a/6J] 

Mardon 
62     (old)....   [3/0I 
274     (new) . . .  [3/2]  1 

Meon 
3°7i [2/ioil 

Meon,  Church 
261} [2/7]] 

Morton 
68 [2/6H 

Overton 

361 [2/4] 

1 J    (mill)  . .  [2/4! 

RlMPTON 

97*     (new)    1 
1}      old       f[2/9i] 

Stoke 

«°i [2/9H 

106    (old)....  [2/10I 


Sutton 


69  J- 


[2/7il 


Taunton 

137*    (old)...  [3/ii] 

362*4-3  hops  (new) 

[3/5l 

Twyford 

232J     (new)    .  [2/8]] 

76       (old)...  [3/2U 


108. 


Waltham 
[3/0] 


Waltham,  North 
66} [2/5}] 

Wield 
961 I2/3H 

Witney 
145}     (old)...  [i/ni] 
184I     (new)    .  [2/3] 


Woodhay 


87. 


[2/1}] 


Woodhay  Totnes 
iisl [a/9] 


374 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1223-24  {continued) 


Wycombe 
qrs.  s.  d. 

188*     (new)..   [2/11J] 
ao6f     (old)...  [3/6J] 

I3J4-JS 

ALRESFORD 

54* [5/xoJ] 

Beauworth 

44 l5/5il 

Bentley 
a8J I5/0J 

BlTTERNE 
30i l7/lj] 

Brightweix 
00 k/ioj] 

BURGHCLERE 

i    (mill)  . . .  [6/0] 

ios [5/3JI 

Chertton 
Mi IsAll 

Cleke,  High 
38 [5/9] 

Crawley 
46 [6/7I] 

DOWNTON 
2S6t [5/911 

13I     (mill)  . .  [6/0*] 
Ebbesborne 

Sa [6/0J] 

Fareham 

ao [5/6] 

36! 7/0 

Harwell 
no* [s/iil 

Itchingswell 
SSi [6/iiJ 

IVINGHOE 

OSl IS/811 

Mardon 
aoi U/"*l 

Meon 
asif [6/3*1 

Meon,  Church 
x8i| [6/5U 

Morton 
aoi  (bought)    [4/4*] 


Overton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

a6 [3/7] 

SCALDEFLEET 
38i [5/8] 

Stoke 
83i ls/o] 

Sutton 
38 Is/6*1 

Taunton 
229*     (old)...  [6/o*] 
a36i     (new)..  [6/2*1 

TwYFORD 

174 Is/ol 

Waltham 
77i [7/9*1 

Waltham,  North 

87 [5/5*1 

Wargrave 

33 [6/4*1 

Wield 
46i [6/3*1 

Witney 
205} U/gi] 

Wycombe 
161 [5/3*1 

1225-26 

AODERBURY 

64i [3/9l 

Alresford 

2i [4/4il 

BlTTERNE 

48i [5/iil 

Brightweix 

3o8i U/Sil 

14     (miU)  . . .  [5/oil 

BURGHCLERE 
I      (mill)  .  .  .    [4/4I 
28o [5/1] 

Calbourne 
"6i [5/1I 

Chertton 
oi [4/7I 

Downton 

296! [4/11I 

14i     (mOl)  . .   [5/1I 


Ebbesborne 
qrs.  s.  d. 

108I [5/2J 

Hambledon 

721 [4/8] 

Ivtnghoe 
43J     (old)...  [4/0] 

Itcbtngswell 

iosi [5/oil 

Knoyle 

140 [4/7] 

Mardon 
230 [5/ii] 

Meon 
349i [5/2il 

Meon,  Church 

95 15/all 

Morton 

87 UAH 

Overton 
of    (mill)  . .  [4/6*] 
52 [5/4*1 

RlMPTON 

"4i UAil 

SCALDEFLEET 

44 [6/10*] 

Stoke 
72* [5/0J 

Taunton 

51 (mill)  k/oJl 

23+1  hop    ■      ls/o*] 

7  4-6  hops  "      [5/oi] 
460+3  ■      "      Is/il 
15+6    «      «      [5/i*l 

a +6   «      ■      [5/10] 

TWYFORD 
214 [5/1*1 

Waltham 

5     (mill)  . . .  [5/0] 

209     (new)  . . .  [5/0*] 

47i     (old)...   [5/2] 

Waltham,  North 

8  (bought)  .  U/i*l 

Witney 

205* [3/9II 

Wycombe 
2i8i UAil 


1226-27 

Adderbury 

qrs.  s.  d. 

29*  (bought)  .  [4  3JI 

5il [5/2] 

Alresford 
OSl [5/3*1 

BlTTERNE 
23 [6/li] 

BURGHCLERE 

xo6i [6/5I 

Calbourne 

33+2  hops  ..  Is/ si] 

in +2    "     ..  [5/6*] 

Chertton 
121I [s/ol 

Clerk,  High 

14 [6/0] 

Crawley 
37 [5/oiJ 

Downton 
188I [5/8*1 

Ebbesborne 
48 U/8*l 

Fareham 

124* [5/4I 

Harwell 
64i [6M1 

Itchingswell 

6ii [5/9] 

Ivtnghoe 
207I [5/3*] 

Knoyle 
90 (5/8*1 

Mardon 
210* [4/11] 

Meon 
S02 [5/8*1 

Morton 
90 [5/3! 

Overton 
2ii [5/6*1 

SOUTHWARK 

192     (mill)  .  .  .  [5/1] 

Stoke 
63 Is/ol 


APPENDIX  F 


375 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1226-27  {continued) 


Sutton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

25 Is/xU 

Taunton 
121 1 [5/0I 

TWYFORD 

150 Is/2i] 

Waltham 
158} Is/si) 

Warenne 

i37i IS/9U 

Wield 
112 Is/84] 

Wycombe 
150* [5/5*1 

1231-32 
Adderbury 

8ii I3/8J] 

Alresford 

57? U/i] 

Bentley 

i84J U/Sfl 

Bitterne 

47i UM1 

Brightwell 

170} [3/11] 

2o|     (miU)  . .  U/iJ] 

Burghclere 
210 [3/10] 

Calbourne 

6si [3/61] 

99i l5/a« 

Cheriton 
98I   [3/»i] 

Clerk,  High 
20 [4/6] 


Crawley 
5>o| [4/0II 

DOWNTON 
14 UM] 

37S U/4  J] 

Hambledon 

8 [3/3H 

25! [3/9] 

43 U/o] 

Harwell 

79I U/iJ] 


Ivtnghoe 
qrs.  s.  d. 

i76| [3/8J] 

Mardon 

216 b/u|] 

108 [4/2] 

52 Is/o« 

Meon 

38 [3/4] 

i6i [3/6] 

I38J [3/8] 

168 [4/0] 

20 [4/1] 

7o| [4/2] 

Meon,  Church 

12I [3/8] 

52 [3/10] 

7i U/o] 

28} [4/2] 

isl U/4] 

9of [4/6] 

9 U/7] 

2i| [4/8] 

Overton 
0} [3/631 

RlMPTON 

no Is/oil 

SOUTHWARK 

60    (mill)  . . .  [2/2] 

6         "...  [3/4] 

12         "...  [3/6] 

24         "      ...  [4/0] 

12         "      ...  [4/0] 

12         "...  [4/5] 

20         "      ...  [5/0] 
Stoke 

i°5 U/oJ] 

Sutton 

69i U/oi] 

Taunton 

567 [5/6J] 

TlSTED 

45i [3/»°i] 

Twyford 
268 I3/9H 

Waltham 

104! [4/0] 

U/o] 

[4/0] 

U/3J1 

[4/4] 

U/4) 


3*     (mill) 
if         " 

4i       ■ 

1651 

3     (mill)  . 


Wield 
qrs.  s.  d. 

Mi L3/8J] 

Witney 
250I [4/3$] 

Wycombe 

222} [4/0] 

1232-33 

Adderbury 
48i [2/7] 

7i [3/0] 

Alresford 
3|     (mill)  . .    3/0 
2  "      ..    3/4 

I33l b/ioj] 

ii     (mill)  . .    4/0 

Ashmansworth 

25f [3/8i] 

Beauworth 

64 [3/6U 

Bentley 

139I [3/9J] 

Bitterne 

4} 3/4 

10 3/8 

Brightwell 
215  J b/7] 

Burghclere 
182! [4/oi] 

Calbourne 

1*61 l3/8il 

6o| [3/9il 

Calbourne,  Church 
44i [3/iof] 

CnERTTON 
I52j [3/8U 

Clere,  High 
19 (3/2il 

CORHAUFTON 

i33i [3/10] 

Crawley 
98i I3/10] 

DOWNTON 

36ii [3/7] 

Ebbesborne 
I37i l3/7i] 


Fareham 
qrs.  s.  d. 

io7i [4/3] 


Hambledon 


5i- 
48J. 

si. 


69.. 
14.  . 
10J. 

i5i- 


3/4 
3/6 

3/7 

3/8 

4/0 
4/4 

4/S 
4/6 


Harwell 
99i [3/8I] 

HlWECHURCH 
» U/5l] 

Itchtngswell 
Uii [3/7il 

Ivinghoe 
*8oi [3/3I] 

Knoyle 

20i       (Old)...    [3/6] 

135       (new)  . .  [3/8J1 

Mardon 

383 [3/7J] 

461 [3/10J] 

Meon 
48ii L3/9il 


Meon,  Church 


12I. 

12i. 

15- • 
61I. 
i6|. 
25i- 
53-  ■ 
I9i- 


...  3/i 

•••  3/2 

•••  3/3 

...  3/4 

...  3/5 

...  3/6 

...  3/8 

...  4/0 

Overton 

1     (mill)  . . .  [3/4] 
95i [3/8] 

RlMPTON 
[4/2l] 

Southwark 


108 


20     (mill) 


3/6 

3/6 

3/8 

3/8 

3/10 

3/io 

4/0 

5/6 


376 


APPENDIX  F 


Stoke 
qrs.  S.  d. 

I20* I3/9U 

Sutton 
61 I4/0II 

Taunton 
680+1  hop  ...  [2/3 J 

Tisted 
63J [4/1] 

TWYTORD 

364I l3/«ll 

Waltham 
34i 3/4 

461 3/6 

iso 3/8 

p8i 4/0 

61 s/o 

Waltham,  North 

5*1 [4/iJ] 

Wield 

142J Lj/811 

Witney 

iso* (3/3« 

Woodhay 

89I [3/811 

Wycombe 
asil 13/711 

1 93S-36 

Adderbury 
55l l3/i] 

Alresford 
5©l U/o] 

ASHMANSWORTH 
34 [3/61 

Bentley 
6»1 [3/9] 

BlTTERNE 
27* [4/3] 

Brightwell 

163! (3/1] 

30}     (mill)  . .  U/all 

BURGHCLERE 

o|     (mill)  . .  [3/4] 

98 (3/711 

Calbourne 

37 [3/81] 

59 L3/9J] 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1232-33  (continued) 

Cheriton 


qrs. 
«3l- 


s.d. 

(3/0l 

Crawley 
5i| (3/ioil 

DOWNTON 
IO b/3l 

2    (mill)  . . .  I3/6I 

381 [4/0] 

10    (mill)  . . .  [4/0] 

Ebbesborne 

27 [3/6] 

*9 [3/81 

aoj [3/10I 

Fareham 

74l I3/0H 

Fasnham 

7 [3/4] 

I7l [3/8] 

8 I3/10] 

»1 U/o] 

Hambledon 

5 I3/6] 

2 L3/8] 

2 [3/9I 

39 U/°] 

20I [4/1] 

7 I4/2I 

Itchingswell 

"I* l3/5l] 

IVINCHOE 

sail I3/0U 

Knoyle 

4tl (3/oil 

Mardon 

234 [3/10U 

Meon 

231I L3/6I 

Meon,  Church 

3il [3/4l] 

i6ol I3/4D 

Overton 

ol     (mill)  . .  [2/8! 

65* [3/ioil 


Rimpton 


13/4] 
[3/4l 
t3/81 
[3/8] 
[3/tol 


Southwark 
qrs.  s.  d. 

40  (mill)  . . .  [3/0] 
[3/4] 
b/4l 
[3/8] 
[3/8] 
U/ol 


Stoke 


70l. 


[4/2I 


Taunton 
4941+3  hops  .  [4/3 U 

Twyeord 
i77l [3/10] 

Waltham 

33 [3/811 

52 U/°l 

24l U/2I 

10 [4/4] 

Waltham,  North 
65 I3/6] 

Wargrave 

3 U/o] 

I3t 13/9U 

Wield 

66 [2/10] 

21 [3/6] 

x81 [3/8] 

14 U/ol 

iol [4/0I 

Witney 
209I b/ij] 

Woodhay 
102} [3/7II 

Wycombe 
169I [3/ill 

1236-37 

Adderbury 

72i [4/4I 

Alresford 
9ol U/oll 

Bamelduna 
92 [3/ioil 

Beauworth 
63 [4/oll 

BlTTERNE 
2li [3/8] 


Brightwell 

qrs.  s.  d. 

24I     (mfll)  . .  [3/7I 

2741 I3/10I 

Burghclere 

32     (old)   ...  [3/4II 

o|     (miU)  . .  I3/6I 

Clere,  High 
58 [3/10H 

Cheriton 
I4©1 [4/1I 


Crawley 


U/311 


DOWNTON 

»8ol 3/7J 

Eseberes' 
41I [4/0I 


Esford 


iol. 


[3/4l 


Esford,  Church 
249I [3/8H 

Fareham 
3l     (mill)  . .  I3/10II 
138I [4/3l 

Farnham 
12}     (old)   ..  [4/0] 
18!  (new)  . . .  [4/4H 

FONTHILL 

56} l3/8« 

Itchingswell 
29I     (old)...  [3/911 

IVTNGHOE 
202i [3/6U 

Knoyle 
1361 I3/10I 

Mardon 

246I I4/0I] 

Meon 

581 [3/9II 

Morton 
128I L3/S*l 

Overton 

63I l3/ioil 

Rimpton 
140I [5/1I 


APPENDIX  F 


377 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1236-37  (continued) 


Sutton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

7oi U/61J 

Taunton 

5t>9i+3hops  .  [5/7  il 

TWYFORD 

33* l4/i] 

Waltham 

23 [3/6] 

6f Is/6] 

8s [3/8] 

n6i [3/ni] 

61     (mill)  . .  [4/1] 

6f        «     ..  [4/2] 

So! [4/6] 

9i [5/o] 

Waltham,  North 

91 I3/11] 

Wargrave 

I7l U/sll 

Welewe 

ni U/3J] 

Wield 

129 U/o] 

Witney 
270J [3/9J] 

WOODHAY 

136! UAil 

Wycombe 
212   I4/3U 

1244-45 
Adderbury 
iioJ  (mixed)  .  [1/8] 

Alresford 
55*     (mill)  . .  [2/8] 

ASHMANSWORTH 

si 2/3 

Beauworth 

II 2/S 

20 2/6 

9 2/61 

IS 2/8. 

IS 2/9 

10 2/10 


Bentley 


2/2 

2/4 

2/6 
2/8 


BlTTERNE 

qrs.  s.  d. 

«i 2/8 

21 I3/0] 

Brightwell 

97 [2/3U 

Calbourne 
88 [2/10U 

Clerk,  High 
19 [a/7l 

Crawley 
88i [2/6H 

DOWNTON 

8si [2/iil 

13 1  (tolcorn)    [3/2  fl 

Ebbesborne 
961 [2/lJJ 

F.VREHAU 

oi [3/0] 

Farnham 
oi 2/2 

21 2/2 

8 2/4 

11 2/6 

6 3/0 

FONTHILL 
S4l [l/"il 

Hambledon 

29i [1/8] 

Harwell 
I33i U/6i] 

Itchingswell 
120} [2/10I] 

IVINGHOE 

3ioi [2/3U 

Knoyle 

69I [i/ioj] 

Mardon 
318I [2/sil 

Meon 
210 [1/8] 

Meon,  Church 

77i [i/ioj] 

39* [2/6] 

Morton 
89i [2/1] 


Overton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

ii [2/8] 

37  J     (mill)  . .  [j/ii] 

RlMPTON 

»7i [3/4] 

Sutton 

11I 2/4I 

11 2/6 

14 2/8 

9 2/9 

Taunton 
8o9i [3/10U 

TWYFORD 
24i 2/5 

S8 2/6 

IS 2/7 

26 2/8 

i6i 2/9 

42 2/10 

Waltham 
oi     (mill)  . .   [2/8] 

i66f [2/9] 

7i     (mill)  . .  [2/10] 

Waltham,  North 
38i [2/iil 

Wargrave 
ioi [i/oj] 

Wield 
92 [2/8] 

Witney 

141I [i/3il 

Woodhay 
62 [2/4] 

Wycombe 
59 [2/0] 

124S-46 
Adderbury 

7 2/6 

3oi 2/8 

9§ 3/o 

Alresford 

7 3/0 

4 3/i 

oj     (mill)  . .    3/2 
1 J      "      ...    3/3 

6 3/4 

6 3/6 

1     (mill)  ...    3/8 
7 4/0 


Ashmansworth 

qrs.  s.  d. 

18 2/10 

U 3/0 

26! 3/2 

16 3/4 

«4i 4/0 

Beauworth 

21! 2/10 

6i 3/0 

3 4/0 

Bentley 

16 2/8 

10 3/4 

27 4/0 

BlTTERNE 
16 3/6 

3J 4/0 

Brightwell 

i7i| [2/11II 

23    (mill)...  [3/2I] 

Burghclere 
o* [2/8I 

55! 3/0 

27i 3/4 

66* 3/8 

36 4/6 

Calbourne 
38 [4/1] 


Cheriton 


2/1 1 

3/o 

3/1 

3/4 

3/8 

4/0 


Clere,  High 

20 3/2 

9l 3/6 

Crawley 
5ii L3/10H 

DOWNTON 

13*    (mill)  . .  fa/a] 
n8i [3/7] 

Ebbesborne 

9 I2/8I 

8* I3/0I 


ESSERE 


oi. 


U/oI 


378 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1245-46  {continued) 


Fareham 
qrs.  s.  d. 

»7* 3/4 

so! 4/0 

Faknhau 

a6| 3/0 

i?l 4/o 

FONTHILL 
34« U/i] 

Hambledon 

IS a/8 

"J 3/3 

Harwell 
"9I L3/4) 

J.TCHINGSWELL 

44* 3/6 

20 4/0 

20 4/6 


IVINGHOE 


16.. 
30.. 
20.  . 
16.. 

»f. 

20.  . 

4-  ■ 
26.. 

2I|. 


2/2 

»/4 

2/8 

3/o 

3/3 

3/4 

3/4i 

3/6 

4/0 


Knoyle 
4ot [3/iiI 

Mardon 
22}  (old)...  2/10 

4©1 3/8 

41 4/0 

i8i 4/6 

Meon 

86  (new)  . . 
153    " 

42 1  (old). 

4*i  '  • 

4  " 

74i  (new) 


2/2 

2/4 

i/oi 

3/0 
3/6 
3/6 

Morton 

16 2/7 

20 2/8 

3 3/0 

12 3/2. 

aj 3/2 

8 3/4 

7 3/6 

6 3/61 

6 3/8 


Munes  Aysford 
qrs.  s.  d. 
I5i 3/3 

Munes,  Church 

57 a/61 

21 J 3/0 

Overton 

12 3/0 

14 3/6 

isi 4/0 

SOUTHWARK 

9 3/1 

6 3/4 

7 3/6 

16 3/8 

I2| 4/0 

15 4/a 

Stoke 

16 3/6 

15 3/8 

7 3/io 

26}... 4/0 

4 4/l 

Sutton 

2 2/9 

9 a/9 

9l a/11 

«} 3/0 

7 3/o 

4 3/2 

9i 4/0 

Taunton 
48o| U/8H 

TWYFORD 
II 3/2 

16 3/3* 

7l 3/4 

20 3/6I 

a8J 4/0 

Waltham 

ift     (mill)  . .  [a/8!,] 

61         *      ..  b/a] 

ia| 3/4 

a4l 3/4 

36 4/0 

41I 5/o 

Waltham,  North 

10 3/0 

15 3/6 

i5l 4/0 


Warcrave 
qrs.  ».  d. 

17 3/o 

ioi 3/4 

4* 3/6 

4 4/0 

Wield 

22 2/10 

15 3/o 

7 4/o 

Witney 

4a  J a/o 

29I a/4 

55* a/6 

145* U/3i] 

18 3/4 

WOODHAY 

16 2/8 

10J 2/10 

Wycombe 

2\ 2/2 

22} 2/6 

4 a/81 

6 2/o» 

15! a/10 

1 3/0 

16I 3/4 

19! 3/9 

23I 3/io 

1246-47 

AODERBURY 

4 3/lO 

II 5/o 

ii 5/3 

7 6/0 

4 7/o 

5* 8/0 

1 [8/8] 

Alresford 

ioi 4/a 

a* 5/0 

5 6/6 

61 8/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 

2l+i  bush  ...    s/o 

ASSEFORD 

7i     (bought)  [4/0] 

Bentley 

ao} 4/4 

21 6/6 

22 9/0 


Bitterne 
qrs.  s.  d. 

"1 4/6 

ia 5/0 

5l 6/0 

Brichtwell 
5     (mill)  ...    4/0 

14I 4/4 

5     (mill)...    4/6 

4  '         -.5/0 

ia 5/0 

13 6/0 

%     (mill)  ...  6/6 

a4 7/o 

5  (mill)  ...  8/0 
46J 8/0 

BURGHCLERE 

0}     (mill)  . .  4/0 

25I 5/o 

30 6/0 

4if 7/o 

ill 9/6 

Calbourne 

37J [5/7] 

Chertton 

4 4/3 

5 4/5 

8 5/1 

8 5/4 

12 5/10 

6 6/7 

4 7/o 

8 8/8 

Clere,  High 

3 s/o 

4i 8/0 

Crawley 
35 [7/4] 

DOWNTON 

60 5/6 

2l! 8/0 

21 IO/O 

Ebbesborne 

19 S/o 

3l 6/0 

5 9/o 

Fareham 
12 4/6 

3l [4/loil 

12 S/O 

II 5/8 

4i  (mill)  . .  [8/o] 
23 9/o 


APPENDIX  F 


379 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1246-47  {continued) 


Farnham 
qrs.  s.  d. 

14 4/8 

i3i 6/8 

24 9/o 

FONTHILL 

6 4/8 

3 5/o 

3 6/8 

Hambledon 

"1 3/4 

10 5/0 

81 8/0 

Harwell 

27 4/6 

19 5/o 

16 6/0 

ill 7/o 

11 8/s 

Itchtngswell 

401 5/6 

191 7/0 

2 8/0 

13 9/6 

IvrNGHOE 

4 4/o 

8i 4/7* 

I7l S/o 

I4i 5/4 

1 5/5 

i6| 8/0 

Knoyle 

6i 4/8 

3i 5/o 

3i 6/0 

S 6/8 

iof 11/0 

Mardon 
25I S/o 

2o| 5/6 

10 6/0 

48 7/0 

27 8/0 

Meon 
23i| I6/3H 

Meon,  Church 

30} S/o 

16I 6/6 

47 8/0 


Morton 

qrs.  s.  d. 

12 s/o 

Si 5/6 

8 6/0 

2 7/0 

S 8/0 

Overton 

2 S/o 

of     (mill)  . .  ts/4] 

2 6/8 

3i 8/0 


Rimpton 


4-  • 
6.. 
28.. 

ii. 

4-  • 
4.  . 
Si- 
io». 
61- 
16I.. 


5/4 
6/0 
6/4l 
6/6 
6/8 
7/0 
8/0 
9/0 
10/0 
12/0 
13/4 


Southwark 
(mill)  ...    4/6 
5/3 
S/4 

S/4 

ts/sl 

5/6 

S/10 

S/10 

S/10 

6/8 

6/10 

7/0 

8/0 

8/0 


Stoke 


16.. 
16.. 
i6i. 
I3l- 

10*. 


5/il 

S/7l 

6/2 

7/o 

7/Sl 

6 4/8 

3 4/" 

6 6/6 

S 8/0 

S 8/6 

Taunton 
422! [10/0}] 


Sutton 


i6i. 


Q». 


TWYFORD 

S.  d. 
4/II1 

6/s 

6/6 

7/8 

8/0 

12 8/s 

Waltham 

72I 4/4 

68 s/o 

S     (mill)  . . .   [s/81] 
2         "...   [6/0] 
7oi 8/0 

Waltham,  North 

8 S/o 

8 6/8 

9l 8/0 

Wargrave 

20 4/8 

1 S/o 

2 S/3 

...  S/6 

...  6/8 

WrELD 

7i 4/6 

61 7/0 

Witney 

41 4/0 

21 4/6 

Ui S/o 

8 6/8 

i3l 8/0 

WO0DHAY 


a*. 

ill- 


12 5/2! 

6 6/0 

61 7/6 

4 8/0 

Wycombe 

20I s/o 

27I s/2 

6i s/3 

10I 6/0 

13 6/8 

ii 6/10 

4i 7/o 

14 8/0 

7i 8/2 

1248-49 

Adderbury 

49! 2/8 

30 3/4 

»\ [3/4] 


Alresford 

qrs.  s.  d. 

9* 2/6 

9 2/7I 

12 2/9 

2I     (mill)  . .  2/10 

15* 3/0 

Si 3/2 

Alresford,  Church 
3i 2/10 

19! 2/10 

7 3/o 

ASHMANSWORTH 

66 3/0 

9i 4/o 

ASSEFORD 

9 3/o 

12 3/4 

Beauworth 

8 2/7 

2I 2/10 

17 3/o 

IS 3/o 

9i 3/4 

Bentley 

isi 2/6 

is 2/8 

18 3/0 

6 3/2 

23I 3/4 

16 3/6 

Bitterne 

4i 3/o 

3  (mill)  ...  3/0 

2 3/3 

IS 3/4 

4l  (mill)  . .  3/4 

10    "   ...  4/0 

SoJ   "   ...  4/0 

Brightwell 

33 3/o 

41I 3/4 

Sll 3/6 

46I 3/8 

14! 4/o 

BURGHCLERE 

140 3/l 

54l 4/o 

Calbourne 

3 2/9 

20 3/0 

4 3/3 


38o 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  i  248-49  (continued) 


Calbourne  (coni.) 

qrs.  s.  d. 

4 3/5 

oj 3/8 

6J 3/10 

17 4/o 

3l 4/4 

Cheriton 

ao a/8 

ig 2/10 

Cure,  High 

24 3/2 

20 3/4 

Crawley 

16 3/4 

a 3/5 

ia| 3/6 

2 3/8 

3 3/9 

5 3/w 

DOWNTON 
S3 3/o 

48 3/4 

141 4/0 

Ebbesborne 
30 3/0 

8 3/2 

7 3/5 

ESSERE 

3i 2/8 

Farehah 

20 3/0 

a*    (mill)  . .  [3/1] 

34i 3/4 

ij+J  bush  (mill)  I3/4I 

15I 4/o 

oj     (mill)  . .  [4/2] 

Farnham 

"i 3/6 

Fonthiix 

2| 2/8 

6 2/10 

6 3/0 

4 3/4 

Hambledon 
44* 3/4 

Harwell 

12} a/10 

Si 3/o 

45* 3/2 

34l 3/4 


Itchinoswell 
qrs.  s.  d. 

6oi 3/5 

*3l 4/o 

IVINGHOE 

36 a/10 

57 J 3/o 

40 3/3 

41I 3/4 

191 3/6 

6 4/0 

Knoyle 
9 »/4 

i5i 3/8 

7 2/10 

10 [3/0] 

2l 3/4 

Mannecbrig 
18I  (bought)     3/8 
2        '  I3/9H 

2        "  3/10 

Mardon 

20 3/0 

20 3/4 

10 3/6 

9i 3/8 

62 3/10 

35 4/o 

Meon 

161 1 2/10 

201 2/11 

245i 3/o 

Meon,  Church 

80! 3/0 

34l 3/4 

Morton 

34 3/8 

is 3/o 

6J 3/3 

Overton 

3i [3/4i] 

32j [2/9] 

ij     (mill)..  [3/0] 

Rmpton 

9l 3/2 

2 3/5 

5 3/8 

61 4/0 

5 4/4 

SOUTHWARK 
82 13/7] 


Stoke 

qrs.  s.  d. 

4 3/o 

" 3/2 

44 3/4 

9 3/6 

5 3/8 

5i 3/9 

Sutton 

3»i 3/0 

6 3/3 

Taunton 
86| 3/8 

300| 4/0 

I57i 4/2 

35$ 4/4 

i8| 4/4 

37l 4/8 

TwYTORD 

4 3/o 

8 3/2 

4 3/3 

46J 3/4 

6 3/5 

51} 3/6 

6 3/7 

10I [3/8I 

561 3/8 

s$ 3/10 

Waltham 

23 3/o 

46t 3/4 

43J 4/0 

Waltham,  North 

20 2/8 

23 3/o 

Wargrave 

iSl 3/4 

24I 3/8 

Wield 

6 2/8 

18 2/9 

16 2/10 

21 3/0 

Witney 

76* 3/8 

22i 3/0 

84! 3/4 

8i 3/8 

WOODHAY 

4° 3/o 

7 3/6 


Wycombe 

qrs.  t.  d. 

29 J 3/0 

»5 3/3 

56J 3/4 

33 3/6 

16J 3/8 

12 4/0 

1 4/0 

1353-54 
Adderbury 
20  (new) . . .  3/8 
9l  '  ...  4/o 
i8»  (old)....  4/4 
19  "  ....  4/6 
19  (new)  ...  s/o 

10  (old) s/o 

7l  (new)  . . .  6/2 
6  (old)....  6/3 

Alresford 

28 4/0 

23 4/7 

18 s/o 

aj  (mill)  . .  s/o 
16 6/8 

ASHMANSWORTH 

13 4/2 

2 4/3 

Beauworth 

33 4/6 

Bentley 

331 4/6 

29! S/o 

77* ts/«] 

4f 6/0 

3o| 6/a 

Bitterne 

10    (mill)  . . .  3/4 

9i      "     ...  4/o 

6J 4/0 

8i 4/4 

8     (mill )  ...  4/8 

3J S/o 

4  (mill)...  5/6 
3 5/6 

5  (mill)  ...  6/8 

Brightwell 
S  (mill)  ...  4/4 
7  "  •••  4/4 
4*  "  ...  4/6 
a  "  ...  4/6 
14 4/8 


APPENDIX  F 


381 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1253-54  (continued) 


qrs. 
7i  (mill) 

4    " 

3° 

81! 

2\   (mill) 


s.d. 

5/4 
5/4 
5/6 
6/0 
6/0 


BuDESTUN 

4  (old) 4/0 

IS  (new) . . .  4/2 

i4i  old  ...  4/4 

11  (new).  .  .  4/4 

i6i  ■   ...  5/0 

BURGHCLERE 

o|     (mill)  . .  4/8 

20 4/9 

44! S/o 

10 5/° 

Calbourne 

i7i 4/0 

3l U/lfl 

7 4/4 

Cheriton 

23! 4/o 

30 4/6 

32     (bought)     4/6 

29 5/0 

21 6/8 

Clere,  High 

i\ S/o 

I5i 6/6 

Crawley 

20i 5/0 

IS 6/0 

8 7/0 

DOWNTON 

2I  (mill)  . . .  3/0 

3  "...  3/4 

2  "      ...  S/o 

76J  (old)....  S/o 

20  "     ....  6/0 

18  (mill)  ...  6/8 

Ebbesborne 

S6i S/o 

17I 6/0 

Fareham 

19 S/o 

2     (mill)  . . .    s/o 

32 7/0 

1  i+1  bush  (mill)    7/0 

FONTHILL 

2 U/7il 

7* 4/8 


qrs. 
5- 


26*. 


s.d. 

S/o 
6/0 
7/o 


Hambledon 
10 s/o 

2Si 7/0 

Harwell 

16 4/8 

isi s/o 

17 5/6 

20f 6/0 

Itchingswell 

3 4/8 

43i S/o 

IVTNGHOE 

67  J  (new)  . .  4/0 

17  (old)...  4/6 

20  (new)  . .  5/0 

40  «    ...  s/6 

Knoyle 

5i 4/10 

3l 5/2 

28| S/4 

i7|     (old)...    6/8 
4lf 7/o 

Mardon 

68 s/o 

02$ s/6 

30 6/0 

38 6/8 

Meon 

24    (old) 4/0 

36J     '     ....  4/4 

67i     ■     ....  S/6 

Meon,  Church 

681 4/8 

30J S/o 

18I 5/8 

57f 7/o 


Morton 


2/10 
2/1 1 
4/0 
5/o 


Overton 

17 5/o 

IS S/6 

4i 6/8 

6i 7/0 


RntPTON 

qrs.  s.  d. 

o|  (mill)  . .  [3/4] 

80 6/0 

15 6/8 

of  (miU)  . .  [6/8] 

I3i 7/4 

SOUTHWARK 

13  (mill)...  3/8 
i6i      "      ...  3/10 
28        «...  4/0 

6  «...  4/4 

8  «...  4/8 

7  "...  4/10 

14  "      ...  S/o 
S         "      ...  S/4 

9  "      ...  S/6 
Stoke 

5 S/o 

9l 6/8 

42 7/o 

12 7/4 


Sutton 


pf. 


4/4 


Taunton 

781 S/4 

84i 5/8 

130I 6/0 

4* 6/4 

75l 6/8 

Si 7/o 

TWYFORD 

23I S/o 

6ii 6/8 

4ii 7/2 

Waltham 

37i 3/4 

54 5/o 

5of 7/o 

Waltham,  North 

2* 5/0 

i6i s/4 

"i s/6 

i2i 6/0 

81 7/o 

Wargrave 

8i 5/6 

12  J 6/0 

Wield 

22 4/0 

23 4/6 

19 5/o 

6J 6/8 


Wield,  East 
qrs.  s.  d. 

44l 4/8 


Witney 


4/8 
5/8 


WOODHAY 

9     (old) 4/2 


Wycombe 


3/8 
4/0 
S/o 
6/0 


I2S4-55 

Beauworth 

6i 3/0 

Bentley 
9i 3/4 

BrrTERNE 

3i  (mill)  ...  2/6 

8  «...  2/8 

6  «...  2/9 

7  "      •••  3/o 
S  "      •••  3/4 

Brightwell 
11 3/0 


BRrrrESTUN 
9i 3/o 

BURGHCLERE 
361 2/IO 

Cheriton 

4i 3/4 

Crawley 

4i 3/4 

11 3/8 

Downton 

5 2/8 

6| 3/0 

3 3/4 

Ebbesborne 

63 3/o 

Fareham 

ij 3/4 

Fonthtll 

1 [2/4] 

5i 2/8 

8J I3/4] 


3^2 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1254-55  (continued) 


Hakbledon 

qrs.  s.  d. 

6 3/4 

Harwell 

asi 3/o 

Itchingswell 

8| a/io 

Knoyle 

3l 3/0 

aoi 3/4 

Mardon 

a4 3/a 

a8 3/4 

61 3/8 

Overton 
44l 3/8 

RlMPTON 

I a/8 

a 3/0 


SOUTHWARD 


(mill) 


a/8 

a/8 

a/8 

a/10 

3/10 

3/10 

3/10 

3/10 

3/o 

3/o 

3/o 

3/o 

3/o 

3/a 


5+1  strike  (mill)  3/a 

SWEYNESTON 

34 3/o 

Taunton 
ioof 3/0 

6ai 3/4 

isoi 3/6 

TwYTORD 

o)     (mill)  . .  [3/4] 

i3l 3/8 

o|     (mill)  . .  U/sJ] 

Waltham 
1 J     (mill)  . .    a/8 
6  '      ..    3/4 

Waltham,  North 

ia| 3/4 

6 3/8 

Si 4/0 


Wargrave 
qrs.  s.  d. 

10 3/4 

ia 3/4 

Wield 
Si 3/o 

Wield,  East 

84l 3/o 

Witney 
41I 3/o 

ias7-s8 
Alresford 


a3{. 


6/8 
8/0 


ASHMANSWORTH 
3i 8/0 

Beauworth 

6 5/0 

13 6/8 

IS 8/0 

Bentley 

33 6/8 

40 8/0 

BlTTERNE 

81 7/o 

16 8/0 

Brighstone 
8 7/0 

33j 8/0 

Brightwell 
6i     (mill)  . .    5/0 

5  "  ••  6/0 
3l  "  ..  6/0 
7  '      ..    6/6 

6  "      ..    7/o 

S8J 7/o 

69*. 7/8 

BURGHCLERE 

S4 7/o 

8 7/6 

39 8/0 

Calbourne 

13 7/0 

....      8/0 


3ll 

Cbertton 

8i 6/8 

43l 8/0 

Clere,  High 
16 8/0 


Crawley 


S-. 
aal. 


8.  d. 

6/8 
7/6 
8/0 


DOWNTON 

Si     (mill).,  5/0 

ao       (old) ...  5/6 

4 5/6 

10I 6/0 

ai 6/8 

Ebbesborne 

10 5/0 

iSl 6/0 

Fareham 

641 8/0 


Farnham 


7/0 
8/0 


59 

FONTHTLL 

7 6/0 

7l 6/8 

Hambledon 
3o| 8/0 

Harwell 

16} 6/8 

aaj 7/0 

30I 7/6 

Helewell 
8i S/o 

Itchel 
13     (bought)    6/8 

Itchingswell 

37 7/o 

34l 8/0 

IVTNGHOE 

4t 6/0 

3} 6/6 

8 6/8 

8 7/4 

5o| 8/0 

Kelmeston 

14 8/0 

Ktxla 
Si 7/4 

Knoyle 

So 5/0 

381 6/0 

3al 6/8 


Mardon 


qrs. 
63. 
40. 
44- 
64. 


s.d. 
6/8 
7/o 
7/6 
8/0 


Meceol  (cf.  Metehol 

and  Meteholle) 

16 [8/0] 

Meon 

16    (old)....  s/6 

S9l      "   ....  6/0 

761 6/0 

140I  (old)....  7/6 

oil 7/6 

10 I8/0] 

Meon,  Church 

3a 5/6 

361 7/6 


Morton 


4*. 

3oi. 


6/8 
7/8 


Overton 

4a! 8/0 

Padington,  Church 
S3i     (old)...    s/o 
40     (new) . . .    5/6 
10     (new) ...    5/7 
9|     «     ....    6/0 

Portland 
60J 7/0 


Rimpton 

8}  (old) 

ISl        " 

15I  (new) 

ol  (old) 

141     " 

16 1  (new) 

7l  (old) 

si  (new) 


43l  (old) 

15}  (new) 

1 I  (old) 

1  (new) 

34!  ' 

9l  (old) 


Store 


9. . 
7l- 
lift. 


S/o 
S/o 
S/a 
IS/41 
S/4 
5/6 
5/8 
5/8 
l5/iol 
6/0 
6/0 
6/4 
6/4 
6/8 
6/8 


7/0 
7/8 
8/0 


APPENDIX  F 


383 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1257-58  (continued) 


Sutton 


qrs. 
16.. 

22J. 


S.  d. 
6/8 

8/0 


Taunton 

22} 3/4 

3 3/8 

43 4/o 

34i •  ■    4/4 

6o| s/° 

TWYFORD 

6     (old) . 

4         ■     • 

oj  (mill) 

oi      ■ 
24I  (old). 
55t 


5/o 
6/0 
6/4 
6/8 
6/8 
7/0 

Waltham 

18I 7/4 

53l 8/0 

Waltham,  North 

6 7/0 

3©i 8/0 

Wargrave 
i8i 7/4 

Wick 
4Sl 6/0 

Wield 

10J 6/8 

20 8/0 

Witney 

26 6/0 

S8i 6/8 

WOODHAY 

31 7/o 

19 7/6 

I2j 8/0 

Wycombe 

25i 4/8 

18 7/0 

40} 8/0 

"58-50 

Adderbury 

27i 6/0 

I3i 7/6 

10 0/0 

30 10/0 

Alresford 
1     (mill)  . . .  [6/0] 
6| 8/0 


Ashmansworth 
qrs.  s.  d. 

21 J 7/4 

24 8/0 

17 9/0 

Bentley 
2\     (mill).,    s/4 
of         ■      ..   [6/8] 

45* 8/0 

BlTTERNE 

5}     (mill)  . .  s/° 

4l         "      ••  6/0 

5  "...  6/8 

6J        ■      ..  7/o 

20 9/0 

Brighstone 

si---.' 6/0 

16I 7/0 

Brightwell 

1 5/0 

6 6/6 

5* 7/o 

6J 8/6 

1 9/0 

Burghclere 

46 7/6 

56 8/0 

0}     (mill)  . .   [8/0] 

31 9/0 

8 10/0 

10 10/6 

Calbourne 
7 6/0 

2ii 7/0 

Cheriton 

14 6/8 

x8i 8/0 

Clere,  High 

12 7/6 

8 9/0 


14.. 

20i. 

4-  ■ 


Crawley 

6/8 

7/6 

8/0 

9/0 

9/6 

DOWNTON 

6} 6/0 

3 6/8 

50 7/0 

62I 7/6 

a 7/6 


Fareham 
qrs.  s.  d. 

57 [9/0I 

Farnham 
8 8/0 

Fonthill 

23} 7/0 

26J 9/0 


35 


Hambledon 

8/0 


Harwell 

14I 8/0 

i7i 9/0 

13I 10/6 


Itchel 


3l- 
25.. 


6/2 
8/0 


Itchingswell 

25i 8/0 

51 J 9/0 

IVINGHOE 

23| 8/0 

22 9/o 

13 10/0 

20 Il/O 

Knoyle 
ioi 6/8 

18 7/0 

57l 9/o 

Mardon 

7/o 

7/6 

8/0 

9/0 

10/0 

Meon 

97l 6/8 

78i 7/6 

75 8/0 

Meon,  Church 

43 6/8 

9* 7/6 

Metehol  (cf.  Mete- 

holle  and  Meceol) 

4 (9/o] 


36.. 
28.. 
28.. 
44l- 
14.. 


Morton 


[8/0] 
10/0 


Overton 


i5i- 


s.  .1. 
7/6 
8/0 
9/0 
1 0/0 


5-. 

7-- 

"I. 

3*. 

"I 
I*. 

3l- 
ioi. 
13  •• 


Stoke 


4. . 
Hi- 


RlMPTON 

5/8 

6/8 

7/o 

7/a 

7/4 

7/6 

7/8 

8/0 

9/0 

8/0 
9/0 

Sutton 

10 6/8 

23* 8/0 

oj     (mill)  . .  [8/0] 
ao 9/0 

Taunton 

92 1     (new)  . .  5/0 

344!        "      ••  6/8 

ISS     (old)....  7/4 

7l 7/8 

i9l 8/0 

24 8/8 

163I 8/10 

TWYTORD 

11J 7/6 

isi 8/0 

6o| 18/6] 

Waltham 

oj     (mill)  . .  [4/8] 

67I 8/0 

1 1     (mill)  ..    9/0 

Waltham,  North 

7i 7/6 

7* 8/0 

20 9/0 

a 10/0 

Warcrave 

7i 9/o 

xo 9/4 

Wield 

6J 7/o 

ao 8/0 


384 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1258-59  {continued) 


Witney 
qn.  s.  d 

53 6/8 

54* 7/6 

44* 9/0 

WOODHAY 

22 7/6 

20* 7/8 

*7t 9/0 

Wycombe 

x8i 6/8 

17* 8/0 

« 9/o 

1262-63 

AODERBUKY 

Sol 2/8 

31* 3/0 

«* 3/8 

Alresford 

16* 3/9 

9 4/o 

xof 4/6 

™* S/o 

ASBHANSWORTH 

s 4/0 

a 4/6 

3 S/o 

Beauworth 

6 3/6 

24* 4/0 

10 4/4 

" S/o 

Bentley 

M 3/0 

10 3/8 

aoj 4/2 

54* 4/6 

BlTTERNE 

6 3/9 

»3l 4/0 

16 4/6 

Brigbstone 

*4* 4/o 

*S 4/4 

x4 4/6 

Brigbtwell 

2 3/0 

a  (mill)  ...  3/0 

3 3/2 

3  (mill)  ...  3/j 

'*   "   ...  3/9 
li   «   ...  4/0 


qrs. 
1* 


s.d. 

...  4/0 

* 4/1 

1  (mill)  ...  4/1 

»    "...  4/3 

1 4/3 

a*  (mill)  ...  4/4 

BURCBCLERE 


49*  ■ 

«s*. 
19.. 


...   4/0 

...  4/2 

...   4/4 

...  4/6* 

...    S/o 
Calbourne 

17! 3/4 

2S A/2 

" 4/6 


10*. 


Cberiton 


10  J. 

38*. 
is-- 
26*. 
6*. 


...  3/6 
...  4/0 
...  4/6 
...  4/8 
•••  5/o 
Clere,  High 

6 4/o 

S 4/4 

4* 4/6 

Crawley 

IS* 4/0 

34 4/10 

12 S/o 

DOWNTON 

36 3/o 

4* 3/2 

a6* 3/4 

4*    (mill)  . .    3/4 

22 3/6 

4*  (mill)  . .  3/6 
81 3/8 

20 4/o 

a     (mill)  . . .  [4/0] 

Ebbesborne 

S 3/* 

8 3/6 

7 3/8 

i8| 4/0 

'Si 4/4 


Essere 


Farebam 


4/a 

[ 

3/6 
3/8 


I"-  s.  d. 

*»» 4/0 

? A/* 

M 4/4 

12 4/8 

»5 4/10 

10 S/o 

Farnbah 

30 4/0 

*s! 4/6 

Fontbiix 

IO* 4/4 

a6f 4/0 

*3 3/6 

» 3/o 

Haubledon 

29* 4/0 

»8» 4/4 

Haubledon,  Cburch 

10 4/0 

°* 4/6 

7* S/o 

Harwell 

i6J 3/8 

*S* 4/0 

«* 4/a 

7l 4/4 

Itcbingswell 

27 4/3 

ai* 4/6 

U\ 4/8 

7* S/o 

IVINGB0E 

22i 3/8 

8a 3/10 

110 4/0 

Knoyle 

10* 3/0 

<54 3/6 

31* 3/8 

38* 4/0 

Maroon 

*S| 4/0 

72 4/6 

100 4/8 

100 s/o 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

9a* 4/o 

55l 4/0 


qrs. 

63*. 

3i*. 


s.d. 

...    4/a 
...    4/6 
44 S/o 

Meon,  Cbtocb 

36* 4/0 

22* S/o 

38 3/7 

Metebolle  (cf.  Mete- 

bol  and  Meceol) 
30* I4/0] 

Morton 

•  •    3/8 
..    3/10 
-.    4/o 
Overton 

«* 4/0 

'5* 4/6 

x5 S/o 

RnmoN 

3'* 3/4 

l9i 4/4 

Sootbwarx 

7* 4/0 

8* 4/a 

M 4/4 

x3 4/6 

3 S/o 


IS. 


■*4- 


Stoke 

6 4/a 

0 4/4 

26 4/6 

3 4/8 

3 4/9 

4 4/10 

»4 S/o 

4* 5/x 

'S 5/a 

Taonton 
23* 3/4 

16* 3/8 

02! 4/0 

233t 4/4 

io6i 4/8 

i°i* 4/10 

Twypord  &  Marwell 

6 3/6 

27 4/0 

»* 4/a 

*°* 4/3 

32* 4/4 

" 4/S 


APPENDIX  F 


3«S 


Prices  or  Wheat,  1262-63  (continued) 


qrs.  8.  d. 

28* 4/6 

17 4/8 

25* 4/9 

ii* 4/w 

6 4/" 

35i 5/o 

Waltham 

2} 2/6 

3f     (mill)  . .  4/0 

1           "      ..  [4/4] 

2 4/4 

81 4/6 

661 4/6 

of     (mill)  . .  [4/6I 

47l 5/o 

Waltham,  North 

25* 4/o 

IS 4/6 

iSl 5/o 

Wargrave 

9 4/0 

io* 4/0 

4 4/o 

12 4/4 

8 4/4 

Wield 

7l 3/8 

22 4/0 

6 4/6 

6i 5/° 

Witney 

32$ 3/o 

49l 3/4 

S2 3/8 

17* 3/IO 

5 4/o 

WOODHAY 

25* 4/o 

27l 4/4 

IO 4/6 

8 5/0 

Wycombe,  West 

9* 3/io 

76* 4/0 

1264-65 
Adderbury 

33} V8 

39l 3/o 

Alresford 

ol     (mill)  . .  U/o] 

ij        '      ■■    5/o 

i6| 5/0 


ASHMANSWORTH 

qrs.  s.  d. 

4 4/o 

4 S/o 

6 5/6 

Beauworth 

2 4/8 

2 5/o 

...  5/6 


i7i- 


Bentley 


i48i. 

ol 
1 

ol 
5 

16 
3 


5/o 

BlTTERNE 

(mill)..  3/8 
4/0 
4/2 
4/4 
5/o 
6/0 


Brighstone 

it 5/0 

21 5/4 

Brightwell 

49} 3/4 

25* 3/8 

6 4/0 

BURGHCLERE 

28} 4/6 

3°1 S/o 

io* 5/6 

Ui 6/0 

Calbourne 
10 4/8 

5i 5/o 

29 5/4 

3l 5/6 

Chertton 

si 4/8 

10 5/0 

3°1 5/6 

7* 6/0 

Clere,  High 

8* 4/0 

6 5/0 

4 5/6 

Crawley 

ioi 5/o 

21 J 6/0 

DOWNTON 

8} 4/0 

io| 4/4 

18! 5/0 


ESSERE 

qrs.  s.  d. 

3* 3/6 

Ebbesborke 

18}.. 3/8 

"!•• 5/0 

Fareham 

9 3/8 

10 4/0 

5 4/6 

IS 5/ii 

Farnham 

4* 3/8 

8 5/0 

Fonthtll 

10} 4/0 

II 4/4 

20 5/0 

Hambledon 

22f 5/6 

Harwell 

31 3/4 

35 3/8 

7  J 4/o 

Itchingswell 

35* 5/o 

22J 5/6 

i5l 6/0 

Ivtnghoe 

26 3/4 

20 3/8 

26 4/0 

Knoyle 

io| 4/0 

10 4/6 

20l 5/o 

120  (in  tasso).   I5/0] 

Mardon 

31 4/8 

25 S/o 

33* 6/0 

Marwell 
(See  Twyeord) 

Meon 

20 4/0 

25 S/o 

80 6/0 

Meon,  Church 

20 4/6 

60I 6/0 


Overton 

qrs.  s.  d. 

10 4/0 

1     (mill)  ...  4/6 

16* 4/6 

1     (mill)  ...  s/o 

10 S/o 

17* 5/6 

Morton 
27I 3/o 

8 3/2 

20 3/4 

14I 3/8 

9i 4/0 

RlMPTON 

3t  (mill)  ...  4/0 

40 4/0 

S9* 4/4 

13* 4/6 

I3l 4/8 

5l S/o 

Stoke 

4 4/6 

7 5/2 

3©i S/4 

Sutton 

2I 4/0 

33* 5/6 

Taunton 

37! 3/8 

109I 4/0 

481} 4/4 

7i 4/8 

162I 4/10 

Twyford  &  Marwell 

4 4/« 

23 S/o 

4 S/o 

io* . . , s/2 

56* 5/4 

Waltham 
68* 5/0 

Waltham,  North 

10 4/0 

12* 4/6 

13* S/o 

16* 5/6 

Wargrave 

3* 3/4 

6 3/8 

«* 4/0 

6 4/0 


386 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1264-65  {continued) 


Wield 

qrs.  s.  d. 

4 4/8 

7f 5/o 

ao 5/6 

Witney 

64! 3/0 

54i 3/4 

WOODHAY 

8 4/6 

161 S/O 

10} 5/6 

WOLVESEY 

ail 4/10 

7l 5/o 

18 5/4 

Wycombe 
61 3/0 

13 3/4 

81 3/6 

a4i 4/0 

1265-66 
Adderbury 

38f a/6 

16} 3/0 

"1 3/4 

Alresford 

I5i 4/o 

4 5/o 

ij  (mill)  ...    5/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 

II 4/6 

4 5/l 

Beauworth 
31 4/6 

24 5/0 

Bentley 
54 4/0 

411 4/6 

36* 4/8 

BlTTERNE 

7} 4/0 

5 4/6 

4l 5/o 

Brighstone 

4* 4/6 

a 4/8 

6i 5/0 

Bright-well 

4  (mill)...  3/6 

a6i 3/8 


qrs.  s.  d. 

2 )  (mill)  . . .  4/0 

a4l 4/0 

2 1  (mill)  . . .  4/a 

a7 4/a 

aal 4/4 

2}  (mill)  ...  5/0 

4 S/o 

BURGHCLERE 

44l 4/o 

3a 4/6 

i8| 5/0 

10 s/6 

Calbourne 

4i 4/8 

14 4/10 

12J s/o 

Cheriton 

18 4/6 

aaj S/o 

IS* S/6 

Clerk,  High 

61 4/0 

Crawley 
IS 4/8 

s 4/io 

1 S/o 

Downton 

54 3/4 

161 3/6 

8    (mill)  ...  4/0 

3         "...  4/10 

4* S/o 

i|  (mill)...  5/0 

Ebbesborne 
ia 3/0 

31 3/4 

16} 3/8 

4l 5/o 

Essere 

9 3/o 

Farehah 

io| 3/4 

46 4/0 

Farnham 

4 4/6 

43l 4/8 

Fonthtll 

39 3/8 

35 4/0 

7i 5/4 


Hambledon 
qrs.  s.  d. 

IS 3/4 

1 3/10 

8 4/0 

43 4/6 

Hambledon,  Church 

46* 4/6 

10 5/0 

Harwell 
39 3/3 

3oJ 4/0 

33J 4/2 

61 S/o 

Itcbtngswell 

30I 4/6 

19I 5/o 

16 5/4 

S 5/6 

IVINCHOE 

13 3/6 

50 3/8 

110 4/0 

32l 5/0 

Knoyle 
6} 3/8 

31  J 4/0 

60 5/4 

Mardon 

12I 3/8 

ooj s/o 

4 5/4 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon,  Church 

17 3/4 

5l 3/6 

Si 3/8 

1 4/0 

Morton 

16 3/6 

31} 3/8 

22 4/0 

Overton 

34 4/o 

2  (mill)  . . .  4/0 
2  •  ...  4/5 
8 4/6 

10} 5/0 

RlMPTON 

i  (in  tasso).    3/0 
16 4/10 


qrs.  s.  d. 

aa| s/o 

"l s/a 

ai 5/4 

a 6/0 

Stoke 

3} 4/0 

si 4/6 

9 4/8 

3 4/9 

1 U/io] 

a6 s/o 

3 5/4 

3l 5/6 

10 5/6 

Sutton 

26 4/6 

ia 4/8 

18 5/0 

Taunton 

13} 4/8 

ai9l S/o 

I34l 5/4 

61 5/8 

14I 6/0 

33l 6/4 

48} 6/8 

163} 6/10 

twyford  and 
Marwell 

8} 4/8 

"1 4/10 

4l 4/" 

3S S/o 

I3l S/i 

I5l 5/3 

3l 5/4 

3l S/S 

10} s/6 

61 5/7 

Waltham 

61 4/6 

114} 4/8 

Waltham,  North 

18 4/6 

15 4/10 

9l   S/o 

Wargrave 

8} 3/8 

»} 4/8 

10 s/o 

8 S/o 


APPENDIX  F 


387 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1265-66  (continued) 


Wield 

qrs.  s.  d. 

of 4/0 

32I S/o 

14* 5/4 

Si S/8 

Witney 

28 2/10 

561 3/0 

WOLVESEY 

II U/O] 

2§ 4/lO 

I5l 5/o 

3 5/4 

WOODHAY 

"1 4/0 

2*1 4/6 

"1 4/8 

10J 5/0 

Wycombe 

IS 3/4 

24 3/6 

18 3/8 

I°l 4/0 

1266-67 

Adderbury 

81 3/0 

Alrf.sford 
1     (mill)  . . .  [2/6] 
3}      *      ...    2/10 

21     (old) 3/0 

59I  (new)  ...    3/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 

S 3/o 

oi [3/0] 

Beauworth 
18     (old)....    2/4 
i8f      «    ....    3/0 
33  f  (new) . . .    3/0 

BlTTERNE 
ll 3/4 

Brighstone 
9 3/4 

3i 3/8 

Brightwell 
47l 3/0 

BURGHCLERE 

18  (old) 2/2 

8|  (new) ...  2/6 

19  (old)....  2/8 
51  (old)....  3/0 


qrs. 

18     (new) . 

I3i       " 


s.  d. 

3/o 
3/4 


Calbourne 
29 4/0 

Cheriton 

22       (old).  .  .  .      2/4 

i8i      "     ....    3/0 
25     (new)  . . .    3/0 

Crawley 

18J  (old)....    2/8 
22        "     ....    2/10 
I7i  (new) .  .  .    3/0 
Si      "      •••    3/4 

DOWNTON 

S2 2/8 

8     (mill)  ...    2/8 

8oJ 3/0 

7     (mill)  ...    3/0 

Ebbesborne 

25     (old) 3/0 

30  i 3/o 

ESSERE 

3i 3/0 


Farnham 


4ii- 


13- • 

7i- 

I5l. 

8i. 


FoNTHILL 


3/8 

2/0 
2/2 
2/2 
2/8 
3/0 


Hambledon 
68i I3/2U 

Harwell 

14 2/8 

i3i 3/6 

IVIKGHOE 
12     (new)  . . .    2/6 
26J       "      ...    3/0 

24     (old) 3/0 

30!      "     3/2 

KlLMESTON 

2j  (bought)     a/4 

Knoyle 
24i  (old) 2/0 

22f        "      2/2 

24     "  ....  2/6 

61     (new)  . . .   3/0 


qrs. 
46.. 
23  J- 


22. 


Mardon 

s.  d. 

2/8 

3/0 

3/8 

Meon 

82     (old)....  2/2 

25        "    ....  a/4 

41       «    ....  a/8 

74J  (new) ...  2/8 

48§       "      ...  3/0 

Meon,  Church 

29  i  (old) 2/4 

34I     "    2/5 

30  (new)  . . .  2/6 
26i  (old) ....    2/6 

6  ■  ....  a/7 
35  (new) ...  2/8 
30     (old) ....    2/10 

3}      *     3/0 

21  (new)...    3/0 

Metehol  (cf.  Mete- 
holle  and  Meceol) 
"1 3/8 

Morton 
30    (old)....    2/8 

7  "     ....    3/0 

Overton 

19    (old) 3/0 

il  (mill)  ...  3/0 
37*  (new)  ...    3/4 

RlMPTON 

oj  (new)  . . .  [2/2] 
13     (old)....    2/8 

43* 3/0 

ni  (new).  .  .    3/0 

81 3/4 

Stoke 
12    (old)....    2/8 

8  "    2/10 

22  "  ....  3/0 
4  «  ....  a/6 
4l      *     ....    3/8 

Sutton 

4o{  (old) 3/0 

61  (new)...    3/0  j 

Taunton 

42*  (old) 3/0 

155  (new)  ...  3/0 
68  "...  3/0 
ii|  (old)....  3/4 
ill  (new) ...   3/4 


Twyford 

qrs.  s.  d. 

31 J  (old) 2/9 

9i  "     ....  3/0 

61  "    ....  3/2 

19*  «     ....  3/6 

45  "     ....  4/0 

Walthau 
3     (mill)  ...    2/8 

45     (old) 3/0 

4!  (mill)  ...    3/4 

Waltham,  North 

IS 3/o 

13     (new) ...    3/2 
281 3/4 

Wargrave 

27     (old) 3/4 

12     (new)  ...    3/4 

il 3/4 

61 3/4 

Wield 

30    (old) 2/4 

20 2/6 

34! 3/0 

22j  (old) 3/0 

Witney 
78    (old)....    2/6 
89 2/8 

Wycombe 
24     (old) ....    2/2 

22        "     2/4 

26       "    ....    2/8 
21I      "     3/4 

1267-68 
Adderbury 

21 2/10 

24  (in  gross) .    2/10 
«1 3/0 

Alrf.sford 

81 3/8 

il 4/0 

ol [4/0] 

ASHMANSWORTH 

7 4/0 

Beauworth 
30  (in  gross) .     4/0 

Bentley 
18I 3/4 


388 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1267-68  {continued) 


BlTTERNE 

qrs.  s.  d. 

3l 3/o 

IS 3/6 

3l  (mill)  ....  3/6 

i\      "     ...  3/8 

8   *   ...  4/0 

BURGHCLERE 

o!  (mill)  . . .  [3/4] 
3»i 4/0 

80 u/ol 

10 4/6 

IS 5/o 

Cheriton 

22  (in  tasso).    4/0 
4* 4/6 

Clere,  High 

ii 4/0 

16  (in  gross) .   [4/0] 

Crawley 

s 4/4 

I6J 4/6 

6 4/8 

DOWNTON 

12J  (mill)  ...    3/8 
Hi 4/o 

Ebdesborne 
10 4/0 

Fareham 
oj  (mill)  . . .  [3/1  il 
S3* 3/6 

2t 4/0 

2  J  (mill)  . . .    4/0 

3t         *        ...     4/0 

Farnham 
at 3/6 

Harwell 

60 3/6 

4 3/o 

Itchingswell 
4S  (in  gross) .    4/0 

i6i 4/0 

10 4/4 

IVTNGHOE 

76  (in  tasso) .    3/0 

113 [3/1  J] 

27 3/4 

Knoyle 

4i 3/0 

3i 3/4 


Meon 

qrs.  s.  d. 

350  (in  gross) .  4/0 

3 U/o] 

Meon,  Church 
149I  (in gross).    4/0 

Overton 
il  (mill)...    3/4 
10 4/0 

Stoke 
14 4/4 

Sdtton 
30 U/o] 

01  (mill)  . . .  U/o] 
8i 4/4 

Taunton 
4       (old) . . .    4/0 
106I  (new)  . .    4/0 

TWYEORD 

o| b/iolJ 

oi  (mill)  . . .  [4/3H 

I4i 4/4 

12J 4/6 

I3l S/o 

Waltham 

2  (miU)  ...    3/6 
1 19 1  (wheat  &  curall) 

3/6 

1  (mill)  . . .    4/0 

2  "...     4/6 

Waltham,  North 

10 4/0 

40  (in  tasso) .   [4/0] 

Wargrave 

20 3/0 

18  (in  gross) .    3/0 

2 3/0 

12 3/2 

6 3/2 

Wield 
30  (in  gross) .    4/0 

Witney 

8 2/8 

70  (in  gross) .  2/8 

oi 3/0 

Wolvesey 
25 4/0 

16 4/6 

14 4/6 


WOODHAY 

qrs.  s.  d. 

3il 4/0 

1 2  (in  gross) .    4/0 

Wycombe 

4i 3/0 

52     (in  gross)  3/0 

4$  (mill)  ...  3/0 

2*      "      ...  3/4 

3!       "      ...  3/6 

14 4/0 

3 4/o 

1277-78 
Adderbury 

iSl S/o 

17 6/0 

12 6/8 

Alresford 
68| 9/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 

IS 8/4 

Beauworth 

3Si 9/o 

Bentley 

i8i 6/8 

44! 8/8 

BlTTERNE 
4* 6/8 

if  (mill)  ...  6/8 

of   '   ...  [8/0] 

ol   "   ...  8/0 

7i 9/o 

Brighstone 

S 7/o 

12 7/6 

17 8/0 

Brightwell 
4     (mill)  ...    s/o 
3        '      ...    6/0 

32 6/0 

23 6/8 

23i 7/o 

33! 7/4 

12 8/0 

4i   (mill)  ...    8/0 

Burghclere 

10 8/0 

i28i 9/0 

Calbourne 

23i 6/8 

20 6/9 


qrs.  s.  d. 

2  J 7/0 

S3 8/0 

ij 8/4 

Cheriton 

o| [6/8] 

S9l 9/o 

o|  (mill)  . . .  [0/0] 

Clere,  High 

17I 8/0 

Crawley 

12 7/0 

6 7/4 

39$ 8/0 

3l 9/o 

DOWNTON 

3l S/6 

23 7/0 

30I 8/0 

ii I8/0J 

Ebbesborne 

3l 6/4 

29 8/0 

Fareham 

3 6/0 

7 6/8 

3 8/0 

62t 8/4 

2l 8/4 

3* 8/4 

1 [8/4] 

Farnham 

14I 8/0 

si 8/0 

Fonthtll 

12 6/0 

8 6/8 

12I 8/0 

Hambledon 

41 S/6 

3l 7/o 

311 8/0 

3! 8/10 

Harwell 

21J 6/0 

32 7/0 

18 8/0 

Itchtngswell 

3i S/o 

9«i 9/o 

9 9/4 


APPENDIX  F 


389 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1277-78  (continued) 


IVINGHOE 

qrs.  s.  d. 

8J 5/6 

75 6/0 

12$ 6/6 

9f 7/o 

37i 7/6 

Knoyle 

30J 6/0 

13J 6/8 

27 8/0 

Mardon 

2of 7/0 

i5°i 9/0 

Meon 

I02j 7/0 

78 8/0 

Meon,  Church 

30 6/8 

40! 8/4 

17  J 9/0 

Morton 

26i 5/6 

14! 6/0 

i7i 7/6 

Overton 

ij  (mill)  ...  s/4 

ij       ■      ...  6/0 

ii      -      ...  6/8 

3l 6/8 

25l 7/o 

ii 7/4 

3l 8/0 

8     (mill)  ...  8/8 

8| 8/8 

12$ IO/O 

I     (mill)  . .    10/0 

RlNGWOOD 
2| 5/o 

3 5/4 

3 8/0 

SOUTHWARK 

6  (mill)  ...  s/6 

7  "   ...  6/0 
2f  ■   ...  6/0 

8  "...  6/10 

10  "   ...  7/0 

8  "...  7/4 

6  «...  8/0 

Stoke 

48i 9/0 

2 9/2 


qrs. 
3-  • 
4i- 

33l- 


Sutton 


s.  d. 

9/6 
9/7 

9/0 


Taunton 
iof  (old)....  6/0 
9}  (new) .  .  .  6/0 
4!   «...  6/8 

113  J  (old) 7/4 

40J  "  ....  7/8 
54 1  (new) ...  8/0 
8  (old)....  8/4 

151! 8/8 

29} 9/0 

69$ 9/4 

55i 10/0 

3Si 10/8 

9 "/a 

22} 11/0 

14! 12/0 

158! 12/2 

TwYFORD 
25 8/0 

9 8/i 

7of 8/8 

oj  (mill)  . . .  [8/8] 

Oi       «      ...  [8/8] 

o§       "      ...  [8/8] 

Waltham 

19I 6/8 

2}  (mill)  ...  6/3 

6} 7/0 

3     (mill)  ...  8/0 

9 8/0 

14 8/4 

102! 8/8 

10 9/0 

Waltham,  North 

27 7/o 

20  J 10/0 

Wargrave 

3i 6/8 

3 8/0 

Witney 

4ll 7/o 

30 7/6 

26J 8/0 

WOLVESEY 

9§ 6/8 

27l 7/o 

20| 9/0 


WOODHAY 

qrs.  s.  d. 

26i 9/0 

3 9/4 

Wycombe 
27i 5/4 

20j 5/8 

13} 6/0 

1278-79 

Adderbury 

20} 3/4 

30 4/0 

Alresford 

10 6/0 

oj  (miU)  . . .  [6/0J 

Beauworth 

281 5/o 

40 6/0 

Bentley 

2I 5/0 

10J 5/4 

7oi 5/8 

Bitterne 

2j 3/IO 

4i  (mill)  ...    s/o 

iij 6/0 

Brighstone 
3  J 5/o 

2 5/4 

121 6/0 

Brightwell 

33 4/0 

52 4/8 

5  (mill)  ...    4/8 

6  «...    s/o 
24 5/6 

BURGHCXERE 
15* 4/9 

20 s/o 

87i 6/0 

5 6/4 

Calbourne 
251 5/0 

4 5/2 

7* 5/6 

5i 6/0 

Cheriton 
20 4/8 

6 S/o 

52i 6/0 

oj  (mill)  . . .  [6/0] 


Clere 


qrs. 
5f 
4l. 


s.  d. 
4/10 
5/6 


Clere,  High 
'3l s/8 

Crawley 

35 4/6 

I9§ 5/6 

I7i 6/0 

DOWNTON 

2J  (mill)  ...    3/8 

3i     «...  4/0 

45i 4/4 

3Si S/o 

2     (mill)  ...    5/0 

Ebbesborne 

7l 4/6 

34! 5/4 

Farehah 

2     (mill)  . . .    4/0 

2         «...    6/0 

4        «...    6/0 

63l 6/0 

Farnham 
28} 5/4 

FlNTWODE 
2| 4/6 

4 5/o 

3 5/4 

FONTHILL 
I3l 4/o 

40 s/o 

Harwell 

82} 4/0 

12 S/o 

Itchincswell 

12} 4/4 

64i 6/0 

IVINGHOE 

20J s/o 

32l 5/4 

«7l 5/6 

Knoyle 

3 4/5 

781 s/o 

21I 5/1 

Mardon 

48 s/10 

145I 6/0 


39° 


APPENDIX  P 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1278-79  {continued) 


M  Aft  WELL 

(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

qrs.  t.  d. 

45i 4/6 

4° S/o 

85 6/0 

Meon,  Church 

9i 4/4 

40     (tithe)  . .  4/6 

10 s/o 

10$  (tithe)  . .  5/4 

6 6/0 

29}  (tithe)  ..  6/0 

Morton 

7i 4/6 

a6| 4/8 

*5i 5/o 

Overton 

55l S/o 

13J 5/3 

Stoke 

25 5/4 

35 J S/5 

9i 5/6 

22) 6/0 

Sutton 

12 5/6 

S6J 6/0 

Taunton 

81 4/o 

8. 4/4 

3* S/o 

7i 5/4 

i6| 6/0 

6| 6/4 

TWYTORD  &  MARWELL 

"1 4/4 

3° 4/6 

18 5/0 

7 5/» 

7 5/6 

20 5/8 

41 6/0 

Waltham 

4 4/6 

i5i 5/o 

6oJ 6/0 

Waltham,  North 

i* 4/8 

a* 5/o 


qrs.  s.  d. 

2j 5/2 

291 5/4 

4 5/6 

Wargrave 

2j 4/6 

7l-...- 4/8 

3l 5/o 

9 5/o 

2  J S/o 

5 5/4 

Witney 

34 4/o 

53 4/6 

54 5/o 

Wolvesey 

28! 5/0 

5 5/4 

3o| 6/0 

WOODHAY 

7J 4/i 

2| 4/8 

22f 5/8. 

Wycombe 

8J 4/0 

26| 4/8 

2oi 5/0 

1282-83 

Adderbury 

481 6/0 

Alresford 
oj  (mill)  . . .  [6/0] 
24! 8/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 

O* [6/8] 

17 8/0 

Beauworth 

2 7/8 

I7i 8/0 

Bentley 
92! 9/0 

Bitterne 
of  (mill)  ...    6/0 

11J 6/8 

3i 7/4 

I5l 8/0 

Brighstone 

24l 8/0 


Brightwell 
qrs.  s.  d. 

18 6/8 

4° 7/o 

25 7/4 

of [8/0] 

10 8/6 

10 8/8 

Burghclere 

12I 6/8 

62f 7/6 

54* 9/o 

Calbourne 

18J 6/8 

12 7/0 

7 7/6 

i5l 8/0 

Chertton 
1 7/8 

42 8/0 

oj  (mill)  . . .  [9/9JI 

Clere,  High 

71 4/6 

ili 8/0 

Crawley 
34* 8/0 

Downton 
4i  (mill)  ...    6/0 

35 7/4 

i,  (mill)  . . .  [8/0] 

30 8/4 

Ebbesborne 

2 1  [curall?].    3/0 

23 6/4 

22j 8/0 

Essere 
oi [6/8J 

Fareham 

4i 6/8 

3 7/o 

47i 8/0 

Farnham 

2oJ 9/0 

4i 9/o 

FONTHTLL 
I7l 7/4 

I7i 8/8 

Hambleoon 

4* 6/8 

38 8/0 


Harwell 
qrs.  s.  d. 

3 6/8 

621 7/0 

4 8/0 

Itchingswell 
i| 6/8 

40 7/6 

2 8/8 

581 9/0 

1 9/6 

IVINGHOE 

4o| 6/8 

54i 7/4 

Knoyle 

33  J 7/4 

32I 8/8 

Mardon 

50 6/8 

i6{ 6/8 

8oJ 8/0 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

1 10 7/0 

48* 8/0 

Morton 

26 6/8 

16I 7/4 


Overton 


0}  (mill) 
if      " 
oi       ' 
oi       • 

2 

Oi  ' 

321 


6/0 
6/0 
6/0 

6/8 
6/8 
6/8 
8/0 

Rimpton 

43l 6/8 

29i 9/4 

Stoke 
50J 8/0 

Sutton 
26i 8/0 

Taunton: 

Kingston  and 

Nailesboume 

421 7/4 


21I. 


10/2 


APPENDIX  F 


391 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1282-83  (continued) 


qrs. 
i6i. 
6.. 


Otterford 

s.  d. 

6/8 

10/2 

Poundisford 

15} 7/o 

20 7/4 

38 10/2 

TWYFORD  &  MARWELL 
28i 8/0 

Waltham 
ii  (mill)  . . .  [5/4] 
oi      «      ...  [5/4] 

20 7/0 

59* 7/8 

83i 8/0 

Waltham,  North 


32i- 

iSl. 
io|. 
3l- 

3i- 
29  J . 


9/0 


Wargrave 


Wield 


Witney 


4.  . 

18J. 

141  J. 

if. 

41*. 


8/0 
8/0 
8/0 

7/4 
8/0 

5/o 
6/0 
6/8 


WOLVESEY 


2§- 

33?  • 
30i- 


Wycombe 


6/8 
7/o 
7/4 
7/6 

I 

7/0 
8/0 


1283-84  (?) 
Adderbury 

6/0 

[4/0] 


i3i---. 

is*.--- 

Alresford 

3 7/0 

6| 8/0 


Bentley 


63. 


8/0 

Bitterne 
9* 6/0. 

Brighstone 
1 6/0 


-    Brightweix 
qrs.  s.  d. 

2I 6/0 

3l 6/8 

3 7/o 

BURGHCLERE 

oj  (mill)  ...    6/8 

2| 7/o 

4i 7/4 

isi 8/0 

6} 8/s 

12! 8/6 

21J 8/8 

Calbourne 

igi 6/8 

6 7/0 

Cheriton 

soj 8/0 

7 8/6 

Clere,  High 
75 7/8 


Crawley 


i3l. 


8/0 


DOWNTON 

Si  (mill)  ...    4/0 

oi  ' 

i*  " 

2l 

o}  (mill) 

1*  " 

oi  " 


U/o] 
[6/0J 
6/8 
6/8 
7/4 
8/0 


Ebbesborne 

3 5/4 

3l 6/8 

Fareham 
oi  (mill)  . . .  Is/4] 

4 6/0 

4 6/8 

2t 7/o 

i  J  (mill)  . . .    7/0 

oj       «      ...    7/4 

Farnham 

Hi 8/0 

3i 8/0 

FONTHILL 

i6| 6/0 

I5i 6/8 

Hambledon 

17I 5/o 

4i 7/o 


16J. 


Harwell 

s.  d. 

6/8 

7/o 

22 7/6 

Havant 

1  (mill)  . . .  [4/8] 
oj  "  ...  [4/8J 
1 [6/o] 

Itchingswell 

10J 6/0 

4i 7/4 

8i 7/8 

i7i 8/0 

7 8/1 

IVINGHOE 
281 6/0 

13! 6/8 

46i 7/6 

Knoyle 
10J 6/8 

Mardon 

8J 6/0 

6 6/6 

8 7/0 

25J 8/0 

32i 8/0 

oi [8/0] 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

isi S/6 

26i 6/0 

i9i 7/o 

40 8/0 

Meon,  Church 


10  (tithes) 
10        " 

8 

9i 

6i 

5t  (tithes) 


6/6 
6/8 
7/o 
7/0 
8/0 
8/0 

Morton 

ioi s/o 

14! 6/0 

6 6/6 

12 6/8 

Overton 
oj  (mill)  . . .  [6/8] 

io| 7/0 

18I 8/0 


Rlupton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

3i 5/4 

34} 6/8 

Stoke 

4i 6/0 

6 6/8 

6 7/0 

Sutton 

4 6/8 

2 7/0 

3*i 8/0 

Taunton 

25i 6/8 

"1 7/0 

28! 7/0 

19I 7/6 

5ii 8/0 

99 8/2 

Twyford  &  Marwell 

21  i 6/8 

9 7/2 

5l 8/0 

Waltham 

ii  (mill)  ...    6/0 

60 6/8 

6 7/6 

Waltham,  North 

6 7/4 

14 8/0 

Wargrave 
2i 4/8 

3i 6/8 

19 8/0 

lof 8/0 

S 8/0 

Wield 

is 7/6 

16 8/0 

Witney 

IS 4/6 

37i S/6 

34 6/0 

Wycombe 
44i 6/8 

1283-86 

Adderbury 

3ii 4/0 


392 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1285-86  (continued) 


Albxstord 
qrs.  ».  d. 

8| S/o 

12 5/4 

xo S/6 

ASHMANSWORTH 

6i 4/3 

6 4/S 

X7i 5/o 

Beauworth 
axi S/o 

Bentley 

a8i s/o 

«7| 6/0 

BlTTERNE 

IO 3/0 

2}  (mill)...  [4/0I 
7i 4/o 

Brightwell 
6    (mill)  ...    3/0 
6J      «      ...    4/8 

1281 S/o 

16 S/6 

Chertton 
oj  (mill)  . . .  [4/0] 

as! 4/6 

30 s/o 

Cleke,  High 

axj 5/0 

Crawley 

12 4/4 

xoj 4/6 

DOWNTON 

4*i 4/4 

2)    (mill)  ...  4/6 

o»      «      ...  4/8 

x        *      ...  4/8 

I       "     ...  4/10 

I* 5/0 

2$  (mill)  . . .    s/o 

Droxford 
oj  (mill)  . . .  [4/8J 

Ebbesborke 

6 4/4 

so 4/4 

Si S/o 

Essere 

7l S/o 

ai 5/8 


Fareham 
qrs.  s.  d. 

S 4/4 

3l S/o 

Farnbam 
X3i S/o 

Fonthtll 
6| 4/0 

30| 4/0 

Hambledon 

X4i 4/6 

XI 5/o 

Harwell 

S 4/8 

6a| s/o 

Havant 
3i  (miU)  ...    4/8 
4        "      •••    S/o 
6| S/o 

ITCB3NGSWELL 

aai s/o 

ij S/4 

iSi S/6 

3l| 6/0 

IVINGHOE 
I2QI 4/4 

Knoyle 

33j 3/o 

22 S/O 

Knoyle,  Upton 
13 4/0 

41 4/6 

6J 4/8 

Mardon 
o 4/0 

35f 4/3 

331 4/4 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

7 3/6 

xi3 4/0 

30j 4/2 

16 4/3 

ai| S/o 

Meon,  Church 

16J 4/0 

S6J  (tithes)..    4/0 

4i S/o 

2 J  (tithes).,    s/o 


Morton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

34§ 4/o 

Overton 

S 5/4 

6 6/2 

17 6/0 

Rimpton 

2i  (mill)  ...    4/8 

41I 5/4 

Stoke 

3 4/4 

3 4/6 

16J 4/8 

Sutton 

61 4/4 

20 s/o 

10 s/a 

Taunton 

IS* S/8 

232 6/0 

I7l 6/4 

97i 6/6 

Twyford  &  Marwell 

9} 4/4 

20 4/8 

8 S/o 

Waltham 

4Sf 4/4 

1 }  (mill)  ...    4/4 

3 4/oi 

13* 4/8 

381 S/4 

Waltham,  North 

ai| s/o 

14! 6/0 

Wargrave 

i6J 5/0 

21 6/0 

Wield 
33 4/o 

Witney 

sa i 3/4 

13 3/6 

36i 4/0 

WOLVESEY 

131 S/o 

S3i 6/0 


WOODHAY 

qrs.  s.  d. 

30| 5/0 

3| s/i 

X3i %/i 

x6| S/8 

Wycombe 

6s 4/0 

351 4/8 

1386-87 
Adderbury 

33J 6/0 

Alresford 

7 6/0 

35* 6/8 

Beauworth 
8J 6/8 

Bentley 
73i 6/8 

BlTTERNE 
20 6/0 

Brightweix 
4 1  (mill)  ...    4/6 
10}      "     ...    6/0 

Cheriton 
oj  (mill)  ...    4/8 

25! 6/0 

30J 6/8 

Crawley 

33| 4/6 

Downton 
16 4/4 

I3J 4/8 

2     (mill)  . . .  s/o 

40 6/0 

3i  (mill)  ...  6/4 

2     (mill)  ...  6/6 

Droxforo 

3ii 6/6 

Ebbesborne 

si 4/3 

4i 4/4 

20 4/8 

10 s/o 

20 6/0 

Fareham 

if s/x 

19  J 6/0 

Farnham 
3 [s/o] 


APPENDIX  F 


393 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1286-87  (continued) 


Foothill 
qrs.  s.  d. 

21 ft S/4 

ai| 6/0 

iaft 6/1 

Hambledon 

13I 5/4 

22J 6/0 

Harwell 

9 6/8 

4*i 7/o 

Havant 
4i 6/0 

IVINGHOE 
64! 7/0 

Knoyle 

6 3/4 

1 3/8 

6 4/0 

ift 4/4 

2 4/3 

9i 6/0 

20 6/l 

Knoyle,  Upton 

4i 3/4 

6 4/0 

2  J 4/4 

o| 4/8 

40I 6/0 

Mardon 

7il 4/4 

100 4/8 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

aift 5/0 

37ft 6/8 

Meon,  Church 
3ft  (tithes)..    4/0 

S 4/4 

6    (tithes) . .    4/4 

32! 6/0 

i6i 6/8 

Morton 

3 5/o 

81 6/8 

Overton 

4l  (mill)  ...    6/0 

oft      "      ...    6/0 

46* 6/8 


RlMPTON 

qrs.  s.  d. 

3i 6/0 

10 6/8 

i||..« 7/8 


Stoke 


9. . 

28  J. 


Sutton 


4/6 
6/0 

5/o 
6/0 
6/8 


Taunton 

6 6/0 

I3l 6/8 

67l 7/4 

44* 7/6 

109 8/0 

98J 8/2 

Twyford  &  Harwell 

17 4/6 

S3 S/o 

Waltham 
104ft 6/4 

Waltham,  North 
35i 6/8 

Wargrave 
24I 7/o 

WOLVESEY 

13I S/o 

I J S/4 

4 5/lO 

i4i 6/2 

2 6/4 

Wycombe 
i5i 6/8 

1287-88 
Adderbury 

271 4/4 

Alresford 
37i  (miU)  ...    s/o 

Ashmansworth 
4l 5/o 

Beauworth 

s 4/0 

35 5/o 

Bentley 
5ii S/o 


BlTTERNE 

qrs.  s.  d. 

0}  (mill)  . . .  3/4 

oj 3/4 

ift  (mill)  ...  4/8 

9f 5/o 

Brightwell 
7 1  (mill)  ...    4/0 
laaft s/o 

BURGHCLERE 

oj  (mill)  . . .    4/0 
62J s/o 

Cheriton 

60 3/0 

2J  (mill)  . . .  [6/8] 

Clere,  High 

1*1 S/o 

Cr.\wley 
3ii 4/8 

DOWNTON 

2     (mill)  . . .    3/8 

4?       "      ...    4/0 

36i 4/0 

Droxford 

of  (mill)  . . .  [4/0J 

30 [5/0] 

Ebbesborne 
43i 4/0 

Fareham 
0}  mill [4/2] 

I U/2i] 

32§ 4/8 

Farnham 

ol 3/0 

0}  (mill)  ...    3/0 

29§ S/o 

3*  (mill)  ...    S/o 
ol S/o 

Foothill 

i6| 4/0 

Ht 4/4 

Hambledon 
44i 4/3 

Harwell 
So S/o 

Havant 
2j  (mill)  ...    3/2 

4ft        "       ...    4/4 
13I 4/8 


Itchingsweli. 
qrs.  s.  d. 

6o| s/o 

IvrNGHOE 

106} 4/8 

Knoyle 

3 4/0 

32ft 4/4 

18J 4/5 

Knoyle,  Upton 

2| 3/8 

ISl 4/4 

Mardon 
iSS 4/8 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 
28} 4/6 

"2* 5/0 

Meon,  Church 

6 J  (tithes)..    4/4 

34i         "      ..    S/o 

19 s/o 

"ft S/o 

Morton 

2of 4/0 

Overton 

38ft s/o 

oj  (mill)  ...    s/o     • 

Rtmpton 
2I  (mill)  ...    3/0 

4 3/0 

32ft 4/4 

Stoke 
27 S/o 

Sutton 
2Sf s/o 

Taunton 

9l 4/0 

33i 4/4 

37i 5/0 

Twytord  &  Marwell 
83* S/o 

Waltham 
1  ft  (mill)  . . .    4/0 
io8| s/o 

Waltham,  North 
37ft S/o 


394 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1287-88  {continued) 


Wargrave 
qra.  s.  <1. 

ia 4/4 

ol  (mill)  . . .    4/10 

xal 4/10 

ao| 4/io 

5 4/io 

Witney 
I54i 4/8 

WOLVESEY 
III 4/6 

ia 4/8 

9l 5/o 

61 5/4 

WOODHAY 

ol [4/0I 

41I S/o 

Wycombe 
S8» 4/8 

1288-89 
Adderbury 

«7l i/4 

81 1/8 

Alresford 

30 3/4 

ASHMANSWORTH 

3 3/o 

i6i 3/4 

Beactworth 

5 3 

ast 3/4 

Bitterne 

3     (mill)  ...    2/8 

25 3/4 

Brightwell 

— 2/6 

—    (mill)  ....    2/6 
28 a/8 

BURGHCLERE 
41 3/o 

oj  (mill)  . . .  3/0 

39l 3/4 

Cheriton 

I7l 3/0 

531 3/4 

0}  (mill)  . . .  [3/6I] 

Clf.re,  High 

Ol 3/o 

i7i 3/4 


Crawley 


s.  d. 

2/6 
2/9 
3/4 


DOWNTON 

8 2/8 

70 3/4 

Droxford 

o|  (mill)  ...  2/8 

S3l 3/4 

Ebbesborn-e 

i3i a/8 

ao 3/4 

Fareham 
o|  (mUl)  ...    2/6 
cl       ' 


oi 
44i- 


a/8 
[a/8] 
l3/o] 
3/4 


Farnham 

i7l 3/8 

3l 3/8 

FONTHILL 

3l a/2 

35l a/8 

iaj a/9 

Hambledon 
4*1 3/4 

Harwell 

14! a/6 

asl a/8 

7l 3/o 

Itchtngswell 

2A\ 3/0 

341 3/4 

IviNGHOE 

Si  (mill)  ...  1/4 

8  "...  1/6 

9  "...  1/8 

Sai a/o 

18I a/2 

ai a/4 

i6| 2/6 

7oi a/8 


Knoyle 


Si 

sol- 

ail. 


2/0 
a/8 
2/9 


Knoyix,  Upton 
qrs.  s.  (1. 

IS 2/0 

10! 2/4 

3l a/8 

Maroon 

41I a/6 

97l 3/4 

ao 3/6 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 


Meon 


103 1. 


3/4 


i6J. 
20.  . 
Hi- 


Overton 


ii  (mill) 
o|      « 


Meon,  Church 

6! 3/8 

82I 3/4 

61  (tithes) . .    3/4 

Morton 

3 1/8 

11 1/10 

2/0 

a/4 
a/8 

I 

a/8 
a/8 
3/o 
3/o 
3/4 
3/4 
3/4 

RlUPTON 

2!  (mill)  ...  1/8 

of 2/4 

29! a/6 ; 

aaj a/8 

Stoke 

a3i 3/4 

Sutton 

S 3/o 

80 3/4 

Taunton 


14 

01  (mill) 

2  " 
33l 


as!  (old).. 

•  a/4 

36J  (new) . . 

•  a/4 

80  (old).. 

.  a/8 

9   "  .  . 

.  3/o 

99I  (new) .  . 

•  3/a 

Twyford  &  Marwell 
80I 3/4 

Walthaic 

I78I 3/4 


Waltham,  North 
qrs.  1.  d. 

81 3/0 

44l 3/4 

Wargrave 

16I :.   3/6 

si 3/6 

7i 3/6 

o|  (mill)  . . .    3/10 

Wield 

ol 3/0 

aal 3/4 


Witney 


76.. 
66.. 
8si- 


3/0 
a/4 
a/8 


WOLVESEY 

ai 3/0 

S4l 3/4 

a 3/6 


WOODHAY 


a4l- 


3/o 
3/4 


Wycombe 

36 a/o 

9 a/3 

38| 3/4 

SSi a/8 

1389-90 

Adderbury 

11} 1/8 

34I a/o 

Alresford 

oi 3/4 

il 4/0 

3a 4/0 

Ash MANS WORTH 

16 J  (new). . .    4/0 
18I  (old)....    4/0 

Beauworth 
19I 4/0 

Bentley 

34! 3/4 

8sl 4/4 

Bitterne 
i|  (mill)...    3/0 

13 4/0 

oj  (mill)  ...    4/sl 


APPENDIX  F 


395 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1289-90  {continued) 


Brightwell 


qrs. 

4i  (mill)  . 

9i  (old).. 

6i  (mill)  . 

10  (old).. 

6J  «  .. 


s.  d. 

2/8 

2/8 

2/10 

3/0 

3/2 


BURGHCLERE 

27i  (old) 3/0 


41  f  (new). 

oi       u      • 

34l  (old).. 

43 1  (new). 


3/o 
3/8 

4/0 
4/0 


Cheriton 

60$ 4/0 

Clf.re,  High 
16  J 4/0 

Crawley 

3* 3/8 

24i 4/o 

DOWNTON 

7f  (mill)  ...    3/0 
3         " 
10I.... 


(mill) 


41*. 


3/4 
3/6 
3/7 
[4/0] 


Droxford 
32} 4/0 

Ebbesborne 
12} 3/4 

21 4/0 


Fareham 


37i- 


Farnham 

21 

3i  (mill) 

FONTHILL 


4/0 

4/4 
4/4 


2li- 
25f- 
12*. 


3/0 
3/8 
3/9 


Hambledon 
4    (old)....    2/8 

IS*      "     4/o 

38     (new) . . .    4/0 

Hambledon,  Church 

2\    (Old)....      3/4 

28}      «     ....    4/0 

4°i 4/0 


Harwell 
qrs.  s.  d. 

22* 2/2 

12 2/lO 

3 3/o 

Itchingswell 

i6i 3/4 

5 3/9 

27     (old) ....    4/0 
49l 4/o 

IVINGHOE 
20* 2/0 

sl 2/2 

l6 2/4 

iof 2/6 

8 2/8 

oil 2/10 

Knoyle 

36 1 3/o 

47* 3/8 

22 J 3/9 

Knoyle,  Upton 

13I 2/8 

5} 3/4 

10} 3/8 

M  ARSON 

24 3/0 

8 3/4 

148 4/0 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

50}  (old) 3/4 

14}  (new)  ...  3/4 

33}  (old) 4/0 

138J 4/0 

Meon,  Church 
8  (old)....  3/4 
6     (new) . . .    3/4 

20*  (old) 4/0 

21* 4/0 

Morton 

19  J 2/0 

33l 2/8 

Overton 
3ii 4/o 

RlMPTON 

27i 3/4 

4i 3/8 

60 4/0 


Stoke 

qrs.  s.  d. 

14I 3/8 

4if 4/4 

Sutton 

9}  (old). . . .  4/0 

38 *  (new). . .  4/0 


Taunton 

266 J  (old) 

34}      ' 

87i      " 

29i      " 

5* 

99i 


3/o 
3/4 
3/8 
4/0 
4/0 
4/2 


Twyford  &  Marwell 
ol  (mill)  . . .  I3/4] 

53* 3/6 

107 4/0 

Waltham 
!*  (mill)  ...    3/4 

5l 3/4 

100 4/0 

Waltham,  North 
29J 4/o 

Wargrave 
12} 4/0 

2} 4/0 

4  (mill)  . . .  [4/0] 
14} 4/o 

Wteld 

14 J  (old) 4/0 

34}  (new) ...    4/0 

Witney 

72 2/0 

20* 2/1 

Si 2/2 

4 2/4 

73} 2/8 

Wolvesey 

12} 2/4 

6{ 3/2 

18} 3/4 

2 3/8 

18 4/0 

4 4/2 

WOODHAY 

5  (new) ...    3/0 
—  "      ...    3/S 

14}       "      ...    4/0 
24}  (old) 4/0 


Wycombe 
qrs.  s.  d. 

61} 2/8 

1290-91 
Adderbury 

25} 3/4 

19} 3/8 

8 6/2 

Alresford 

oi  (mill)  . . .    s/o 

33} 6/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 
IS* 5/6 

Beauworth 
36} 6/0 

Bentley 
97} 6/8 

Bitterne 
4}  (mill)  ...    5/0 
19} 6/0 

Brightwell 

it 3/4 

5i 4/0 

0} 4/4 

2} 4/8 

Burghclere 
37}  (new). . .    s/o 

42}  (old) 6/0 

98     (new) . . .    6/0 

Cheriton 
28J  (old)....    6/0 
45 6/0 

Clere,  High 
16} 6/0 

Crawley 
67} 6/0 

Downton 
3     (mill)...    4/8 
4l      '     •■•5/o 

88} 5/4 

7}  (mill)  ...    s/8 

Droxford 

0}  (mill)  . . .    5/0 

37i 6/0 

Ebbesborne 

3 4/4 

46}  5/8 


396 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1290-91  (continued) 


Farnham 
qrs. 

0}  (mill) 

o|      " 

3l      " 
I0l 

2}  (mill) 


s.d. 
5/8 
5/8 
6/8 
6/8 
6/8 


Font-hill 


6o\. 
X3-. 


5/8 
6/0 
6/1 


Hambledon 
S7J 6/0 

Hambledon,  Church 
4«i 6/0 

Harwell 
68J 5/0 

Havant 
45 6/0 

Itchingswell 

5 5/o 

25I  (old)....    6/0 
46i 6/0 

IVINGHOE 

8 4/0 

a"i 5/o 

Knoyle 

13I 5/4 

6o| 6/0 

33l 6/1 

Knoyle,  Upton 

6 4/0 

Mi 5/4 

20J 6/0 


Mardon 


281  J. 


6/0 


Marwell 
(See  Twyeord) 


Meon 


i55i 


[6/0] 


Meon,  Church 

14* 5/4 

33i 6/0 

50    (tithes)..    6/0 
4l 6/0 


Morton 


14  J- 
Si.. 


3/4 
4/4 


Overton 

qrs.  s.  d. 

oi  (mill)  ...  4/8 

oj      "      ...  4/8 

oi       "      ...  5/4 

ii      "      ...  5/4 

38J 6/0 

Rtmpton 

I2| 6/0 

ij  (mill)  ...    6/0 
i2oi 6/8 

Stoke 

61 6/4 

65* 6/8 

Sutton 
58| 6/0 

Taunton 
23 i  (old)....    4/8 

34° 5/o 

4* 5/4 

7if 6/0 

77l 6/4 

Twyeord  &  Marwell 
oi  (mill)  . . .  [5/0I 

44l 5/6 

I20i 6/0 

Waltham 

o}  (mill)  ...    5/4 

go 6/0 

Waltham,  North 

37 6/0 

Wargrave 
57i 6/0 

ol 6/0 

i6J 6/0 

Witney 

"i 3/4 

22 4/0 

"5* 4/4 

WOODHAY 
63J 6/0 

Wycombe 

ii 4/0 

ioo| 4/8 

1201-02 

Alresford 

»3i 8/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 
25 8/0 


Beauworth 
qrs.  s.  d. 

5i 6/8 

17 8/0 

Bentley 
8o| 8/8 

Brightwell 

of  (mill)  ...  4/4 

ii      "     ...  5/o 

10 5/0 

i|  (mill)...  5/4 

»! 5/4 

3     (mill)  ...  6/0 

7*1 7/6 

BURGHCLERE 
3 6/0 

8 6/8 

12 7/0 

103  J 8/0 

Cheriton 

ol  (mill)  . . .  [7/0] 

64 8/0 

Clere,  High 

iol 6/0 

i6i 7/8 

Crawley 
15 7/0 

20§ 8/0 

CULHAM 

3i 8/0 

DOWNTON 

5i  (mill)  ...  s/o 

ii      *      ...  7/6 

"3i 8/0 

5l  (mill)  ...  8/0 

Droxford 

oi  (mill)  ...    6/6 

3of 8/0 

Ebbesborne 
53i 8/0 

Fareham 
oj  (mill)  . . .    4/0 
oj       '      ...  [S/4l 

7 6/0 

56 8/0 

Farnham 

ii 5/4 

24i 8/4 

3i 8/4 


FONTBTLL 

qrs.  s.  d. 

*i 6/8 

23I 8/0 

"1 8/1 

Hambledon 
53i 8/0 

Hambledon,  Church 

65i 8/0 

Harwell 

7 5/o 

5f 5/4 

9 5/6 

34* 7/6 

Havant 

xoi 6/0 

29 8/0 

Itchingswell 

7 6/0 

6 7/0 

37 8/0 

Ivtnghoe 

3i S/o 

i2i 5/4 

"7i 7/4 

Knoyle 

18 6/8 

60I 8/0 

33i 8/x 

Knoyle,  Upton 

61 7/2 

23 8/0 

Maroon 

I54i 8/0 

Meon 

34l 4/0 

8 6/0 

I28f 8/0 

Meon,  Church 

is! 6/0 

7    (tithes)..    7/0 

8| 8/0 

34 i  (tithes)..    8/0 

Morton 

2 s/o 

7 6/0 

6ii 7/0 

Overton 

of  (mill) ...    4/8 

30 8/0 


APPENDIX  F 


397 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1291-92  {continued) 


PlLLINGBEAR 

qrs.  s.  d. 

81 8/0 

Rimpton 

2     (mill)  . . .  [8/0] 

26| 8/0 

61I 9/0 

Sutton 

3ii 8/0 

Taunton 

*4t 6/8 

163I 8/0 

5*1 8/8 

175 9/o 

99J 9/2 

Waltham 

104 8/0 

oi  (mill)  . . .  [8/0] 

Waltham,  North 
35* 8/0 

Waltham, 
St.  Lawrence 

I7l 8/0 

Wargrave 

32| 8/0 

Wield 

i6i 6/0 

a8J 8/0 

Witney 

4* 5/4 

2i 6/0 

"71 6/8 

WOODHAY 

IO 6/0 

II 7/o 

5» 7/8 

Wycombe  . 
8if fo/iil 

1292-93 

Adderbury 

271 4/0 

i5i 5/o 

Alresford 

23I 6/8 

Ashmansworth 

7* 5/6 

nf 6/8 

Beauworth 
ol 6/8 


Bentley 
qis.  s.  d. 

82 7/0 

Bitterne 

12     (mill)  . . .    5/6 

2I       ■      ...    6/0 

I3i 6/8 

Brightwell 
1     (mill)  . . .    4/0 


6i 

il 

I4l- 

122I. 


4/8 
5/o 
5/o 
5/4 


Burghclere 

28I 5/6 

8 6/0 

65i 6/8 

Cheriton 
I9l 6/8 

Clere,  High 

i| 5/4 

ioj 6/0 

Crawley 
5oi 6/8 

Culham 
ii 6/10 

Downton 

6     (mill)  ...    s/o 

il      ■      ...  [6/0} 

6|       "      ...    6/4 

140I 6/4 

Droxford 
ol  (mill)  ...    6/0 
I4t 6/8 

Ebbesborne 
391 6/4 

Fareham 
5of 6/8 

Farnham 
"1 7/0 

FONTHILL 

761 6/0 

i3l 6/1 

Hambledon 

15 6/0 

15 6/4 

43l 6/8 


Harwell 
qrs.  s.  d. 

4 5/o 

7il 5/4 

Havant 
18I 6/8 

Itchingswell 

I3l 5/6 

5 6/0 

351 6/8 

Ivinghoe 

5     (mill)  ...  2/8 

4l      '      ...  3/2 

8i      ■      ...  3/4 

7i      *     ...  3/5 

19I 3/8 

17I 4/0 

381 5/0 

Knoyle 

4*1 6/0 

23l 6/1 

Knoyle,  Upton 
40J 6/0 

Mardon 
i37l 6/8 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

9l 6/0 

104! 6/8 

Meon,  Church 

23! 6/8 

52}  (tithes)..    6/8 

Morton 
79l 5/o 

Overton 

51 6/8 

oi  (mill)  ...    6/8 

32 6/8 

ol 6/8 

PlLLINGBEAR 

5t 6/10 

RlMPTON 

2!  (mill)  ...    s/8 

23I 7/o 

65* 7/8 

Stoke 
63! 6/8 


Sutton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

48! 6/8 

Taunton: 

Nailesbourne  and 

Kingston 

Poundisford 

8 6/0 

i7l 7/o 

199! 7/o 

3l 7/4 

60I 7/4 

54! 7/6 

61 8/0 

37 8/6 

99! 8/6 

ail 8/6 

Twyford  &  Marwell 

of  (mill)  ...    5/4 

8 6/0 

98I 6/8 

Waltham 
io81 6/8 

Waltham,  North 

4 5/o 

28! 6/8 

Waltham, 

St.  Lawrence 

12I 6/10 

Wargrave 
7i 6/10 

Wield 

61 6/0 

x61 6/8 

Witney 
781 5/0 

WOLVESEY 
23 6  'o 

39l 6/8 

Woodhay 

17 5/6 

34l 6/8 

Wycombe 
561 5/0 

I«93-94 
Adderbury 

sol 5/o 

14I 5/6 

Alresford 
4ii 7/o 


398 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1293-94  (continued) 


ASHMANSWORTH 

qrs.  s.  d. 

7l 7/4 

Beauworth 

27I 7/o 

Bentley 
69J 7/6 

Bitterne 

8 5/3 

61 6/0 

ill 7/o 

BRIGHTWELL 

of  (mill)  . . .    4/0 
3*       *        ..    4/8 

*1     ■     ...  s/s 

i|       "      ...    6/0 

BURGHCLERE 

6 6/8 

66} 8/0 

of  (miU)  ...    8/0 

Chertton 

oj  (miU)  . . .  Is/a] 

40} 7/0 

Crawley 

61 6/8 

23! 7/o 

CULHAM 

9 7/6 

DOWNTON 

61  (mill)  ...    5/0 

4}       •      ...    6/8 

134 6/8 

Droxford 

32I 7/o 

ol  (mill)  . . .  [7/0] 

Ebbesborne 
7o| 6/8 

ESSERE 

ai 5/4 

Fareham 
ol  (mill)  . . .  [5/0U 
6o| 7/0 

Farnham 
of  (miU)  ...    6/0 

*\          "         •••      7/4 
20f 7/4 

FONTHTLL 
37J I6/0U 


HaMBLEDON 
qrs.  s.  d. 

37l 7/o 

Harwell 

5t 5/o 

S3* 6/4 

Havant 

24! 7/0 

Itchingswell 

8 5/6 

1 6/0 

a6i 8/0 

IVINGHOE 
I36J 6/4 

Knoyle,  Upton 
isl 6/0 

Mardon 

18I 6/8 

146I 7/0 

Meon,  Church 
11    (tithes)..    6/0 

23! 6/8 

44 1  (tithes)..    6/8 

Morton 
43i 6/4 

Overton 
of  (mill)  ...    8/0 

PlLLINGBEAR 

7f 7/6 

RlMPTON 

81 [6/oiI 

Sutton 

4ii 7/o 

Taunton 

I2f S/O 

374i S/o 

401 5/4 

63i 6/0 

Staplegrove 

I3f S/4 

I9l 5/6 

3ll [5l/lO 

Waltham,  North 

4 6/0 

14J 8/0 

Wargrave 
39i 7/6 


Wield 
qrs.                ,    s.  d. 
34l 7/o 


Witney 


7i*. 


6/4 


Woodhay 
48I 8/0 

Wycombe 

581 6/4 

1207-08 
Adderdury 

14 3/0 

16I 4/0 

Alresford 
of  (mill)  . . .  [6/7 11 
24! 6/8 

Ashmansworth 
3l S/o 

161 6/0 

Beauworth 

22 6/8 


63. 


5l 
3 
21I. 


Bentley 
7/4 

BlTTERNE 

(mill)  ...  s/o 
5/8 
6/0 
7/o 
7/4 


4-  • 

It 

If 

ll 

64L 


Brightwell 

4/0 

4/0 

...  4/4 

...  4/8 

...  5/0 

...  S/4 


BURGHCLERE 

18 5/o 

30! 6/0 

Clere,  High 

10I s/o 

I7l 6/0 

DOWNTON 

Sf  (mill)  ...    4/0 

54! 6/0 

ill  (mill)  ...    6/0 

Droxford 
38f 6/8 


Ebbesborne 
qrs.  s.  d. 

42I 6/0 

Fareham 

48I 6/8 

S6f 7/4 

Farnham 

1     (mill)  ...    4/8 

2l       "      ...    7/0 

19 7/o 

Fonthtll 
43f 6/0 

Hambledon 

2 s/o 

36 6/8 

Harwell 

SO S/4 

Havant 
il  (mill)...    s/o 
4l       "      ...    7/4 

Itchingswell 

7 5/o 

22 6/0 

IVINGHOE 

I5l 3/4 

16 4/0 

Sol 4/8 

Knoyle 
3sl 6/0 

Knoyle,  Upton 
12I 6/0 

Marwell 
(See  Twytord) 


Meon 


161I. 


6/8 
7/4 


Meon,  Church 

13I S/o 

27i 7/4 

Morton 

32i 4/8 

RlMPTON 
79l 5/8 

Stoke 
28 6/8 

Sutton 
2if 6/8 


APPENDIX  F 


399 


Prices  of  Wheat,  1297-98  (continued) 


Taunton 
qrs.  s.  d. 

48I 2/8 

27 3/4 

20 4/4 

8g| 6/10 

Kingston  and 
Nailesbourne 

10} 6/[o] 

21 J 6/10 

Poundisford 

28§ [3/6H 

2 6/0 

3ii 6/10 

TWYFORD  &  MARWELL 

82i 6/8 

Waltham 
68 6/8 

Waltham,  North 
7 5/o 

20§ 6/0 

Wargrave 

s! 7/0 

Wield 

ji 6/8 

Witney 
64! 4/0 

WOLVESEY 

oi 4/0 

1 4/6 

4i 5/o 

8 5/6 

il 6/0 

S 7/i 

1 7/6 

39i 8/0 

WOODHAY 

9 S/° 

a6i 6/0 

Wycombe 
43i 4/8 

1 208-og 
Adderbury 

i81 6/0 

Alresford 
46! 8/0 

ASHMANSWORTH 
7i 8/0 

Beauworth 
221 8/0 


Bentley 
qrs.        s.  d. 

4l 4/8 

4 5/o 

3 6/0 

S7f 8/8 

Bitterne 
18} 8/0 

Brightwell 

40 7/0 

58I 8/0 

Burghclere 

7§ 6/8 

So} 8/0 

o|  (mill)  ...    8/0 

Cheriton 

65! 8/0 

Clerk,  High 
10} 8/0 

Crawley 
6oJ 8/0 

CULHAM 

si 8/0 

DOWNTON 

3 1  (mill)  ...    s/8 

ml 7/4 

13I  (mill)  ...    7/4 

Droxford 
8ii 8/0 

Ebbesborne 

72J 7/4 

Fareham 
i9i 8/0 

Farnham 

I3l 8/0 

Hambledon 
13} 7/4 

S7f 8/0 

Harwell 

16 7/0 

25I 8/0 

Havant 
3Si 8/0 

Itchingswell 
4 5/6 

i8f 8/0 

IVTNGHOE 

Sol 7/0 


qrs. 
30.  . 
118I. 


Knoyle 

s.  d. 

6/0 

7/4 

Knoyle,  Upton 

3f 6/8 

2 6/8 

2°1 7/4 

Mardon 

4 4/0 

4 4/9 

2i 5/o 

4* 5/6 

4l 6/0 

3} 6/2 

3 6/6 

3l 6/8 

1 7/o 

I26f 8/0 

Marwell 
(See  Twyford) 

Meon 

44} 6/8 

l9of 8/0 

Meon,  Church 

7i 6/8 

68i 8/0 

Overton 
32i 8/0 

RlMPTON 

I J  (mill)  ...    7/8 
82 7/8 

SOUTHWARK 

6     (mill)  ...    6/8 

Sutton 
70 8/0 

Taunton 

18I 4/6 

28J 5/o 

35i 6/8 

6oJ 7/0 

24* 8/4 

iooj 9/0 

Kingston  and 
Nailesbourne 

8| 6/0 

3! 6/8 

21 1 9/0 

Otterford 

18J 6/0 

9 6/8 

37 8/81 


Twyford  &  Marwell 
qrs.  s.  d. 

98J 8/0 

Waltham 

if 4/8 

S 7/4 

64} 8/0 

Waltham,  North 
30I 8/0 

Waltham, 

St.  Lawrence 

i5i 8/4 

Wargrave 
9l 8/0 

Wield 
43 8/0 

Witney 
781 6/0 

WOLVESEY 

5J 6/0 

3 6/4 

26! 6/8 

4i 7/o 

2 7/4 

3 7/8 

2i 8/10(7/10?] 

10} 8/0 

2 8/8 

WOODHAY 

5l 6/8 

37i 8/0 

Wycombe 
21I 7/0 

1290-1300 
Adderbury 

7} 4/0 

20! 4/4 

Alresford 
So* 6/8 

Ashmansworth 

11 5/o 

15I 6/0 

Beauworth 

32 6/8 

Bentley 
78J 6/8 

Bitterne 
18I 6/8 


400 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Wheat,  i  299-1 300  {continued) 


Brightwell 

qrs.  s.  d. 

«$ 4/0 

i\   (mill)  . . .  4/0 

a|   '   ...  4/4 

13 4/6 

4$  (mill)  ...  4/8 

6$   ■   ...  3/0 

74* 5/4 

BURGHCLERE 

77 5/o 

40 6/0 

Cheriton 

9* 6/0 

S6t 6/8 

Cure,  High 

61 5/0 

20 6/0 

Crawley 
69* 6/8 

CULHAM 

7 6/0 

DOWOTON 

35* 5/4 

143 6/0 

Droxeord 

7 5/4 

I* 6/0 

SoJ 6/8 

Ebbesborne 

1 S/o 

x6J 5/4 

72 6/0 

Fareham 

o$ s/4 

o| 6/0 

9 6/8 


Farnham 

qrs.  s.  d. 

2}  (mill)  ...    6/0 

19* 6/0 

Foothill 

isl S/o 

59- • 5/8 

Hambledon 

9 6/0 

24 6/8 

Harwell 

20 4/4 

49* 5/4 

Havaot 

10 s/o 

1     (mill)  . . .    s/o 

41I 5/4 

0!  (mill)  ...    6/8 

Itchingswell 

i8| 5/0 

16J 6/0 

IVINGHOE 
S6| 4/0 

15* 4/4 

45 4/8 

40I S/o 

7* S/4 

7ii 5/8 

Knoyle 

69I S/o 

76 5/8 

Knoyle,  Upton 
I7i S/o 

32 5/8 

Mardon 
9l 5/0 

8f S/2 

4* 5/4 

21 6/0 

106 6/8 


Meon 

gra.  8.  d. 

18 6/0 

162I 6/8 

Morton 

8 4/10 

30! 5/8 

Overton 

20 s/o 

41 6/0 

RlMPTON 
24l 4/8 

80$ S/4 

Stoke 

3$ s/4 

62 s/6 

Sutton 
30 6/8 

Taunton: 

i* S/o 

o*  (bought)  s/o 

3* S/4 

2 S/4 

165I 5/4 

10 S/4 

2i S/8 

97 5/8 

Si 6/0 

98J 6/2 

Kingston  and 
Nailesbourne 

2! 4/8 

17* 5/o 

9t 5/4 

ioi 5/8 

21} 6/2 

Poundisford 

3ii 5/4 

81 S/8 

37l 6/2 


TWYFORD 

qrs.  s.  d. 

4i S/6 

4i S/8 

loii 6/0 

100 6/8 

Waltham 

9i •••  4/0 

4i 4/8 

27 S/o 

7 5/4 

il  (mill)..  6/0 

19I 6/0 

68$ 6/8 

Waltham,  North 

12$ s/o 

27! 6/0 

Wargrave 

3i 4/2 

56! 6/0 

Witney 
i45l 4/4 

WOLVESEY 

il S/4 

1  (bought)  s/4 

4* S/6 

3}  (bought)  5/6 

27t S/8 

2}  (bought)  s/8 

3 5/io 

2  (bought)  5/10 
i5l 6/0 

7 6/2 

35$ 6/8 

WOODHAY 

27l 5/0 

26$ 6/0 

Wycombe 

2 5/0 

Si* 5/8 


APPENDIX  F 


401 


Prices  of  Corn,  1523-24 

Bought  for  the  household  of  the  countess  of  Devon,  in  Devonshire. 
All  the  wheat  was  bought  from  Robert  Hancock  by  bargain. 
MS.,  R.O.,  Misc.  Exchequer  Books  (T.  R.)  223. 


Amt. 

Amt. 

Date       in  qrs. 

Price 

Particulars  of  purchase 

Date 

in  qrs. 

Price    Particulars  of  purchase 

1523 

s.  d. 

1524 

s.  d. 

2  Oct.  oj  wheat 

8/0 

"  of  the  old  bargayn." 

17  June  oi  rye 

[5/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

2     "      1       " 

9/4 

"  of  the  newe  bargayn." 

24    * 

1 1  wheat 

9/8 

9    "      2       ■ 

9/4 

24    " 

oi  rye 

[s/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

25  Dec.  2       " 

8/8 

1  July  3J  wheat 

9/8 

1523-24 

1     " 

oi  rye 

[5/4I  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

1  Jan.  6      " 

[9/4] 

7     " 

1 J  wheat 

9/8 

29     "      ij     ' 

9/4 

IS     " 

2       * 

9/8 

S  Feb.  ij    " 

9/4 

15     " 

oi  rye 

[3/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

12     *      2       " 

9/4 

22     " 

2  wheat 

9/8 

23    ■     ii    " 

9/8 

22     " 

oi  rye 

[5/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

1524 

29     B 

ii  wheat 

9/8 

1  Apr.  2       " 

9/8 

29     " 

ojrye 

[5/4] 

8    ■      2       « 

9/8 

5  Aug 

2  wheat 

9/8 

15    "      ii    " 

9/8 

12     " 

1     " 

9/8 

22    "     1$    ■ 

9/8 

12     " 

1     " 

8/0 

29    "     2      * 

9/8 

19     " 

2i    * 

8/0   "  off  a  new  barge[n]." 

6  May  ij     " 

9/8 

26     ■ 

2       ■ 

8/0 

13     *      2       " 

9/8 

26     " 

o|  rye 

[4/8]  "  bogth  off  Mr.  Bayly." 

20     "      ij     " 

9/8 

2  Sept 

2  J  wheat 

8/0 

20     "      oj  rye 

[5/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

2     " 

oj  rye 

4/2   bought  at  Honiton. 

27     "      2  wheat 

9/8 

9     " 

2  wheat 

8/0 

27     "      o|  rye 

[5/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

9     " 

oi  rye 

[5/4]  "  bogth  off  Mr.  Bayly." 

3  June  i|  wheat 

9/8 

16     " 

2  J  wheat 

8/0 

3     "      oi  rye 

[5/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

16     " 

ol  rye 

I4/8J  "  bogth  off  Mr.  Bayly." 

10     "      2  wheat 

9/8 

23     " 

1 J  wheat 

8/0 

10     "      oi  rye 

[5/4]  At  Adderley  Bridge. 

23     " 

oi  [wheat]  [5/4]  "  bogth  off  Mr.  Bayly." 

17     "      1$  wheat 

9/8 

Prices  of  Corn,  1557-58 

Little  Walsingham,  Norfolk. 

MS.,  R.O.,  Misc.  Exchequer  Books  (T.  R.)  255,  "  Gresham  Ac- 
counts." 

Year      Date 

[15S7-58) 


Year 

Date               Amount 

Price 
s.  d. 

1557 

2  combs  red  wheat 

f6/8]. 

8      "       wheat 

1/2. 

5      ' 

8/0. 

100      "       barley 

Is/aJl 

1557-58  1 

6  Jan.      2      "       malt 

U/ol. 

[I557-58J 

5      "       wheat 

4/4- 

Amount 

Price 

s.  d. 

1 J  combs  wheat 

6/8. 

6J      « 

4/0. 

3l      ■       peas 

3/o. 

3I      "       malt 

a/4. 

1 J      "       barley 

Lj/ol. 

402 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Corn,  1572-84 

Sold  in  southern  Norfolk  (Mendham  and  Harling). 
MS.,  Br.  M.,  Add.,  27398,  "  Household  Accounts  of  the  Family  of 
Gawdy,  1570-1576." 


Place 

Place 

Date 

Amount 

Price 

of  sale 

Date 

Amount 

Price 

of  sale 

XS7* 

s.d. 

1 

572 

s.d. 

27  Sept 

.  1  bush,  oatmeal 

li/9l 

Harling. 

*7 

Dec 

1  pk.  oatmeal 

[0/6] 

Harling. 

37      ' 

oj    " 

[2/0) 

Mendham. 

37 

« 

0}  comb  mistlin 

18/oJ 

■ 

27     " 

0}  comb  wht.  with  rye 

[8/0] 

« 

157 

3-73 

4  Oct. 

1}  bush,  oatmeal 

[1/10 

|]  Harling. 

3 

J;in. 

1        "       wheat 

[10/0] 

Mendham. 

4     ' 

0  J  comb  wheat             [ 

to/o] 

Mendham. 

3 

« 

1        "       rye 

[6/0] 

■ 

11     " 

3  bushs.  rye 

[1/6] 

Harling. 

3 

■ 

4  combs  malt 

U/ol 

■ 

11     « 

2      "       wheat 

[2/0] 

■ 

10 

« 

0}  bush,  oatmeal 

l3/ol 

Harling. 

11     " 

7  combs  malt 

[4/0] 

1 

10 

■ 

5  combs  malt 

u/ol 

« 

11     « 

4       * 

[4/0] 

Mendham. 

10 

■ 

0}  comb  mistlin 

[8/ol 

■ 

II     ■ 

2       "       wheat           I 

to/o! 

■ 

10 

" 

1  bush,  oatmeal 

[2/01 

Mendham. 

18     « 

o\  bush,  oatmeal 

[2/0] 

Harling. 

10 

" 

4  combs  malt 

U/ol 

a 

18    " 

0$  comb  rye 

[6/0] 

■ 

10 

■ 

1  comb  wheat 

[io/ol 

« 

18    " 

oj      "         « 

[6/ol 

Mendham. 

10 

* 

1      "       rye 

[6/0] 

" 

3S     " 

0}  pic.  oatmeal 

[0/6) 

Harling. 

17 

■ 

0}      *       mistlin 

[8/0] 

Harling. 

*5     " 

2  bushs.  rye 

[1/6] 

■ 

17 

■ 

1        *       wheat 

[10/0J 

Mendham. 

*S     " 

0}  bush,  oatmeal 

[2/0] 

Mendham. 

17 

■ 

oj      ■       rye 

[6/0] 

a 

35       ' 

0}  comb  wheat             [ 

10/0] 

■ 

34 

■ 

0}  bush,  oatmeal 

[3/0] 

" 

35     ' 

oj      ■       rye 

[6/0] 

■ 

34 

" 

oj  comb  wheat 

[10/0] 

a 

1  Nov 

.  0$  bush,  oatmeal 

[2/0] 

Harling. 

24 

" 

1        "       rye 

[6/ol 

■ 

1     " 

1  comb  rye 

[6/0] 

" 

24 

" 

4  combs  malt 

U/ol 

■ 

1     " 

0  J    "      ,  wheat 

[8/0] 

■ 

2 

Feb 

6  bushs.  wheat 

ll/ll 

Harling. 

8    " 

1      "       oatmeal 

[2/0] 

" 

2 

• 

2}  combs  rye 

[6/ol 

■ 

8     * 

7  combs  malt 

[4/0] 

■ 

2 

■ 

0}  bush,  oatmeal 

[3/01 

Mendham. 

8    ■ 

1  comb  wheat 

[8/0] 

" 

2 

■ 

1  comb  wheat 

Iio/ol 

« 

8    ' 

6  bushs.  rye 

;i/6] 

■ 

2 

" 

ol    *       rye 

[6/ol 

8    ■ 

0}  bush,  oatmeal 

[2/0] 

Mendham. 

7 

m 

oj  bush,  oatmeal 

U/ol 

Harling. 

8     ■ 

1        "      mistlin 

[2/0I 

■ 

7 

m 

4  combs  malt 

U/ol 

Mendham. 

IS     " 

1       "      oatmeal 

.2/0] 

Harling. 

7 

m 

oi  comb  wheat 

(io/ol 

■ 

IS     ' 

oj     " 

2/0] 

Mendham. 

7 

m 

oi      "       rye 

[6/0] 

■ 

IS     " 

1       "      mistlin 

[s/o] 

■ 

14 

* 

1  bush,  peas 

[1/41 

Harling. 

22     " 

1       "     oatmeal 

2/0] 

Harling. 

14 

* 

oj    "     oatmeal 

U/ol 

* 

22     * 

3       "      wheat 

U/ol 

« 

14 

u 

1  pk.  oatmeal 

[0/6] 

Mendham. 

22     " 

6        "      rye 

[1/6I 

a 

21 

* 

S  bushs.  wheat 

U/ol 

Harling. 

22     • 

1       "      mistlin 

Vol 

Mendham. 

31 

* 

6      *       mistlin 

u/41 

* 

22     « 

4  combs  malt 

4/0I 

« 

28 

« 

1  bush,  peas 

[1/31 

■ 

29      ' 

0}  bush,  oatmeal 

2/0] 

Harling. 

a8 

■ 

3  pks.  peas 

lo/41 

■ 

20      « 

1        "      mistlin 

Vol 

Mendham. 

2S 

* 

1  bush,  wheat 

[2/61 

■ 

7  Dec 

1       *      oatmeal 

2/0I 

Harling. 

7 

.lar 

oi    "     oatmeal 

U/ol 

« 

7     * 

3       "      rye 

[i/ol 

a 

7 

* 

oj  comb  peas 

b/41 

« 

7     " 

6       "      barley 

[i/ol 

■ 

7 

■ 

9  bushs.  mistlin 

u/61 

■ 

14     ' 

1       "      oatmeal 

2/ol 

1 

7 

« 

3      *       wheat 

[3/61 

" 

14     « 

3  bushs.  rye 

1/61 

" 

14 

" 

2      "       peas 

IS/41 

" 

14     " 

3      "       wheat 

Vol 

" 

14 

* 

6      "       mistlin 

[1/61 

a 

14     ' 

4  combs  malt 

4/0] 

" 

1 

573 

14     " 

1  bush,  wheat 

[1/61 

Mendham. 

28  Mar 

1  comb  rye 

[6/ol 

■ 

14     " 

oj  comb  rye 

[8/0] 

a 

1 1 

\pr. 

1  bush,  oatmeal 

[3/81 

■ 

14     ' 

4  combs  malt 

4/0] 

■ 

3S 

11 

oi    " 

[3/41 

« 

20     " 

12  J      "       bread  corn 

0/4  J]  Harling. 

Undated  i  comb  rye 

l8/ol 

20     « 

2       "       wheat          [1 

0/0] 

Mendham. 

" 

1      "       peas 

U/ol 

20     " 

2       "       rye 

[6/0] 

■ 

" 

1  bush.  r>'e 

u/31 

APPENDIX  F 


403 


Prices  or  Corn,  1572-84  {continued) 


Place 

Place 

Date 

Amount 

Price 

of  sale 

Date 

Amount 

Price 

of  sale 

1573 

s.d. 

1576 

s.d. 

Undated  i  pk.  rye 

to/7] 

24  June 

10  combs 

rye  (2 

lots)  [6/o] 

Sold. 

" 

oj  bush,  peas 

[1/4] 

24    " 

10       " 

■ 

[S/o] 

■ 

« 

oj      "     rye 

[2/6I 

24     ■ 

3       " 

■ 

[4/8] 

« 

■ 

0}  comb  peas 

[6/0] 

24    " 

9  bushs. 

" 

[i/81 

M 

■ 

1    bush.       " 

[1/8] 

24    ■ 

7        " 

« 

[1/6I 

g 

■ 

oj      "       rye 

[2/6] 

24     " 

3  combs 

* 

(4/61 

u 

" 

2    bushs.    " 

[1/3] 

24    * 

IO         " 

a 

Is/ol 

M 

IS 73-4 

24     * 

10       ■ 

■ 

[S/o] 

* 

14  Mar 

io§  combs  rye 

[9/6}]  Harlins. 

24     * 

40       ■ 

[rye] 

[6/S] 

* 

14    * 

sl     ■ 

to/6}] 

■ 

1583-84 

14     " 

sl      ■       " 

[9/9] 

" 

17  Mar 

20  combs 

rye 

[2/6] 

Harling. 

14     " 

1  comb           " 

[10/0] 

■ 

17     " 

10       " 

■ 

[S/o] 

« 

14     " 

5  bushs.  rye 

IVo] 

* 

17     * 

20       " 

« 

IS/8] 

m 

14     " 

2      ■        " 

[a/6] 

" 

17     " 

S       " 

a 

[5/0] 

u 

14     " 

x  comb      " 

[10/0] 

■ 

17     " 

3        " 

barley 

Is/ol 

« 

14    " 

1  bush.      " 

[2/6] 

" 

17     " 

26        " 

rye  (s  lots)   [s/o] 

* 

14    " 

1  comb     " 

[10/8] 

" 

IS84 

14    " 

S  }  combs    " 

to/6}] 

" 

9  July 

20  combs  barley 

[S/o] 

Mendham 

14    " 

1  bush.      " 

[2/6] 

9    " 

10       " 

" 

S/2 

* 

14    ' 

2  combs    " 

[10/0] 

9    " 

30       " 

"  (S  lots)  [5/0] 

a 

14     " 

S      ■      seed  barley 

[6/8] 

9    " 

20  bushs. 

"(2 

lots)  [1/3I 

a 

14    " 

1  comb  rye 

[9/0] 

9    " 

4  combs 

■ 

[S/o] 

a 

14    " 

5  comb3    " 

[9/4] 

9     " 

10       " 

rye 

5/8 

* 

14    * 

1  bush.      " 

[2/4] 

9     ■ 

1  comb 

* 

[5/8] 

* 

14    " 

1      "         " 

[2/0] 

9     ' 

1      " 

mistlin 

[6/0] 

* 

14    ' 

1      " 

[2/6] 

9     * 

3  bushs. 

rye 

[S/o] 

* 

14    ' 

Si  combs  rye 

[8/0] 

9     " 

0}  comb  mistlin 

[6/0] 

M 

1576 

9     * 

oj      ■ 

rye 

[4/0I 

" 

24  June 

20       "         " 

[6/8] 

Sold. 

9     * 

1      ■ 

mistlin 

[6/oJ 

■ 

Prices  of  Corn,  1585-86 

Bought  for  the  use  of  Philip,  Lord  Wharton,  Westmoreland. 
(Br.  M.,  Add.,  22289.) 


Date                   Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

Date                   Amt.  in  qrs. 

Price 

1585 

s.d. 

158S-86 

s.  d. 

30  Oct.  -27  Nov.  4}  wheat 

44/o. 

22  Jan.  -19  Feb.  0}  wheat  for  brewing 

l45/4l- 

5}  malt 

26/8. 

19  Feb.  -19  Mar.  5}      " 

48/0. 

o}     *     brewed  in  ale 

26/8. 

6}  malt 

26/8. 

o}  +  2  pks.  wheat  for  brewing 

44/0. 

0}     "     brewed  in  ale 

26/8. 

37  Nov-25  Dec.  s  wheat 

44/0. 

0}  wheat  for  brewing 

48/0. 

7}  malt 

26/8. 

19  Mar.-i6  Apr.  5}      " 

53/4- 

0}     "     brewed  in  ale 

26/8. 

6}  malt 

26/8. 

0}  wheat  for  brewing 

[44/0]. 

0}  wheat  for  brewing 

[53/4]- 

1585-86 

1  malt  brewed  in  ale 

26/8. 

25  Dec.  -22  Jan.   6}  wheat 

44/0. 

1586 

9}  malt 

26/8. 

16  Apr.  -ri  May  4}  wheat 

53/4. 

0}  wheat  for  brewing 

[44/0]. 

5}  malt 

26/8. 

o{  malt  brewed  in  ale 

26/8. 

0}  wheat  for  brewing 

153/4]. 

22  Jan.  -19  Feb.  5}  wheat 

45/4- 

0}  malt  brewed  in  ale 

26/8. 

7}  malt 

26/8. 

4 May-  4  June  8}  wheat 

26/8. 

1       *     brewed  in  ale 

26/8. 

12}  malt 

xo/o. 

404 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Corn,  1585-86  {continued) 


Date                   Amt.  in  qra. 

Price 

Date 

Amt.  in  qra. 

Price 

1586 

s.  d. 

1586 

s.  d. 

4  May  -  4  June  i  wheat  for  brewing 

26/8. 

30  July  -27  Aug. 

ill  malt 

16/0. 

4  June-  a  July  7!    " 

26/8. 

0}  wheat  for  brewing 

26/8. 

12}  malt 

16/0. 

17  Aug. -24  Sept 

7l      ' 

26/8. 

0}  wheat  (or  brewing 

26/8. 

III  malt 

16/0. 

3  July -30  July  si    " 

26/8. 

0}  wheat  for  brewing 

26/8. 

9I  malt 

16/0. 

24  Sept.-2o  Oct. 

6  wheat 

40/0. 

oj  wheat  for  brewing 

26/8. 

3  rye 

26/8. 

30  July -27  Aug.  7!      • 

26/8. 

12]  malt 

oi  wheat  for  brewing 

x6/o. 
40/0. 

Prices  of  Corn,  1633-61 

Bought  and  sold  in  Sussex. 

MS.,  Br.  M.,  Add.,  33147,  "  Accompts  of  Laughton,  etc." 


Particu- 
lars of 

sale  and 
pur- 
chase 


Date  Amt.  in  qrs.     Price 

1633  8.  d. 

25  Mar.  -     Mich.  6  wheat  36/0 

Bought  from  a  Ringmer  man. 

25     "    -         "3  wheat  36/0   Bought. 

25     *    -         "     8      "  36/0 

25     "    -         "     5      *  33/o 

25     *    -         "     oi    "  34/8 

»5     ■    -         "4  malt  19/0         " 

25      "     -         "      11      "  19/0         ■ 

25      "     -         "      40     "  20/0         " 

25     ■    -         ■      o\     "  20/0         " 

25    "  -      '    I     '  18/0 

25     "    -         "      1  bariey  18/0         " 

25     *    -         '     ol    "  17/4 

Bought  from  a  Ringmer  man. 

25     "    -         "     oj  barley  I20/0]  Bought. 


1633-34 
Mich.-25  Mar. 

"     -25  * 

"    -as  " 

*  -25  " 

-     -25  « 

*  -25  ' 

"    -as  " 

'      ~2S  " 


oi  peas 
o|  tares 

01  " 
12J  oats 
13       * 

2  wheat 


20/0 
12/0 
12/0 
8/0 

9/4 

36/0 


Bought  from  a  Farley  man. 
oi  malt  20/0   Bought. 

1  peas        20/0    " 

2  "         20/0    " 

3  "         24/0    " 
oi  "         24/0 

oj  "  pease  for  the  horsscs"  26/8 
Bought  from  a  Ringmer  man. 

ol  "  pease  for  porridge  "  [32/0  ] 
Bought. 

1  barley  20/0 

Bought  from  a  Ringmer  man. 


Particu- 
lars of 

sale  and 
pur- 
chase 


Date  Amt.  in  qrs.      Price 

1633-34  s.  d. 

Mich.-25  Mar.  oi  barley  16/0 

Bought  from  a  Norton  man. 
1  barley  24/0 

Bought  from  a  Bishopston  man. 
i2i  oats  8/0     Bought. 

17      '  10/6 


-25 


"     -as 

'     -as 
1634 
25  Mar.  -     Mich,  oi  tares 
25     '    - 


10/8 
1  barley  20/0 

Bought  from  a  Bishopston  man. 
25    "     -        "     oi  malt  I24/0]  Bought. 

25     "    -         "     oi  wheat  40/0]        " 

1634-3S 
Mich.-25  Mar.   1 1  seed  wheat      47/4 

Bought  from  a  Denton  man. 


«   _25    « 

ii  wheat 

45/4 

Bought  from 

a  Tarring  man. 

"   -25    " 

1  rye 

30/0  Bought. 

"   -as    * 

oi" 

32/0         ' 

'    -as      * 

2  peas 

20/0         ' 

"     -a5      " 

1     " 

22/8         ' 

'    -as     ' 

3     ' 

21/4         ' 

"    -25     ' 

1  barley 

22/0         ' 

"     -25      " 

1  peas 

21/4         ' 

*     -as      ' 

oi   ' 

22/8 

'    -as      ' 

ol  tares 

12/0         ' 

"    -as      " 

12I  oats 

8/0 

*     -25      * 

5      ' 

10/0 

Bought  from  a 

Laughton  man. 

"     -25      B 

iai  oats 

1 0/0   Bought. 

*     -25      ' 

10      " 

10/0 

163s 

Mar.  -     Mich 

1  barley 

20/0         * 

«     _         « 

ol  tares 

[14/4]        ' 

APPENDIX  F 


40S 


Prices  of  Corn,  1633-61  {continued) 


Particu- 
lars of 
sale  and 
pur- 
Date  Amt.  in  qrs.*    Price     chase 

1635  s.  d. 

35  Mar.  -     Mich.  o|  oats  I10/8]  Bought. 

35      "     -  "      oj  seed  wheat     48/0  " 

25      "     -  "      8        "    rye  32/0  ■ 

1635-36 
Mich.-25  Mar.  3  rye  32/0   Sold. 

"     -25      ■      2    *  29/4       " 

"     -25      "      oj  "course"  wht.  37/4       " 
"     -25      ■      il  peas  20/0 

Bought  from  a  Ringmer  man. 
"    -25      "      0}  peas  17/4 

Bought  from  a  Ringmer  man. 

■  -25      "      1  seed  peas  25/4   Bought. 

■  -25      "      of  tares  20/0  " 
"     -25      "      oi  barley              20/0         * 

1636 
25  Mar.  -     Mich.  4  malt  22/0  * 

25      "     -  "      o\  barley  26/0 

Bought  at  Lewes  market. 
25      ■     -  "      oj  barley  20/0   Bought. 

a$     *    ~         "      oj  tares  18/8  * 

1636-37 
Mich.-25  Mar.   if  peas  32/0 

Bought  from  a  Stoughton  man. 
"     -25      "      5i  malt  28/0    Bought. 

■  -25      ■      o|  tares  32/0 

Bought  from  a  Stoughton  man. 
"     -25      "      10  oats  15/0   Bought. 

■  -25     "     0}  peas  32/0 

Bought  from  a  Waldron  man. 

*  — 35      "      9    oats  15/0   Bought. 
"     -25      ■      4}    '  13/4 

Bought  from  a  Hoathly  man. 

1637 
35  Mar.  -     Mich,  oj  barley  24/0 

Bought  from  a  Stoneham  man.  | 
25      "     -         "      oi      ■  28/0   Bought. 

25      "     -  "      O*      ■  [28/8]        * 

25      "     -         "      oi  peas  for  horses  I28/0]    " 
25      "     -         "3!  oats  13/0         ' 

25      "     -         "      i|      "  19/0         " 

25      "     -         "      «|    '  14/0 

35      "     -         "       4      "  15/0         " 

35     "    -         "      oj  barley  30/8         ■ 

1638 
Mich.-25  Mar.  oi      "  28/0         " 

«     -25      *      oi      "  28/0 

"     -2j      "      I2i  oats  16/0 

Bought  from  a  Hellingleigh  man. 

*  -25      *      10  barley  malt    30/0   Bought. 
35  Mar.  -     Mich.  1  wheat  32/0  " 

1638-39 
Mich.-25  Mar.   ij  seed  wheat     32/0 

Bought  from  a  Laughton  man. 


Particu- 
lars of 
sale  and 

Date               Amt.  in  qrs. 

pur- 
Price     chase 

1638-39 

s.  d. 

Mich.-25  Mar.  oi  barley 

[24/0]  Bought 

"     -25      "      2  peas 

24/0 

Bought  from  a 

hellingleigh  man. 

"     -25      "      10  malt 

23/0  Bought. 

"     -25      "      oi  barley 

34/0         " 

1639 

25  Mar.  -     Mich.  0 

1639-40 

Mich.-25  Mar.  0 

1640 

25  Mar.  -     Mich.  i2i  oats 

8/0    Bought. 

25       "      -            "       I2i     " 

9/6 

25      "     -         "      20      ' 

9/0 

Bought  from 

a  Clapham  man. 

25      "     -          ■      0}  barley 

16/0 

Bought  from  a 

Bishopston  man. 

25      "     -          "      3s  seed  wheat 

30/0   Bought. 

25      "    - 

■ 

3  J  seed  wheat 

30/0 

B 

night 

25      "     - 

■ 

o|    ■        " 

29/4 

■ 

25      "     - 

■ 

2       "     rye 

21/4 

M 

1640-41 

Mich.-25  Mar 

oi  wheat 

28/0 

" 

"    -25 

* 

10  oats 

10/0 

" 

"    -25 

« 

1    " 

1 0/0 

" 

"    -25 

■ 

1    ■ 

9/4 

" 

"     -25 

" 

4i  peas 

26/8 

" 

"    -25 

JC 

o|     " 

24/0 

* 

"     -25 

■ 

o|  barley 

16/0 

* 

*    -25 

« 

1        ■ 

18/0 

" 

1641 

25  Mar.  -     Mich 

.  1 )  wheat 

32/0 

" 

25     *    - 

« 

5       ' 

32/0 

' 

25      '     - 

« 

1       " 

32/0 

Bought  from  a  Farley 

man. 

25      "    - 

" 

2i  wheat 

32/0 

Bought. 

25      "     - 

" 

1  barley 

16/0 

Bought  from  a  Bishopst 

on 

man. 

25      "    - 

c 

6  oats 

xo/o 

Bought. 

1641-42 

Mich.-25  Mar. 

3  old  oats 

12/0 

"     -25 

« 

7  oats 

10/0 

"     -25 

M 

oi  barley 

18/8 

"   -25 

m 

2  i  peas  for  hogs 

20/0 

"     -25 

m 

oi     * 

34/0 

"       -2S 

m 

1  i     "     to  sow 

30/0 

1642 

25  Mar.  -     Mich 

ii  wheat 

33/0 

25      '     - 

* 

1  barley 

18/0 

25      "     - 

« 

ii  peas 

20/0 

25    "    - 

11 

1  5  tares 

18/8 

1643-43 

Mich.-25  Mar. 

4  seed  wheat 

40/0 

-25 


Bought  from  a  Farley  man. 
0}  wheat  36/0    Bought. 


406 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Corn,  1633-61  (continued) 


Amt.  in  qrs. 


Particu- 
lars of 
sale  and 
pur- 
Price     chase 


Date 

1642-43 
Mich. -25  Mar.  oj  peas 
1643 
as  Mar.  -     Mich,  oj  barley 
as     *    -         *      20  oats 
25      "     -         •      20     « 
1643-44 
Mich-25  Mar.  2  peas 
1644 
25  Mar.  -     Mich,  oi  wheat 
25     «    -         "     o|      « 
25     "    -         "25  oats  (2  lots) 
1644-4S 
Mich.-25  Mar.    12  J  oats 

Bought  from  an  Arlington  man. 


s.  d. 

24/0  Bought. 

19/0  ■ 

9/0  " 

9/0  " 

17/4  " 

[26/8]  « 

[26/8]  ■ 
8/0 

8/8 


■ 

-as 

• 

1  oats 

9/0   B< 

Right. 

■ 

-as 

" 

3  seed  wheat 

28/2 

u 

■ 

-as 

M 

1  i  horse  beans  to  sow  24/ 

»■ 

■ 

-as 

* 

2  peas 

20/0 

■ 

■ 

-as 

* 

2j     - 

17/0 

■ 

■ 

-as 
[64S 

U 

oi  barley 

16/0 

25  Mar 

-     Micb 

.  if  wheat 

26/8 

■ 

25     " 

- 

« 

oj      « 

26/0 

■ 

as     " 

- 

« 

12  oats 

13/0 

" 

as     ' 

- 

II 

si   ' 

1 1/8 

■ 

as     " 

- 

II 

4      ' 

12/0 

■ 

as     * 

- 

II 

3      " 

13/4 

• 

as     " 

- 

« 

2      ■ 

13/4 

■ 

as     ' 

- 

ft 

7l    " 

13/4 

« 

25     ' 

- 

" 

oi    ' 

12/0 

■ 

as     ' 

- 

m 

a\    ' 

13/4 

■ 

as     " 

- 

m 

4      ' 

9/4 

m 

as     ' 

- 

* 

1  barley 

20/0 

m 

as     " 

- 

m 

oi      " 

16/0 

M 

as     ' 

- 

u 

1        " 

18/0 

Bought  from  a 

Bishops  ton 

man. 

i645-4< 

Mich.-25  Mar 

5  wheat 

28/0  Bought. 

« 

-25 

m 

31  oats 

1 0/0 

11 

■ 

-25 

" 

7l    " 

1 1/4 

m 

« 

-25 

* 

3      * 

,  11/0 

* 

« 

-25 

m 

ol    ■ 

12/0 

" 

« 

-25 

M 

i|     ' 

[12/0] 

■ 

« 

-25 
[646 

m 

oi  barley 

Iio/o] 

25  Mar 

-     Mich 

.  5  wheat 

28/0 

■ 

as     " 

- 

ii      « 

28/0 

" 

as     " 

- 

oi      ■ 

29/4 

■ 

as     " 

- 

ii      " 

38/0 

■ 

as     " 

- 

30  oats 

10/0 

" 

as     ' 

- 

xo    " 

11/0 

" 

25      " 

- 

5i  seed  wheat 

37/4 

■ 

Date 
1646-47 
Mich.-25  Mar.  6J  old  oats 
■    -25     «      ii    «      « 
"    -25     "     3  new     ■ 


Particu- 
lars of 
sale  and 
pur- 
Amt.  in  qrs.     Price     chase 


s.  d. 

10/0  Bought. 

12/0         " 

10/6 


"    -25     "     oi  peas  for  hogs  24/0         " 
1647 

25  Mar.  -     Mich.  40  old  oats  10/0         ■ 

25     "    -        "     29    "      "  12/0         " 

25      «    -         «     4i    «      *  12/0 

25      "     -         "     oi    "  wheat  32/0  Sold. 
1647-48 

Mich.-2sMar.  oi    "      "  48/0   Bought. 

"    -25     "      1  wheat  40/0   Sold. 

Mich.-25Mar.  oi  coarse  wheat  [16/0]     * 
1648 

25  Mar.  -     Mich.  1  wheat  52/4      * 

25     "    -         «     oi      "  56/0      « 

35        «      -  '        2l        «  WO        " 

25     "    -         "     oi      *  52/4      * 

25      "    -         "     o}  rye  40/0   Bought. 

25     "    -         "     oi    «  42/8 

25     "    -         "14  oats  16/0         " 

25      "     -         "      ii "  16/0         " 

25     *    -         "     o|  *  32/0         ■ 

25     "    -         "     1    "  for  the  swans  [16/0]     " 
1648-49 
Mich.-25  Mar.  oi  rye  I36/0I        " 

"  -25  *  1  seed  wheat  52/0  " 
"  -25  "  ii  *  beans  36/0  " 
"    -25     "      a     "    peas  40/0         ■ 

"    -25     "      3     "        "  32/o 

"    -25     «     oi  -        «  44/0         * 

"  -25  "  *i  "  tares  28/0  " 
"    -25     "      2  oats  12/0         ■ 

"    -25     "     of  14/8 

"     -25      "      5    *  d9/iil 

Bought  from  a  Bishopston  man. 
1649 
25  Mar.  -     Mich.  2i  wheat  to  sow  76/0 

Bought  at  Turners  Hill. 
25      "     -         "2  old  wheat         50/0 

Bought  for  the  house. 
25      "    -         "      1  wheat  52/0  Ditto. 

25      "     -         *      a  barley  30/0  Bought. 

25     "    -         "     oi  oats  17/4 

Bought  from  a  Bishopston  man. 
1649-50 
Mich.-25  Mar.  oi  wheat  50/0   Bought, 

"     -25      *      5        "  56/0         " 

■     -25      '      oi      «  48/0 

"     -25      "      1    barley  33/0         " 

*  -25      "      oi      ■  32/0 

•  -25     "     ©J      ■  36/0 


APPENDIX  F 


407 


Prices  of  Corn,  1633-61  (continued) 


Date 
1649-50 
Mich.-25  Mar. 
"    -as     * 
«    -25     " 
1650 
2  s  Mar.  -     Mich. 
25      "     -         " 
35     "    -         " 
95     ■    -         " 
25      "     - 

25    «   - 

25      "     -  " 

25      "     - 
1650-51 
Mich-25  Mar. 

"     -25      " 
"     -25      * 

«       _2j         « 

Mich.-25  Mar. 
-     -25      - 
1651 
25  Mar.  -     Mich. 
25     "    -         ' 
as     *    -        " 
25     "    - 
25     "    -        ■ 
25      "     -         ■ 
1651-52 
Mich.-25  Mar. 

"     -25      " 
■     _2S      « 

"     -25      " 
1652 
25  Mar.  -     Mich. 
as    *    -       ' 
25     "    -        " 
25     "    -       " 
1652-53 
Mich.-25  Mar. 
"     -25      " 
"     -25      « 
1653 
25  Mar.  -     Mich. 
35     *    -         ' 
1653-54 
Mich.-25  Mar. 

"  -25  " 

'  -25  " 

"  -25  " 

"  -25  " 

•  -25  ■ 


Amt.  in  qrs. 

1    barley 
10  malt 

°i      « 


Particu- 
lars of 
sale  and 
pur- 
Price    chase 

s.  d. 

34/0   Bought. 

32/0         " 

18/0 


1  wheat 

72/0 

■ 

1      " 

64/0 

" 

i|    - 

76/0 

■ 

1      " 

60/0 

■ 

1      " 

60/0 

■ 

oi  new  wheat 

24/0 

■ 

ol  barley 

34/0 

Bought  at  Lewes 

3        * 

34/0 

Bought 

oi      ■ 

24/0 

« 

ij      " 

21/4 

" 

of  oats 

10/8 

■ 

if  wheat 

49/4 

Sold. 

1      " 
oi 

32/0 

■ 

8J  peas 

24/0 

" 

oJ  wheat 

32/0 

- 

ii      * 

40/0 

" 

20  oats 

40/0 

" 

1  barley 

20/0 

Bought 

3  barley  to 

ion 

19/0 

« 

oi      ■ 

[20/0] 

" 

3|  "gatton' 

'  wht.50/0 

Sold. 

1  coarse  wheat 

32/0 

* 

oj  barley 

20/0 

Bought. 

0}  tares 

12/0 

" 

18  oats 

n/iJSold. 

1  wheat 

32/0 

a 

1  malt 

22/0 

■ 

3i  barley 

17/0 

H 

i  "Gatton"  wht.  40/0  Bought. 

3  "  48/0 

o}  peas  for  the  hogs  34/8    " 


oi  wheat 


3  oats 
ii  wheat 

1  " 
oi  ' 
oj  [wheat] 


32/0  Sold. 

[26/8]  " 

13/4  * 

26/8  " 

24/0  " 

21/4  ■ 

20/0  " 


oi  seed  barley    I28/0] 

Bought  at  Mailing. 


Date 

1653-54 
Mich-25  Mar. 

1654 
25  Mar.-     Mich. 

25  "  -  ■ 
1654-55 
Mich.-25  Mar. 
'  -25  ' 
"  -25  " 
"  -25  ' 
'  -25  " 
1655 

25  Mar.  -     Mich. 

25      «     - 
1655-56 
Mich.-25  Mar. 
"     -25      ■ 
1656 

25  Mar.  -     Mich. 

25      "     - 

25      "     - 

25      "     - 

25      "     -         " 

25      "     - 

25      "     -         ■ 

25      '     - 

25      "     - 

1656-57 

Mich.-25  Mar. 

"     -25      " 

*  -25  " 
"  -25  " 
"  -25  " 
"  -25  ■ 

■  -25    " 

'  -25  " 
"     -25      " 

1657 

25  Mar.  -     Mich. 
25      "     - 
25      "     - 

1657-S8 
Mich.-25  Mar. 

"  -25  " 
"     -25      " 

*  -25      " 

■  -25  « 
•  -25  * 

'     -25      " 

"  -25  ■ 

■  -25  * 

"    -25     • 


Amt.  in  qrs. 

oi  peas 

1 J  wheat 
20  malt 


8  wheat 
2  seed  wheat 
ii  wheat 


Particu- 
lars of 
sale  and 
pur- 
Price    chase 

s.  d. 

20/0  Bought. 

20/0   Sold. 
[32/0]     « 

16/0      " 
16/0  Bought. 
16/0        " 


oi  horse  beans    16/0 


oi  garden  ' 
13  wheat 


ni  oats 


12  malt 
oi  wheat 

ii     " 

oi      " 

3ipeas 

ii     " 

3}  wheat 

2i  seed  wheat 

1  i  horse  beans 

ii  wheat 
oi      « 

2  peas 
14    " 

oi  wheat 
oi  barley 


[6/81        ' 

16/0  Sold. 
[16/0]  Bought. 

12/0         " 
11/0         " 

17/0  Sold. 

21/4  * 

24/0  ' 

26/8  ■ 

21/4  " 

20/0  " 

24/0  Bought. 

26/8  ■ 

I20/0]  ■ 

24/0  Sold. 
26/8      ■ 
20/0      " 
21/4      ' 
26/8  Bought. 
I20/0]        « 


1  i  horse  beans    [24/0] 
3  oats  I20/0] 

3    "  [12/0] 

4i  *  1 1/6 

1  wheat  129/4] 

oj     "for  horses  [27/8] 


oi  wheat 
ii     " 

1      ■ 

1  i  old  peas 
6  peas 
4i    " 

18  oats  (2  lots)   11/0   Bought. 
1  tares  16/0         * 

ii+i  "tavett"  tares  16/0  * 
1  wheat  U9/4I        " 


24/0  Sold. 
26/8      ■ 

29/4  " 
20/0  * 
21/4  * 
24/0      ' 


408 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Corn,  1633-61  (continued) 


Particu- 

Particu- 

lars of 

lars  of 

sale  and 

sale  and 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

pur- 
Price    chase 

Date 

Amt.  in  qrs. 

pur- 
Price    chase 

1658 

s.  d. 

1660 

s.  d. 

25  Mar.  -     Mich 

1  wheat 

44/0   Bought. 

2s  Mar.  - 

Viich 

.  a  I  wheat 

32/0   Sold. 

as      "    - 

« 

7  seed  barley 

aa/o   Sold. 

35 

"     - 

■ 

10  peas 

a  1/4       ' 

"5      '     ~ 

m 

1     "         " 

52/0   Bought. 

as 

•    - 

a 

4  tares 

18/8       « 

as      "     - 

* 

a     ■ 

So/o         ■ 

25 

m      _ 

M 

oj  wheat 

48/0   Bought. 

as     '    - 

m 

0!  '         « 

48/0 

»S 

■      - 

" 

1  field  beans 

a4/o 

16S8-50 

35 

"      - 

« 

10  oats 

14/0         ■ 

Mich.-as  Mar. 

1  \  wheat 

32/0   Sold. 

35 

"      - 

* 

3*    ' 

18/0 

'    -as 

« 

oj      ■ 

37/4       " 

35 

"      - 

■ 

$\    ' 

16/0 

"    -as 

* 

ij  barley 

a6/8      " 

as 

"      - 

■ 

1  barley  for  poultry  (a6/ol  " 

•    -as 

'    -as 

1650 

as  Mar.  -     J 

as     '    - 

as     *     - 

as     *    - 

as     "    - 

11 
m 

0}  peas 
ol  tares 

26/8      « 
18/8      ■ 

1660-6 
Mich.-as 

t 

VI  ar. 

ol  wheat 

[44/0]        « 

rich 

.  7  wheat 
2 1  seed  wheat 

1      "         " 
S  oats 

1    " 

S3/4  Bought. 

58/8 

4S/o         " 

14/0 

12/0         " 

"    -as 
"    -as 
"     -as 

*  -as 

*  -as 

u 

u 

1  field  beans 
8  oats 
7     * 
3  tares 
1      " 

I24/0I        ■ 
14/8         " 
12/0         " 
14/8 

Ua/ol        « 

as      *    - 

m 

2    " 

I18/0I        " 

1661 

1650-60 

as  Mar.  - 

Mich 

.  i  J  "  gatton  " 

wheat  for  seed 

Mich.-as  Mar. 

3  peas 

26/8   Sold. 

44/0   Sold. 

"     -as 

* 

2  tares 

18/8       " 

as 

■     - 

" 

4  barley 

18/8      ■ 

■    -as 

m 

3  J  seed  wheat 

44/0   Bought. 

25 

■     - 

■ 

2  peas 

24/0      * 

"       35 

M 

if  wheat 

40/0         ' 

25 

"     - 

" 

4     * 

20/0       " 

'    -as 

m 

4  seed  peas 

84/0         ■ 

»S 

u       _ 

" 

I  seed  wheat 

48/0   Bought. 

*     -35 

" 

o\  peas 

36/8 

35 

"    - 

■ 

1     ■ 

48/0         « 

*    -as 

" 

0;  malt 

[28/0] 

2.5 

■    - 

m 

S  wheat  for  the  house  42/8  " 

Bought  at  Lewes. 

25 

■    - 

" 

30  oats 

10/0 

APPENDIX  F 


409 


Prices  of  Wheat,  26  Sept.,  1663  to  3  Mar.,  1668-69 

Sold  in  the  Oxford  market,  and  recorded  by  the  market  authorities. 
The  market  was  held  Wednesdays  and  Saturdays. 
The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used: 

W  —  Wednesday. 

S  —  Saturday. 

F  —  Regular  market  day  a  feast  day,  market  held  a  day  earlier. 

Source  is  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Stowe,  874,  "Oxford  Wheat — Prices,  1663- 
1669." 


Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

per  bu. 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

perbu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

1663 

1663-64 

S    26  Sept. 

9 

4S 

6/6 

5/8 

6/1 1 

W  27  Jan. 

6 

39 

6/4 

S/10 

6/2 

W30    * 

6 

25 

6/6 

6/0 

6/4 

S    30    ■ 

6 

20 

6/0 

5/6 

5/10 

S     3  Oct. 

5 

29 

6/8 

6/0 

6/sl 

W    3  Feb. 

s 

19 

6/0 

5/8 

S/io* 

W    7     " 

7 

58 

6/6 

6/0 

6/3! 

S     6    " 

6 

25 

6/4 

5/6 

5/i  1 

S   10    ■ 

7 

44 

6/6 

6/0 

6/4 

Wio    ' 

s 

23 

6/0 

5/8 

5/10 

Wl4     " 

9 

35 

6/6 

6/0 

6/3* 

S    13     ' 

6 

2S 

6/0 

5/7 

S/10 

S    17    « 

8 

59 

6/2 

5/4 

5/9i 

W17    " 

S 

18 

6/0 

5/5 

5/8 

W2I   ■ 

7 

40 

6/0 

5/2 

5/83 

S    20    " 

6 

30 

6/4 

5/7 

S/io 

S    24    " 

7 

46 

6/0 

S/o 

5/7* 

W24    " 

6 

18 

6/5 

6/0 

6/3 

W  28    " 

6 

35 

6/0 

S/4 

5/81 

S    27    « 

7 

28 

6/6 

6/0 

6/4 

S    31     " 

8 

43 

5/10 

S/o 

S/6i 

W    2  Mar. 

6 

32 

6/8 

6/0 

6/5* 

W   4  Nov. 

6 

31 

5/8 

5/2 

5/ Si 

s    s   ■ 

8 

45 

6/8 

6/0 

6/5* 

S     7    ■ 

7 

44 

5/9 

S/o 

5/5 1 

W    9    " 

7 

41 

6/6 

S/10 

6/2* 

Wu    « 

7 

34 

5/io 

5/o 

S/si 

S    12    ■ 

7 

33 

6/6 

S/4 

5/i  1 1 

S    14    " 

6 

36 

5/io 

S/2 

5/6* 

W  16    " 

6 

31 

6/4 

5/7 

6/0* 

WI8  " 

5 

17 

5/io 

5/2 

5/6* 

S    19    " 

7 

42 

6/2 

S/11 

6/oi 

S     21       " 

4 

17 

5/8 

S/2 

5/5* 

W23  « 

S 

22 

6/6 

5/8 

6/0* 

W2S       « 

6 

32 

5/8 

5/2 

5/4 1 

1664 

S   28    ■ 

5 

27 

5/8 

5/2 

5/5 

S    26    " 

6 

22 

6/3 

S/9 

6/0 

W    2  Dec. 

5 

14 

5/9 

S/O 

s/s* 

W30  ■ 

7 

39 

6/2 

5/6 

S/11* 

s    s   ■ 

4 

18 

5/10 

5/2 

5/5 

S      2  Apr. 

6 

37 

6/1 

5/xo 

S/iii 

W    9     ■ 

5 

23 

6/0 

5/4 

5/4* 

W    6     " 

6 

36 

6/0 

5/6 

S/9* 

S     12      " 

6 

30 

5/io 

5/2 

5/6* 

S      9     " 

6 

32 

6/4 

S/9 

6/0* 

WI6  " 

6 

3° 

6/0 

5/6 

5/9* 

W13    ' 

7 

34 

6/3 

5/3 

S/9 

S    19    * 

5 

26 

6/6 

5/4 

5/8 

S    16    ■ 

8 

49 

6/3 

5/6 

s/»i 

W23  ■ 

5 

21 

5/8 

S/2 

5/6 

W  20    ■ 

6 

27 

6/4 

S/6 

5/1 1 1 

S    26    " 

St.  Ste 

phen's 

Day, 

"  noe 

come 

S   23    ■ 

6 

34 

6/0 

5/4 

5/8* 

sold. 

" 

W27     " 

5 

26 

6/0 

5/3 

5/8 

W30  • 

4 

20 

5/io 

5/4 

5/7* 

S   30    " 

6 

35 

5/ii 

5/4 

5/8* 

1663-64 

W    4  May 

7 

39 

5/6 

4/8 

S/il 

S      2  Jan. 

5 

33 

5/8 

S/2 

5/5* 

S     7    " 

7 

45 

5/6 

5/o 

S/3* 

W    6     " 

6 

32 

5/8 

S/o 

S/4* 

Wn     " 

7 

36 

5/3 

4/8 

S/o* 

s    9    ■ 

S 

26 

6/0 

5/4 

5/81 

S    14    " 

6 

27 

5/6 

S/o 

S/2* 

W13     * 

S 

25 

6/0 

5/8 

S/io* 

W  18    ■ 

6 

39 

5/6 

S/o 

5/3* 

S   16    ■ 

6 

18 

6/0 

5/6 

S/9* 

S     21       « 

6 

40 

5/6 

4/8 

5/1* 

W20  ■ 

7 

39 

6/4 

5/8 

6/0* 

Was    ' 

6 

32 

S/4 

4/4 

4/1 1 1 

S   23    • 

6 

23 

6/4 

6/0 

6/2* 

S    28    " 

S 

18 

5/3 

4/10 

S/i 

4io 


APPENDIX  F 
Prices  of  Wheat,  1663-69  (continued) 


Date 


1664 
W  1  June 
S  4 
W  8 
S  ix 
Wis 
S    18 

w« 

S    as 

W  29 

S      2  July 

W    6 

S     9 

W13 

S    16 

W20 

S    23 

W27 

S   30 

W    3  Aug. 

S      6 

Wio 

S    13 

W17 

S    20 

W26 

S    29 

W3I 

S     3  Sept 
W    7 
S    10 

Wl4 

S    17 

W2I 

S    24 

W28 
s 

w  s 

S  8 
W12 
S    is 

Wl9 

S     22 

W26 

S    29 

w 

s  S 
W  9 
S  12 
W  16 
S    19 

W23 


No.  of 
sales 


Total 
No.  of 

bu. 

sold 


High- 

est 

price 

perbu. 


Low- 
est 

price 
perbu, 


Aver. 

price 

perbu 


Date 


Total 

High- 

Low- 

No. of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

sold 

perbu. 

pcrbu.| 

6 

30 

4/0 

3/6 

5 

39 

4/0 

3/8 

7 

30 

4/0 

3/8 

6 

10 

4/6 

3/" 

6 

29 

4/6 

4/0 

6 

27 

4/6 

3/10 

6 

31 

4/8 

3/10 

7 

29 

4/6 

3/8 

7 

37 

4/4 

3/10 

4 

16 

4/4 

4/0 

S 

18 

4/4 

4/0 

4 

18 

A/2 

3/8 

5 

30 

4/6 

4/2 

7 

46 

4/6 

3/8 

6 

47 

4/6 

A/2 

6 

38 

4/6 

4/0 

7 

32 

4/5 

3/9 

6 

27 

4/5 

3/10 

6 

28 

4/6 

4/0 

5 

17 

4/5 

3/10 

8 

35 

4/7 

4/0 

7 

41 

4/8 

4/0 

7 

45 

4/6 

4/0 

6 

30 

4/8 

4/o 

7 

33 

4/7 

4/« 

5 

30 

4/10 

4/4 

7 

33 

5/o 

4/4 

6 

19 

5/o 

4/7 

7 

42 

5/2 

4/8 

7 

45 

5/4 

4/10 

7 

26 

5/3 

4/10 

7 

30 

5/4 

5/o 

8 

57 

5/3! 

5/o 

8 

51 

5/5 

4/10 

6 

21 

5/o 

4/6 

4 

20 

5/o 

4/6 

7 

40 

5/4 

4/6 

6 

29 

5/4 

4/6 

6 

3/6 

S/2 

4/8 

6 

30 

5/3 

4/1 

6 

34 

5/2 

4/2 

6 

42 

S/a 

4/8 

8 

52 

4/10 

4/3 

7 

30 

5/0 

4/3 

9 

49 

4/4 

4/x 

7 

39 

5/o 

4/4 

7 

36 

5/* 

4/6 

6 

32 

5/2 

4/6 

6 

36 

S/2 

4/8 

Aver, 
price 
perbu. 


:  Oct. 


:  Nov. 


23 

32 
16 
14 
21 
27 
38 
SO 
30 
IQ 
30 
28 
27 
34 
27 
17 
30 
21 
16 
13 
26 
U 
*7 
10 
26 
26 


15 
30 

>8 

25 
25 
46 
40 
24 
25 
38 
27 

34 
18 
18 

25 
22 

^7 
33 
22 
34 
27 
32 
39 


5/3 
5/4 
S/2 
5/3 
5/3 
5/3 

5/8 

S/6 

5/5 

5/5 

5/5 

5/3 

5/7 

S/3 

5/4 

S/11 

5/4 

5/1 

5/3 

S/6 

S/6 

5/4 

S/o 

5/4 

S/2 

S/3 

5/6 

5/4 

S/2 

5/4 

4/1 1 

4/6 

4/2 

4/IO 

S/o 

4/10 

4/4 

4/10 

4/6 

4/6 

4/6 

4/6 

4/7 

4/4 

4/3 

4/2 

4/4 

4/0 

4/0 

4/2 

4/0 


4/10 

S/o 

4/10 

4/6 

S/o 

4/6 

4/6 

4/0 

4/10 

5/i 

4/6 

4/10 

4/10 

4/8 

4/6 

S/o 

5/o 

4/6 

4/1 1 

S/o 

4/10 

4/8 

4/2 

4/8 

4/6 

4/6 

4/4 

4/6 

4/2 

4/6 

4/0 

3/1 1 

3/6 

4/0 

4/0 

3/9 

3/8 

3/10 

3/8 

4/0 

3/10 

3/10 

4/0 

3/10 

3/10 

3/5 

3/6 

3/6 

3/6 

3/8 

3/6 


S/o 

S/2§ 

SM 

5/oJ 

5/i  J 

S/oJ 

S/2 

S/i  1 

5/2  J 

S/3 

4/»J 

5/1 

S/3 

4/1 1 1 

5/oi 

S/st 

5/2, 

4/10 

S/il 

5/3i 

S/3 

5/oJ 

4/6* 

S/o 

4/1 1 

4/1 1 J 

4/1 1 1 

4/10J 

4/9 

4/101 

4/6J 

4/2i 

3/10 

4/6 

4/7 1 

4/3J 

3/1 1 J 

4/sl 

4/3 

4/3  i 

4/3  i 

4/2} 

4/4 

4/1 

4/oi 

3/I0I 

3/lOi 

3/IO 

3/91 

3/i  1 1 

3/9i 


1664 
S  26  Nov. 
W30  ■ 
S  3  Dec. 
W  7  * 
S  10  « 
W14  * 
S  17  - 

W2I   ■ 

S  24  " 

W28  ' 

S  31  " 

1664-65 

W  4  Jan. 

S  7  ' 
Wn  ■ 
S  14  " 

WI8  ■ 

S  21   " 

W25  ■ 

S  28  * 
W  1  Feb. 

S  4  * 

W  8  * 

S  11  ■ 

Wis  ' 

S  18  " 

W22   « 

S   2S   " 

W  1  Mar. 
S  4  * 
W  8  « 
S  11  ■ 
Wis  « 
S  18  " 
W22  ■ 
1665 
S  25  ' 
W29  " 
S  1  Apr. 
F  4  ' 
S  8  ■ 
W12  " 
S  15  * 
W  19  " 

S  22  * 
W26   « 

S  29  ■ 
W  3  May 
S   6  " 
Wio  * 
S  13  ' 


3/9i 
3/ioi 
3/i  1 1 
4/1 1 

4/31 

4/2 

4/2! 

4/1 

4/1I 

4/2 

4/2 

3/1 1 

4/4 

4/x! 

4/4 

4/2! 

4/2i 

4/1! 

4/3* 

4/2 

4/4l 

4/4l 

4/31 

4/4 

4/5i 

4/7* 

4/8 

4/9i 

4/10* 

5/2 

S/iJ 

5/2i 

S/2 

S/if 

4/9J 

4/9 

4/"* 

S/o 

S/o* 

4/9 

4/16 

4/«l 

4/7 

4/8 

4/61 

4/8* 

4/10J 

4/10 

4/1 1* 


APPENDIX  F 
Prices  of  Wheat,  1663-69  {continued) 


411 


Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

Tocal 

High- 

Low- 

Aver 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

perbu. 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

perbu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

l66S 

1665 

W  17  May 

6 

31 

5/5 

4/10 

S/i* 

S    11  Nov. 

7 

39 

5/2 

4/9 

S/o 

S   20    ■ 

7 

3S 

5/4 

4/9 

S/2* 

Wis     " 

6 

So 

S/2 

4/8 

4/1 1* 

W  24    ■ 

6 

30 

5/3 

S/o 

S/2 

S    18    " 

5 

39 

S/o 

4/6 

4/9* 

S    27     " 

5 

28 

5/4 

5/i 

5/3 

W  22     ■ 

7 

47 

5/1 

4/6 

4/9* 

W31     « 

7 

3° 

5/6 

S/o 

5/3* 

S    2S     « 

6 

41 

S/o 

4/6 

4/9 

S     3  June 

6 

36 

5/6 

S/2 

5/4* 

W  29    ■ 

5 

34 

5/o 

4/6 

4/9l 

W    7     " 

6 

19 

5/6 

5/3 

s/s 

S      2  Dec. 

6 

36 

4/1 1 

4/6 

4/8* 

S    10    " 

7 

32 

5/6 

S/o 

5/3  i 

F     5    * 

S 

29 

4/10 

4/6 

4/8* 

W14    " 

6 

27 

5/8 

S/2 

5/6 

S     9    ■ 

6 

43 

4/1 1 

4/2 

4/6* 

S    17    " 

6 

27 

5/9 

5/4 

5/7* 

W13     ■ 

6 

46 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

W2I   ■ 

6 

36 

5/9 

5/5 

5/7* 

S    16    " 

6 

46 

4/10 

4/2 

4/61 

S    24    " 

7 

4i 

5/io 

5/4 

5/7* 

W  20    « 

7 

47 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

W28   " 

6 

36 

5/8 

S/2 

5/6 

S    23    ■ 

6 

37 

S/o 

4/4 

4/8* 

S      1  July 

6 

37 

5/10 

S/2 

5/6* 

W  27    ■ 

5 

29 

4/10 

4/5 

4/7* 

W    s     " 

6 

21 

5/io 

5/2 

5/6* 

S   30    " 

S 

32 

4/9 

4/4 

4/7 

S     8    « 

7 

42 

5/7 

5/i 

5/4* 

1663-66 

W  12     ■ 

5 

27 

5/7 

5/3 

5/5 

F     2  Jan. 

4 

25 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

S   is    • 

7 

44 

5/6 

5/i* 

5/3l 

S     6    ■ 

5 

37 

S/o 

4/4 

4/8 

W  19    ■ 

6 

27 

5/6 

5/i 

5/3* 

Wio     * 

6 

41 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

S     22       ■ 

7 

37 

5/7 

S/o 

5/4 

S   13    ■ 

S 

28 

4/1 1 

4/4 

4/8 

W26  ■ 

5 

36 

5/6 

4/11 

5/5 

W17    " 

7 

46 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

S    29    " 

'7 

44 

5/6 

4/10 

S/2* 

S    20    " 

5 

44 

4/9 

4/4 

4/7 

F     2  Aug. 

5. 

30 

5/4 

4/10 

5/1 

W24    ■ 

6 

42 

4/9 

4/4 

4/7* 

s     S    " 

7 

33 

5/7 

5/o 

5/4 

S    27    " 

6 

41 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

W    9     " 

6 

37 

5/8 

S/o 

5/4* 

W3I  " 

6 

33 

4/9 

4/4 

4/7* 

S     12       ■ 

7 

36 

5/8 

5/o 

5/5  * 

S      3  Feb. 

7 

52 

S/o 

4/4 

4/6* 

WI6  « 

7 

So 

5/6 

4/8 

5/2 

W    6    " 

5 

27 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7 

S    19    " 

6 

31 

5/7 

4/8 

5/3 

S    10    " 

S 

32 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

W23  ' 

6 

32 

5/2 

4/6 

4/10J 

W  14    " 

5 

34 

4/8 

4/5 

4/6* 

S    26    ■ 

6 

45 

5/4 

4/6 

4/1 1 J 

S    17     " 

6 

28 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

W30  " 

6 

3° 

5/o 

4/6 

4/10 

W21     « 

S 

29 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7 

S      2  Sept. 

6 

28 

5/6 

4/6 

5/o* 

S    24    " 

6 

40 

4/9 

4/4 

4/6* 

F     5     ' 

7 

31 

S/o 

4/0 

4/81 

W  28    " 

5 

31 

4/6 

4/0 

4/3* 

S     9    ■ 

7 

32 

5/4 

4/4 

4/9l 

S     3  Mar. 

6 

33 

4/8 

4/4 

4/5* 

W13     " 

6 

37 

5/o 

4/6 

4/9! 

W  7    ■ 

4 

14 

4/4 

4/0 

4/2* 

S    16    " 

6 

38 

4/1  r 

4/5 

4/8 

S   10    " 

5 

39 

4/7 

4/2 

4/5* 

W20   ■ 

6 

3S 

5/o 

4/2 

4/8* 

WI4  " 

6 

35 

4/6 

4/2 

4/4* 

S    23    - 

6 

37 

4/10 

4/5 

4/8 

S    17    " 

S 

20 

4/7 

4/2 

4/5t 

W  27    ■ 

7 

37 

5/4 

4/8 

5/o 

W2I   " 

7 

38 

4/6 

4/3 

4/5 

S    30     " 

6 

37 

5/o 

4/2 

4/81 

S   24    " 

9 

49 

S/o 

4/3 

4/7* 

F     3  Oct. 

6 

39 

4/8 

4/2 

4/5 

1666 

S     7     " 

7 

31 

5/o 

4/2 

4/7 

W  28  Mar. 

6 

33 

4/8 

4/2 

4/4l 

W  11     ■ 

6 

35 

4/10 

4/0 

4/6 

S   31     " 

5 

30 

4/5 

4/2 

4/3* 

S    14     " 

7 

42 

4/1 1 

4/2 

4/7 

F     3  Apr. 

4 

21 

4/2 

4/0 

4/o| 

W  18    ■ 

6 

41 

4/8 

4/0 

4/4 

S     7     « 

7 

42 

4/4 

3/10 

4/1* 

S     21       ■ 

7 

43 

4/8 

4/0 

4/5 

Wn     " 

5 

32 

4/2 

3/8 

4/1 1 

W2S      ■ 

8 

46 

4/7 

4/0 

4/4* 

S    14    * 

6 

33 

4/o 

3/6 

3/9l 

S    28    " 

7 

35 

4/6 

4/0 

4/3i 

W18    " 

6 

35 

4/0 

3/6 

3/10 

W    1  Nov. 

7 

29 

4/6 

4/0 

4/3* 

S      21       « 

6 

36 

4/o 

3/4 

3/8* 

S      4     " 

S 

29 

4/10 

4/2 

4/6 

W2S     ■ 

S 

28 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6* 

F     7    ' 

6 

40 

5/o 

4/4 

4/9l 

S    28    " 

5 

34 

3/8 

3/3 

3/6 

412 


APPENDIX  F 
Prices  of  Wheat,  1663-69  (continued) 


Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

perbu. 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

perbu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

1666 

1666 

F     1  May 

S 

31 

3/7 

3/4 

3/sJ 

S    27  Oct. 

6 

41 

2/1 1 

2/6 

2/8* 

s    s   ■ 

4 

35 

3/7 

3/3 

3/5 

W31     ' 

7 

41 

2/1 1 

2/6 

2/9* 

W    9    * 

6 

3* 

3/7 

3/3 

3/4i 

S     3  Nov. 

7 

37 

2/10 

2/4 

2/7* 

S    12    ' 

S 

34 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

F     6    ■ 

6 

41 

2/1 1 

2/6 

2/8* 

W16    ■ 

6 

42 

3/8 

3/3 

3/5* 

S    10    " 

7 

46 

2/10 

2/4 

2/8J 

S    l9     ' 

6 

39 

3/7 

3/3 

3/5 1 

W  14     ■ 

6 

37 

3/o 

2/4 

2/8* 

W23     " 

6 

SI 

4/0 

3/6 

3/9 

S    17     " 

7 

48 

3/o 

2/4 

2/8* 

S    26    " 

7 

46 

4/4 

3/10 

4/1 J 

W21     " 

7 

54 

3/o 

2/4 

2/9 

W30    ■ 

6 

S4 

4/0 

3/6 

3/9 1 

S    24    * 

7 

44 

2/1 1 

2/4 

2/8J 

S      2  June 

6 

38 

3/8 

3/3 

3/5* 

W  28    * 

5 

35 

3/o 

2/6 

2/9* 

W    6     ■ 

4 

18 

3/8 

3/4 

3/61 

S      1  Dec. 

7 

45 

3/o 

2/S 

2/9* 

S     9    • 

5 

36 

3/io 

3/4 

3/6* 

W    4    * 

6 

35 

2/10 

2/6 

2/8 

W13     ■ 

6 

48 

3/9 

3/4 

3/6 

S     8    " 

7 

40 

3/o 

2/6 

2/8* 

S   16    ■ 

6 

41 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6 

W12     " 

6 

48 

3/0 

2/7 

2/10 

Wjo     " 

5 

30 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

S    is    • 

6 

31 

3/o 

2/6 

2/10 

S    23     « 

6 

31 

3/7 

3/o 

3/3  J 

W  19    ■ 

7 

41 

3/o 

2/6 

2/9* 

W17     " 

6 

36 

3/9 

3/3 

3/6 

S      22       " 

6 

39 

3/o 

2/6 

2/9 

S   30    " 

S 

33 

3/8 

3/3 

3/SJ 

W  26    ■ 

F    3  July 

s 

32 

3/8 

3/3 

3/5* 

S    29    " 

7 

46 

3/i 

2/6 

2/9* 

S     7    * 

s 

39 

3/8 

3/3 

3/6 

1666-67 

Wn    ■ 

7 

41 

3/8 

3/2 

3/5 

W    2  Jan. 

S 

26 

3/0 

2/6 

2/8* 

S   14    ■ 

6 

64 

3/6 

3/0 

3/3 1 

s     S    * 

7 

43 

3/o 

2/6 

2/9* 

WI8  ■ 

5 

30 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6J 

W    9     ■ 

7 

39 

3/2 

2/6 

2/10 

S     21       ■ 

6 

35 

3/8 

3/3 

3/6 

S      12       " 

9 

49 

3/4 

2/7 

3/o* 

W2S      ■ 

6 

39 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4* 

WI6   " 

8 

43 

3/3 

2/7 

2/1 1 1 

S   28    ■ 

7 

47 

3/8 

3/2 

3/5 

S   19    ■ 

7 

36 

3/4 

2/8 

3/1 

W3I  ■ 

7 

S* 

3/8 

3/3 

3/si 

W23  ■ 

8 

43 

3/4 

2/7 

3/o 

S     4  Aug. 

7 

So 

3/9 

3/3 

3/6 

S   26    " 

8 

49 

3/4 

2/6 

3/oJ 

W    8    * 

5 

27 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6 

F  29    ■ 

S 

24 

3/2 

2/8 

2/1 1 1 

S   11    ■ 

S 

23 

3/7 

3/3 

3/5 

S      2  Feb. 

9 

45 

3/4 

2/6 

2/1 1  \ 

W15    ' 

6 

So 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4* 

W    6     " 

6 

38 

3/3 

2/6 

2/1 1 

S    18    ■ 

6 

37 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4l 

S      9     " 

7 

Si 

3/4 

2/9 

3/o* 

W22   « 

W13     ' 

8 

38 

3/6 

2/6 

3/1 

S    2S      ■ 

5 

28 

3/3 

3/o 

3/i  * 

S    16     * 

7 

39 

3/6 

3/0 

3/3\ 

W  29    ■ 

6 

43 

3/o 

2/8 

2/10J 

W20    ■ 

6 

44 

3/6 

3/3 

3/4* 

S      1  Sept. 

8 

54 

3/o 

2/4 

2/7 1 

S   23    ■ 

8 

SO 

3/8 

3/0 

3/4l 

W    4     * 

5 

28 

2/8 

2/4 

2/5* 

W27     * 

7 

38 

3/10 

3/0 

3/6 

S     8    ■ 

5 

3° 

2/10 

2/4 

2/7 

S      2  Mar. 

7 

54 

3/8 

3/3 

3/5* 

W12    ■ 

7 

41 

2/8 

2/3 

2/6 

W    6     " 

7 

43 

3/7 

3/0 

3/3* 

s   is    " 

7 

48 

2/10 

2/3 

2/6J 

S     9     « 

7 

39 

3/9 

3/4 

3/7 

WI9  " 

6 

3S 

3/o 

3/6 

2/&k 

W13     " 

7 

SO 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6* 

S  [22]  - 

6] 

37 

3/o 

2/4 

2/8 

S   16    ■ 

6 

38 

3/8 

3/2 

3/6 

W26  ■ 

9 

S6 

3/2 

2/6 

2/9l 

W20    ■ 

7 

4S 

3/7 

3/2 

3/5 

S    29    * 

6 

39 

2/n 

2/6 

2/8* 

S   23    • 

7 

42 

4/0 

3/5 

3/9* 

W    3  Oct. 

1667 

S      6     ■ 

7 

48 

3/o 

2/4 

2/7* 

W27     ' 

7 

38 

3/9 

3/4 

3/6* 

F     9    " 

5 

17 

2/10 

2/6 

2/8* 

S   30    * 

5 

34 

3/9 

3/4 

3/6* 

S    13    " 

6 

36 

3/o 

2/6 

2/9* 

W   3  Apr. 

6 

33 

3/8 

3/2 

3/5 

W17    ' 

7 

44 

2/9 

2/4 

2/7* 

S     6    ■ 

7 

38 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3* 

S     M      " 

S 

32 

2/10 

2/6 

2/8 

Wio    * 

6 

29 

3/5 

2/IO 

3/2* 

W24      * 

6 

34 

2/10 

2/4 

2/7* 

S    13    ' 

6 

32 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3* 

APPENDIX  F 
Prices  of  Wheat,  1663-69  {continued) 


413 


Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

Date 

No.  of 

No.  of 

est 

est 

price 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

per  bu. 

sales 

bu. 

price 

price 

per  bu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

1667 

1067 

W  17  Api. 

6 

36 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3 

S    12  Oct. 

6 

40 

3/8 

3/2 

3/5 

S    20    " 

7 

36 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3l 

W  16     ■ 

6 

39 

3/8 

3/3 

3/5* 

W24    * 

5 

23 

3/4 

3/i 

3h\ 

S    19    " 

6 

34 

3/8 

3/2 

3/5* 

S    27    " 

S 

27 

3/4 

3/0 

3/ 2k 

W23  ■ 

S 

28 

3/6 

3/3 

3/4* 

W    1  May 

S 

27 

3/4 

2/10 

3/1  * 

S    26    " 

S 

33 

3/6 

3/3 

3/4* 

S    4    ■ 

6 

41 

3/6 

3/i 

3/3 1 

W30  " 

6 

30 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4* 

W    8    ■ 

6 

39 

3/6 

2/10 

3/2 1 

S      2  Nov. 

6 

30 

3/6 

3/2 

3/3* 

S   11    ■ 

6 

40 

3/6 

3/0 

3/3 

W    6     ■ 

6 

30 

3/6 

3/2 

3/3* 

W  is     * 

6 

35 

3/6 

2/10 

3/2* 

S     9    ■ 

S 

31 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

S    18    " 

6 

41 

3/5 

3/0 

3/3  i 

W13     " 

S 

27 

3/4 

3/o 

3/2* 

W  22       " 

6 

33 

3/4 

3/0 

3/2i 

S    16    " 

6 

31 

3/5 

3/i 

3/3 

S     2S      ■ 

S 

30 

3/4 

2/10 

3/2 

W  20    " 

S 

32 

3/5 

3/2 

3/3* 

F   28     " 

4 

21 

3/4 

2/10 

3/i  1 

S   23    - 

6 

40 

3/4 

3/i 

3/2* 

S      1  June 

6 

38 

3/4 

2/10 

3/2 

W  27    ■ 

6 

3° 

3/6 

3/3 

3/4* 

W    s     ' 

6 

3° 

3/4 

2/10 

3/2 

S   30    " 

7 

33 

3/5 

3/i 

3/3* 

S      8     ■ 

7 

So 

3/4 

3/o 

3/ai 

W    4  Dec. 

6 

35 

3/4 

3/i 

3/2* 

W12     ■ 

4 

28 

3/4 

3/2 

3/3 

S      7     " 

S 

34 

3/4 

3/2 

3/4 

S   15    ■ 

7 

41 

3/4 

2/10 

3/i  i 

Wn    ■ 

7 

41 

3/6 

3/i 

3/4 

W19     " 

7 

46 

3/4 

2/8 

3/i 

S    14    " 

6 

30 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

S      22       * 

S 

26 

3/4 

2/10 

3/i  1 

W  18    ■ 

8 

43 

3/6 

3/1 

3/3* 

\V  26     " 

7 

56 

3/4 

2/7 

3/oi 

S      21       " 

S 

27 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

S    2g     " 

7 

50 

3/5 

3/o 

3/2 1 

F   24    " 

S 

31 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

w  3  July 

6 

33 

3/6 

2/10 

3/3 

S    28'   " 

S 

26 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

S     6     " 

7 

58 

3/7 

3/0 

3/3  i 

F  31    « 

S 

25 

3/6 

3/3 

3/5 

W  10    " 

6 

37 

3/6 

3/o 

3/4 

1667-68 

s  13    • 

6 

43 

3/8 

3/2 

3/5  i 

S      4  Jan. 

6 

23 

3/4 

3/0 

3/2* 

W  17     " 

6 

39 

3/8 

3/3 

3/sl 

W    8     " 

6 

2S 

3/6 

3/1 

3/3* 

S    20    " 

7 

44 

3/8 

3/0 

3/4* 

S    11     " 

6 

35 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4* 

W  24    ■ 

8 

S3 

3/8 

3/0 

3/3  i 

W15     ' 

4 

23 

3/5 

3/2 

3/4* 

S    27     " 

8 

52 

3/8 

3/i 

3/5  J 

S    18     " 

S 

23 

3/6 

3/3 

3/S 

W  31     * 

8 

SS 

3/9 

3/3 

3/6* 

W  22       " 

6 

29 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3* 

S     3  Aug. 

8 

48 

3/10 

3/2 

3/7  i 

S     2S       " 

6 

31 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3* 

W[7l     ■ 

5 

28 

3/8 

3/3 

3/5 

W  29    " 

S 

27 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

S    10    " 

6 

3S 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6* 

S      1  Feb. 

6 

34 

3/6 

3/i 

3/3* 

WI4  ■ 

6 

38 

3/8 

3/4 

3/61 

W    s     " 

6 

26 

3/4 

3/1 

3/3 

S   17    ■ 

7 

49 

3/7 

3/2 

3/4! 

S     8    " 

S 

33 

3/5 

3/1 

3/3 

W2I   « 

6 

31 

3/8 

3/3 

3/si 

VV  12     " 

6 

36 

3/5 

3/1 

3/3 

S    24     " 

8 

SI 

3/9 

3/3 

3/6| 

S   is    ■ 

S 

34 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

W  28    ■ 

6 

36 

3/10 

3/4 

3/7  i 

W19    " 

6 

34 

3/4 

3/o 

3/2* 

s  31    • 

7 

47 

4/0 

3/4 

3/8* 

S    22    " 

5 

24 

3/4 

3/1 

3/3 

W    4  Sept. 

6 

40 

4/0 

3/6 

3/8* 

W26  ■ 

6 

2S 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3* 

S    [7]  ■ 

7 

48 

4/0 

3/4 

3/8 

S    2g     " 

6 

32 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4 

Wn    • 

6 

33 

3/10 

3/4 

3/6* 

W    4  Mar. 

6 

34 

3/6 

3/2 

3/4* 

S    14     " 

7 

40 

3/io 

3/3 

3/6* 

S     7    ■ 

39 

3/9 

3/4 

3/7* 

W  18     « 

S 

32 

3/10 

3/4 

3/7* 

W  n     " 

42 

3/io 

3/4 

3/7* 

S     21       ' 

6 

38 

3/10 

3/4 

3/7* 

S    14    " 

38 

3/10 

3/5 

3/7* 

W25  ' 

7 

39 

3/10 

3/3 

3/6* 

\V[iS]  ■ 

37 

3/10 

3/4 

3/7 

S    28    " 

4 

23 

4/4 

3/8 

4/oi 

S      21       " 

42 

4/5 

3/8 

4/1* 

W    2  Oct. 

6 

36 

4/0 

3/6 

3/8 

1668 

s     S    ' 

7 

4» 

4/0 

3/4 

3/8* 

W25  " 

S 

26 

3/10 

3/6 

3/7* 

W    9     " 

6 

37 

3/10 

3/3 

3/6* 

S    28    " 

7 

43 

4/0 

3/6 

3/io* 

4H 


APPENDIX  F 
Prices  of  Wheat,  1663-69  (continued) 


Date 


Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

Total 

High- 

Low- 

Aver. 

No.  of 
sales 

No.  of 
bu. 

est 
price 

est 
price 

price 
jer  bu. 

Date 

No.  of 

sales 

No.  of 

bu. 

est 
price 

est 

price 

price 
?cr  bu. 

sold 

per  bu. 

per  bu. 

sold 

perbu. 

perbu. 

1668 

7 

38 

4/0 

3/6 

3/10 

S    19  Sept. 

6 

39 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

6 

33 

3/10 

3/6 

3/8 

W23    " 

6 

38 

4/6 

4/3 

4/4* 

6 

33 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6* 

S    26    ■ 

8 

61 

5/o 

4/6 

4/9 

7 

43 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6* 

W30    " 

5 

36 

4/6 

4/a 

4/4 

6 

33 

3/6 

3/3 

3/4* 

S     3  Oct. 

7 

43 

4/8 

4/3 

4/6* 

6 

28 

3/6 

3/o 

3/3J 

W   7    " 

6 

36 

4/6 

4/3 

4/4! 

6 

3i 

3/4 

3/o 

3/2J 

S    10    ' 

5 

40 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

6 

3i 

3/4 

3/o 

3/2* 

Wl4     * 

5 

33 

4/6 

4/3 

4/4 

6 

28 

3/5 

3/2 

3/3* 

S   17    " 

6 

35 

4/10 

4/5 

4/7* 

7 

34 

3/5 

3/o 

3/21 

W  21       " 

7 

53 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

6 

30 

3/3 

3/o 

3/i  J 

S  24    ■ 

6 

35 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7* 

6 

37 

3/3 

3/0 

3/i  1 

W28  ■ 

6 

32 

4/6 

4/3 

4/4* 

5 

20 

3/* 

3/o 

3/1 

S  31    ■ 

6 

40 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6 

7 

45 

3/a 

a/10 

3/oJ 

W   4  Nov. 

5 

31 

4/6 

4/4 

4/S 

6 

34 

s/« 

2/9 

3/i| 

S      7     " 

6 

34 

4/7 

4/3 

4/5* 

7 

36 

3/4 

2/10 

3/iJ 

Wn    ■ 

5 

32 

4/7 

4/3 

4/S 

5 

33 

3/3 

3/o 

3/2 

S    14    " 

7 

39 

4/7 

4/3 

4/S* 

7 

4S 

3/3 

2/9 

2/11J 

WI9  ■ 

6 

39 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6 

S 

27 

3/* 

2/10 

3/o} 

S     21       " 

6 

35 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

6 

39 

3/3 

2/10 

3/1 

W25   * 

7 

36 

4/9 

4/3 

4/6 

5 

25 

3/o 

2/8 

a/to 

S    28    « 

7 

43 

4/xo 

4/4 

4/6* 

7 

45 

3/a 

2/9 

2/1 1 J 

W    2  Dec. 

6 

29 

4/11 

4/6 

4/9* 

6 

39 

a/a 

2/9 

2/1 1 J 

S      5     " 

7 

4t 

5/o 

4/6 

4/7* 

7 

SI 

3/6 

3/o 

3/2J 

W    9     ' 

8 

42 

5/i 

4/8 

4/lof 

5 

34 

3/4 

3/x 

3/2! 

S    12     " 

7 

45 

5/2 

4/10 

S/O 

7 

47 

3/7 

3/4 

3/5* 

W16    " 

7 

39 

5/2 

4/9 

5/o 

6 

36 

3/7 

3/4 

3/6 

S   19    ■ 

8 

47 

5/4 

4/1 1 

5/if 

8 

48 

3/8 

3/4 

3/6* 

W23  ■ 

6 

31 

5/2 

4/10 

5/o 

6 

36 

4/0 

3/9 

3/1 1 

26  « 

"Noe 

come  i 

n  the 

Marke 

tt" 

7 

48 

4/6 

4/3 

4/5 

W30  « 

6 

34 

5/3 

4/10 

5/o* 

7 

55 

4/6 

4/3 

4/4* 

S      2  Jan. 

6 

29 

5/6 

5/o 

5/3* 

8 

58 

4/4 

3/10 

4/oi 

W    6    " 

6 

30 

5/6 

5/2 

5/4* 

6 

38 

4/4 

3/10 

4/1  i 

S    9    • 

7 

32 

5/6 

5/3 

5/4* 

S 

3i 

4/4 

4/0 

4/2 

W13    ■ 

6 

38 

5/6 

5/3 

5/5 

6 

4* 

4/4 

4/0 

4/2* 

S   16    ■ 

7 

40 

5/6 

5/2 

5/4* 

6 

39 

4/s 

3/10 

4/0 

W20  ■ 

7 

39 

5/6 

5/1 

5/4 

6 

33 

4/0 

3/9 

3/loi 

S    23    * 

7 

41 

S/6 

5/2 

S/4* 

6 

36 

4/2 

3/" 

4/o* 

W27  ■ 

7 

42 

5/6 

5/o 

5/3* 

6 

43 

4/6 

4/0 

4/3 

F  29    " 

7 

38 

5/4 

5/o 

5/2* 

7 

78 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

W    3  Feb. 

6 

34 

5/4 

5/o 

5/2* 

5 

45 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6 

S     6     " 

5 

32 

5/8 

5/4 

5/6 

6 

4/10 

4/5 

4/7* 

Wio    " 

7 

35 

5/6 

5/o 

5/3* 

6 

46 

4/10 

4/6 

4/8 

S   13    • 

6 

37 

5/6 

5/2 

S/4 

6 

47 

4/10 

4/6 

4/8 

W17    " 

6 

33 

5/6 

5/o 

5/3* 

7 

44 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

S    20    " 

8 

53 

5/6 

5/1 

5/3* 

6 

6l 

4/8 

4/5 

4/6* 

VV24    ■ 

7 

51 

5/7 

5/2 

5/5* 

6 

43 

4/8 

4/S 

4/6* 

S    27    * 

9 

58 

5/8 

5/2 

S/6 

7 

52 

4/10 

4/4 

4/7 

W    3  Mar. 

7 

44 

5/9 

5/4 

5/7* 

6 

51 

4/8 

4/4 

4/6* 

1668 

W  x  Apr. 
S  4 
W  8 
S  11 
W15 
S  18 
W22 
S  25 
W29 
S  2  May 
W  6 
S  9 
W13 
S  16 
W20 
S  23 
W27 
S  30 
W  3  June 
S  6 
Wio 
S  13 
W17 
S  20 
W24 
S  27 
W  1  J 
S  4 
W  8 
S  11 
W15 
S  18 
Was 
S  25 
W29 
S 

W  5 
S  8 
W12 
S    IS 

WI9 

S     22 

W26 

S   29 

w 

S  5 
W  9 
S  12 
W16 


iiy 


:  Aug. 


3  Sept. 


APPENDIX  F 


415 


Prices  of  Barley,  26  Sept.,  1663  to  3  Mar.,  1668-69 

Sold  on  the  Oxford  market. 

The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used: 

W  —  Wednesday. 

S  —  Saturday. 

N  —  "  Noe  Barly  in  the  Markett." 

F  —  Regular  market  day  a  feast  day,  market  held  a  day  earlier. 
Source  —  as  in  wheat  lists  preceding. 


Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Date 

per  qr. 

Date 

per  qr. 

Date 

per  qr. 

Date 

per  qr. 

1663 

s.  d. 

1663-64 

s.  d. 

1664 

s.  d. 

1664 

s.  d. 

S  26  Sept. 

22/0 

S  20  Feb. 

24/6 

S  16  July 

N 

W  14  Dec. 

X9/6 

W30  " 

N 

W  24  " 

24/6 

W  20  " 

N 

S  17  ' 

19/10 

S   3  Oct. 

22/8 

S  27  ■ 

24/6 

S  23  " 

20/0 

W  21  " 

19/8 

W  7  " 

23/2 

W  2  Mar. 

24/0 

W  27  ■ 

21/0 

S  24  " 

^0/10 

S  10  ■ 

23/6 

S   5  " 

24/0 

S  30  " 

N 

W  28  ■ 

19/6 

W  14  " 

23/6 

W  9  ■ 

24/0 

W  3  Aug. 

N 

S  31  ■ 

20/0 

S  17  " 

23/0 

S   12  " 

24/3 

S   6  ■ 

N 

I664-6S 

W  21   ■ 

24/0 

W  16  ■ 

24/6 

Wio  " 

N 

W  4  Jan. 

20/0 

S  24  " 

24/3 

S  19  * 

24/6 

S  is  " 

N 

S   7  " 

20/0 

W  28  ■ 

24/4 

W  23  " 

24/4 

W  17  " 

21/0 

W  11  " 

19/8 

S  31  ' 

24/4 

1664 

S  20  ■ 

N 

S  14  " 

19/6 

W  4  Nov. 

24/4 

S  26  " 

24/6 

W  24  " 

21/0 

W  18  ■ 

19/6 

S   7  " 

24/4 

W  33  " 

24/8 

S  27  " 

21/0 

S   21  * 

19/6 

W  11  " 

24/2 

S   2  Apr. 

24/10 

W  31  " 

20/0 

W  2S   ' 

19/8 

S  14  " 

24/6 

W  6  ■ 

24/8 

S   3  Sept. 

20/0 

S  28  " 

19/6 

W  18  ■ 

24/6 

S   9  ■ 

24/8 

W  7  ■ 

20/6 

W  1  Feb. 

19/6 

S  21  " 

24/0 

W  13  " 

24/8 

S  10  " 

20/2 

S  4  ■ 

19/2 

W  25  ■ 

24/0 

S  16  ■ 

25/0 

W  14  ■ 

20/2 

W  8  ■ 

19/8 

S  28  " 

24/0 

W  20  ■ 

24/10 

S  17  " 

18/6 

S  11  ■ 

19/6 

W  2  Dec. 

23/6 

S  23  ■ 

25/0 

W  21   " 

18/4 

W  is  " 

20/0 

S   S  « 

23/6 

W  27  " 

25/0 

S  24  " 

18/6 

S  18  " 

20/0 

W  9  ' 

23/8 

S  30  ■ 

25/0 

W  28  ■ 

18/10 

W  22   " 

19/6 

Si  12  ■ 

24/0 

W  4  May 

2S/6 

S   1  Oct. 

19/0 

S   2S   " 

20/0 

W  16  ■ 

23/8 

S   7  " 

24/8 

W  s  * 

20/0 

W  1  Mar. 

20/6 

S  19  " 

24/0 

W  11  " 

24/8 

S   8  " 

21/0 

S   4  " 

20/8 

W  23  ■ 

24/2 

S  14  " 

24/8 

W  12   " 

20/6 

W  8  * 

21/0 

S  26  ■ 



W  18  ■ 

24/0 

S  is  * 

20/6 

S  11  * 

21/4 

W  30  " 

24/4 

S   21   " 

24/0 

W  19  " 

20/4 

W  is  ■ 

21/8 

1663-64 

W  25  " 

24/0 

S   22  * 

21/0 

S  18  ■ 

21/8 

S   2  Jan. 

24/0 

S  28  ■ 

23/8 

W  26  ■ 

20/0 

W  22  " 

21/4 

W  6  « 

24/0 

W  1  June 

23/6 

S  29  * 

20/0 

1665 

S  9  - 

25/0 

S   4  " 

22/6 

W  2  Nov. 

20/0 

S   2S   « 

21/0 

W  13  " 

25/0 

W  8  ■ 

23/4 

s   S  " 

20/4 

W  29  • 

21/0 

S  16  ■ 

2S/0 

S  11  " 

23/6 

W   9  " 

20/2 

S   1  Apr. 

21/0 

W  20  ■ 

2S/4 

W  is  ■ 

23/6 

S   12   " 

20/0 

F  4  « 

2l/o 

S  23  « 

25/° 

S  18  * 

23/6 

W  16  ■ 

20/4 

S   8  « 

20/6 

W  27  " 

25/° 

W  22   « 

23/6 

S  19  " 

20/0 

W  12  « 

2o/6 

S  30  ■ 

25/o 

S  2S  - 

22/6 

W  23  " 

19/10 

S  is  * 

2o/o 

W  3  Feb. 

24/6 

W  29  * 

22/6 

S  26  « 



W  19  ■ 

30/3 

S   6  " 

24/6 

S   2  July 

22/0 

W  30  ■ 

20/0 

S   22   « 

19/6 

W  10  ■ 

24/6 

W  6  " 



S   3  Dec. 

19/6 

W  26  " 

20/0 

S  13  ■ 

24/8 

S   9  * 

N 

W  7  " 

19/6 

S  29  ■ 

20/0 

W  17  ■ 

24/5 

W  13  * 

N 

S  10  ■ 

19/8 

W  3  May 

20/3 

416 


APPENDIX  F 


Prices  of  Barley,  1663-69  (continued) 


Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Date 

perqr. 

Date 

perqr. 

Date 

per  qr. 

Date    per  qr. 

1665 

s.  d. 

1 66s 

s.  d. 

1666 

s.  d. 

1666 

s.  d 

S   6  May 

21/0 

S 

11  Nov. 

21/10 

s 

12  May 

17/9 

s 

17  Nov. 

iS/8 

W  10  " 

21/6 

w 

15  " 

22/10 

w 

16  ' 

17/4 

w 

21  " 

IS/8 

S  13  * 

22/0 

S 

18  " 

23/6 

s 

19  " 

17/6 

s 

24  " 

IS/8 

W  17  ' 

22/0 

w 

22  " 

23/6 

w 

23  ' 

17/9 

w 

28  ■ 

iS/8 

S  jo  " 

22/10 

S 

25   " 

23/8 

s 

26  " 

17/6 

s 

1  Dec. 

15/9 

W  24  ' 

33/0 

w 

29  " 

23/6 

w 

30  ' 

18/0 

F 

4  " 

iS/6 

S  27  " 

23/0 

S 

2  Dec. 

22/6 

s 

2  June 

17/0 

s 

8  " 

IS/9 

W  31  * 

«/6 

F 

S  " 

22/0 

F 

5  " 

17/0 

w 

12  * 

IS/9 

S  3  June 

23/6 

S 

9  " 

22/3 

s 

9  ' 

17/0 

s 

IS  " 

iS/9 

W  7  ■ 

23/6 

w 

13  " 

21/0 

w 

13  ' 

x6/4 

w 

19  ' 

IS/9 

S  10  " 

24/0 

S 

16  * 

21/6 

s 

16  " 



s 

22  " 

iS/8 

W  14  * 

24/6 

w 

20  " 

22/0 

w 

20  ■ 

N 

w 

27  ' 

S  17  ■ 

24/6 

S 

23  " 

21/0 

s 

23  " 

16/8 

s 

29  " 

IS/8 

W  21   ■ 

23/6 

w 

27  " 

20/0 

w 

27  " 

N 

1666-67 

S  14  " 

23/6 

S 

30  * 

21/0 

s 

30  ' 

16/8 

w 

2  Jan. 

IS/7 

W  28  ■ 

N 

I 

665-66 

F 

3  July 

N 

s 

5  " 

iS/6 

S   1  July 

23/6 

F 

2  Jan. 

21/6 

s 

7  • 

iS/o 

w 

9  " 

IS/8 

W  s  " 

N 

S 

6  " 

21/6 

w 

11  " 

N 

s 

12  " 

iS/8 

S   8  ■ 

N 

w 

10  ■ 

21/0 

s 

14  ■ 

N 

w 

16  * 

IS/6 

W  12  " 

N 

S 

13  " 

21/6 

w 

18  ■ 

N 

s 

19  ' 

iS/6 

S  is  " 

23/4 

w 

17  " 

21/2 

s 

21  " 

N 

w 

23  " 

iS/3 

W  19  " 

23/6 

S 

20  * 

21/3 

w 

25  ■ 

N 

s 

26  " 

IS/3 

S   22   " 

23/0 

w 

24  " 

21/0 

s 

28  ■ 

N 

F 

29  ' 

15/4 

W  26  " 

N 

s 

27  " 

21/4 

F 

31  ■ 

N 

s 

2  Feb. 

iS/x 

S  29  " 

22/0 

w 

31  * 

21/2 

s 

4  Aug. 

N 

w 

6  " 

iS/6 

F   2  Aug. 

N 

s 

3  Feb. 

21/6 

w 

8  " 

N 

s 

9  " 

IS/6 

S   5  " 

N 

F 

6  ■ 

21/2 

s 

11  " 

N 

w 

13  ' 

15/4 

W  9  " 



s 

10  * 

21/0 

w 

15  " 

N 

s 

16  « 

IS/6 

S   12   ■ 

N 

w 

M  " 

21/0 

s 

18  ■ 

15/0 

w 

20  * 

iS/8 

W  16  " 

N 

s 

17  " 

21/0 

w 

22  ■ 



s 

23  ' 

16/0 

S  19  " 

N 

w 

21  " 

21/0 

s 

25   " 

14/0 

w 

27  * 

16/2 

W  23  " 

N 

s 

24  " 

22/0 

w 

29  " 

14/0 

s 

2  Mar. 

16/4 

S  26  ■ 

N 

w 

28  ■ 

21/6 

s 

1  Sept. 

14/0 

w 

6  ■ 

16/4 

W  30  " 

N 

s 

3  Mar. 

20/6 

F 

4  " 

N 

s 

9  ' 

16/4 

S   2  Sept. 

N 

w 

7  " 

19/0 

s 

8  ■ 

12/6 

w 

13  " 

16/6 

F   S  ' 

N 

s 

10  ■ 

20/0 

w 

12  ■ 

12/2 

s 

16  ■ 

16/10 

S   9  " 

19/0 

w 

14  " 

20/0 

s 

IS  * 

13/0 

w 

20  ■ 

17/2 

W  13  * 

19/0 

s 

17  ' 

19/6 

w 

19  " 

13/0 

s 

23  " 

17/4 

S  16  " 

19/4 

w 

21   " 

19/6 

s 

20  " 

13/6 

1667 

W  20  ■ 

20/0 

s 

24  " 

20/0 

w 

26  " 

13/4 

w 

27  " 

17/6 

S  23  - 

19/0 

1666 

s 

29  « 

13/8 

s 

30  ' 

17/6 

W  27  ■ 

20/0 

w 

28  Mar. 

19/4 

w 

2  Oct. 



w 

3  Apr. 

17/6 

S  30  " 

19/6 

s 

31  " 

19/6 

s 

6  « 

14/0 

s 

6  ■ 

17/0 

F   3  Oct. 

20/0 

F 

3  Apr. 

19/0 

F 

9  ' 

14/10 

w 

IC   " 

17/S 

S   7  " 

20/0 

s 

7  " 

18/6 

s 

13  * 

X5/4 

s 

13  " 

16/8 

W  11  « 

19/2 

w 

n  " 

18/0 

w 

17  " 

IS/6 

w 

17  * 

17/0 

S  14  " 

20/0 

s 

14  " 

X7/8 

s 

20  ■ 

IS/6 

s 

20  " 

17/0 

W  18  " 

20/0 

w 

18  ■ 

17/8 

w 

24  ' 

15/2 

w 

24  ' 

17/0 

S   21   ■ 

20/0 

s 

21  " 

17/6 

s 

27  * 

is/o 

s 

27  " 

16/10 

W  25  ■ 

20/0 

w 

25  " 

17/4 

w 

31  " 

15/0 

w 

1  May 

17/6 

S  28  " 

21/6 

s 

28  " 

16/6 

s 

3  Nov. 

15/6 

s 

4  ' 

17/10 

W  1  Nov. 

2l/o 

F 

1  May 

16/0 

F 

6  ■ 

IS/8 

w 

8  ■ 

18/6 

S   4  ' 

21/9 

s 

5  " 

16/6 

s 

10  " 

15/8 

s 

11  " 

18/6 

F   7  " 

21/6 

w 

9  " 

17/7 

w 

14  " 

IS/6 

w 

IS  " 

18/9 

APPENDIX  F 


417 


Prices  of  Barley,  1663-69  {continued) 


Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Av.  price 

Date 

per  qr. 

Date 

per  qr. 

Date 

per  qr. 

Date 

per  qr. 

1667 

s.  d. 

1667 

s.  d. 

1668 

s.  d. 

1668 

s.  d. 

S  18  May 

18/6 

W 

23  Oct. 

19/6 

S 

4  Apr. 

21/0 

W 

23  Sept. 

19/6 

W  22  ■ 

18/4 

s 

26  ■ 

19/6 

w 

8  ■ 

20/8 

s 

26  " 

20/0 

S  25    * 

18/0 

w 

3°  " 

19/4 

s 

11  " 

21/0 

w 

30  - 

19/0 

F  28  ' 

17/8 

s 

2  Nov. 

19/0 

w 

IS  ' 

20/6 

s 

3  Oct. 

20/0 

S   1  June 

17/n 

w 

6  ■ 

18/4 

s 

18  " 

20/6 

w 

7  ' 

20/0 

W  s  • 

18/0 

s 

9  " 

18/0 

w 

22  " 

20/0 

s 

10  " 

20/6 

S   8  « 

17/6 

w 

13  " 

18/6 

s 

2S   * 

20/1 

w 

14  " 

20/0 

W  12  " 

17/6 

s 

16  ■ 

18/6 

w 

29   " 

20/0 

s 

17  * 

20/6 

S  is  ■ 

16/0 

w 

20  " 

18/8 

s 

2  May 

20/4 

w 

21  " 

20/8 

W  19  ■ 

16/6 

s 

23  " 

19/0 

w 

6  " 

20/0 

s 

24  ' 

20/10 

S   22   " 

16/0 

w 

27  " 

19/0 

s 

9  " 

20/0 

w 

28  ■ 

20/8 

W  26  ■ 

15/° 

s 

3°  " 

19/0 

w 

13  " 

19/10 

s 

31  " 

20/6 

S  29  " 

16/0 

w 

4  Dec. 

19/4 

s 

16  " 

19/10 

w 

4  Nov. 

20/8 

W  19  ■ 

16/6 

s 

7  " 

19/0 

w 

20  " 

20/0 

s 

7  " 

21/0 

S   22   " 

16/0 

w 

11   " 

19/6 

s 

23  * 

20/4 

w 

11  " 

21/4 

W  26  " 

15/° 

s 

14  " 

19/6 

w 

27  " 

20/0 

s 

14  " 

21/6 

S  29  ■ 

16/0 

w 

18  ■ 

19/2 

s 

30  ' 

20/0 

w 

18  " 

21/6 

W  3  July 

15/° 

s 

21  " 

19/2 

w 

3  June 

20/4 

s 

21  " 

22/2 

S   6  ■ 

N 

F 

24  " 

19/2 

s 

6  ■ 

20/3 

w 

25   " 

22/6 

W  10  ■ 

N 

s 

28  ■ 

19/0 

w 

10  " 

20/10 

s 

28  " 

23/0 

S  13  ■ 

N 

F 

31  " 

19/0 

s 

13  " 

20/8 

w 

2  Dec. 

22/8 

W  17  " 

N 

X 

667-68 

w 

17  " 

20/4 

s 

S  " 

23/4 

S  20  " 

N 

S 

4  Jan. 

19/0 

s 

20  " 

20/6 

w 

9  " 

23/0 

W  24  ■ 

N 

w 

8  " 

19/10 

w 

24  " 

20/6 

s 

12  " 

23/6 

S  27  • 



s 

11  " 

19/8 

s 

27  " 

20/4 

w 

16  ■ 

23/6 

W  31  " 



w 

15  * 

19/4 

w 

1  July 

20/4 

s 

19  " 

23/9 

S   3  Aug. 

N 

s 

18  ■ 

19/6 

s 

4  " 



w 

23  " 

24/2 

W  7  " 

N 

w 

22  " 

19/0 

w 

8  " 

20/2 

s 

26  ■ 

N 

S  10  " 

N 

s 

25   " 

19/0 

s 

11  " 

N 

w 

3°  " 

24/3 

W  14  a 

N 

w 

29  " 

19/0 

w 

IS  " 



I 

668-69 

S  17  ■ 

N 

s 

1  Feb. 

19/2 

s 

18  * 

N 

s 

2  Jan. 

24/6 

W  21   " 

17/8 

w 

S  " 

19/6 

w 

22  ■ 

N 

w 

6  " 

24/2 

S  24  " 

18/6 

s 

8  " 

19/2 

s 

2S   " 

N 

s 

9  " 

24/8 

W  28  ■ 

18/6 

w 

12  " 

19/4 

w 

29   " 

N 

w 

13  " 

24/6 

S  31  ' 

20/0 

s 

15  " 

19/4 

s 

i  Aug. 

N 

s 

16  " 

24/6 

W  4  Sept. 

20/0 

w 

19  ■ 

19/0 

w 

S  " 

N 

w 

20  " 

24/6 

S   7  " 

19/6 

s 

22  ■ 

19/8 

s 

8  " 

N 

s 

23  ' 

24/6 

W  11  « 

19/S 

w 

26  ■ 

19/10 

w 

12  " 

N 

w 

27  ■ 

34/3 

S  14  " 

19/8 

s 

29  ■ 

30/4 

s 

IS  " 

N 

F 

29  " 

34/4 

W  18  ■ 

19/6 

w 

4  Mar. 

20/6 

w 

19  " 

N 

w 

3  Feb. 

24/3 

S   21   « 

19/8 

s 

7  ' 

21/0 

s 

22  " 

20/0 

s 

6  ■ 

34/2 

W  25  ■ 

19/8 

w 

11  " 

21/0 

w 

26  " 

N 

w 

10  " 

34/0 

S  28  " 

20/0 

s 

14  " 

21/0 

s 

29  " 



s 

13  " 

23/10 

W  2  Oct. 

19/6 

w 

18  " 

20/8 

w 

3  Sept. 

19/6 

w 

17  " 

23/6 

s   5  ' 

19/6 

s 

21  " 

21/0 

s 

5  ' 

20/0 

s 

20  ■ 

23/10 

W   9   ' 

19/6 

1668 

w 

9  " 

20/0 

w 

24  " 

33/8 

S   12   " 

19/6 

w 

25  " 

20/8 

s 

12  " 

20/8 

s 

27  B 

34/6 

W  16  ■ 

19/4 

s 

28  " 

21/0 

w 

16  " 

20/8 

w 

3  Mar. 

34/3 

S  19  " 

19/6 

w 

1  Apr. 

21/0 

s 

19  * 

20/6 

418 


APPENDIX  G 


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1 

APPENDIX  G 


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420  APPENDIX  G 

Corn  Bounty  Debentures,  i  689-98 l 


Year 

Outporti 

t 

London 

Total 

£      s. 

d. 

£     s.      d. 

£       s.  d. 

1689 

217     4 

4* 

481    17      2 

699     1  6| 

1690 

7,041   IO 

3i 

2,272   17     o\ 

9,314     7  4 

1691 

16,376   16 

9* 

2,472      7     9 

18,849     4  6} 

1692 

20,136   14 

4 

924  18     2J 

21,061  12  6J 

1693 

12,451   II 

*! 

2,339  17     3 

I4,79i     8  si 

1694 

4,318  II 

11 

73    16   IO§ 

4,392     8  9i 

1695 

13,882     O 

7 

6,401   14     8J 

20,283  15  3 J 

1696 

7,313   17 

11* 

7,142  18     5J 

14,456  16  5 

1697 

11,094     4 

af 

2,099  18  11 

13,194    3  if 

1698 

4,479   10 

9 

520     8     6£ 
[24,730  14  11] 

4,999  19  i\ 

1689-1698 

[97,312       2 

sil 

122,042  17  4i 

Bounties  Paid,  1 697-1 765s 

Periods  Total 

£ 

1697-1705 289,670 

1706-1725 1,371,032 

1726-1745 1,769,756 

1746-1765 2,628,503 

1697-1765 6,058,962 

»  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Harl.,  6838,  fol.  28. 

*  Prothero,  English  Farming  Past  and  Present,  p.  432. 


s. 

.I. 

14 

0 

4 

0 

4 

2 

4 

7 

APPENDIX  H 


421 


APPENDIX  H 

Statistics  of  Assignments  of  Money  and  Corn  to  be 
Provided  by  the  London  Companies,  1 520-1662 

Money  to  be  levied  from  the  London  companies  for  the  purchase 
of  a  common  supply  of  corn. 


Companies 


i5«°l 


iS46J 


iS66« 


I5744 


Mercers 

Grocers 

Drapers 

Fishmongers 

Stockfishmongers . 

Goldsmiths 

Skinners 

Merchant-tailors . 

Haberdashers 

Vintners 

Ironmongers 

Salters 

Clothworkers .... 

Dyers 

Leathersellers .... 
Pouchmakers. . . . 

Cutlers 

Bladesmiths 

Armourers 

Waxchandlers . . . , 
Tallowchandlers . . 

Shearmen 

Pewterers 

Fullers 

Saddlers 

Brewers 

Scriveners 

Butchers 

Bakers 

Poulterers 

Inn-holders 

"Corsers" 

Girdlers 

Barber-surgeons. . 
Founders 


£  s.  d. 

80  o  o 

80  o  o 

80  o  o 

80  o  o 

80  o  o 
60  o  o 

80 
70 

20 

40 
16 


3° 


10 
20 
12 
40 
20 
10 
10 
40 
10 
10 
20 
5 


10 

20 

5 


o  o 
o  o 


30  o  o 


o  o 
o  o 
o  o 


£  s.  d. 

150  o  o 

150  o  o 

150  o  o 


IOO 
100 

IOO 

ISO 
100 

60 

66 

IOO 
IOO 

30 


o 
66  13 


30 

30 
30 


15  0  0 

15  O  O 

30  o  o 

45  o  o 

45  o  o 

40  o  o 


o  o 
o  o 


£  s.  d. 

200  o  o 

175  o  o 

150  o  o 


150 

IS© 

75 

175 

125 

33 

75 


75 

0 

0 

150 

0 

0 

20 

0 

0 

95 

0 

0 

10 

0 

0 

5 

0 

0 

20 

0 

0 

25 

0 

0 

IS 

0 

0 

33 

6 

8 

10 

0 

0 

10 

0 

0 

IS 

0 

0 

25 

0 

0 

10 

0 

0 

s 

0 

0 

£  s.  d. 

500  o  o 

500  o  o 

373  o  o 

250  o  o 

375  o  o 
200  o 
43i  o 
315  o 
181  10 
181  10 
181  10 
275  o 
62  10 


162  10  o 

37  10  o 

12  10  o 

62  10  o 

56     S  o 

62  10  o 

125     o  o 

50    o  o 

21       O  O 


37  10    0 

50     0    o 
25     o    o 


I  See  above,  p.  82. 


*  See  above,  p.  83. 


»  See  below,  p.  449.         •  See  above,  p.  83,  n.  4. 


422  APPENDIX  H 

Statistics  of  Money  and  Corn,  1520-1662  {continued) 


Companies 


1520 


1546 


1566 


1574 


Braiderers 

Bowyers 

Fletchers 

Cordwainers 
Painter-stainers . 

Masons 

Plumbers 

Upholsterers 

Carpenters 

Joiners 

Coopers 

Linen-drapers. . 

Curriers 

Woodmongers.  . 

Tilers 

Weavers 

Lorimers 

Blacksmiths.  .  . . 

Spurriers 

Farriers 

Wiresellers 

Fruiterers 

Pastelers 

Turners 

Marblers 

Plasterers 

Stationers 

Glaziers 

Lapicers 

Cheesemongers  . 

Surgeons 

Woolpackers. . . 
Cooks 


£ 
IO 
IO 
IO 

s 

10 

10 

5 

5 

10 
10 
10 

5 

20 
10 
10 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
S 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 


£  s.  d. 

15  o  o 

15  o  o 

30  o  o 


£     s.     d. 


30     o     o 


30 


5 

5 

10 

5 
5 


500 


20    o    o 


£      s.     d. 


7     5 

6     5 

62  10 

12  10 

12    IO 
12    IO 


37  10  o 

62  10  o 

15    o  o 

12    IO  o 

12    IO  O 

12    IO  O 


IOOO 
62    IO     O 


650 

37  10    o 


APPENDIX  E 


423 


"  Money  lent  by  the  Companies  in  London  for  the  provision  of 
Cora  in  two  payments,"  [1573].1 


£  8.  d. 

Haberdashers 525  o  o 

Mercers 625  4  o 

Grocers 700  o  o 

Drapers 525  o  o 

Fishmongers 350  o  o 

Goldsmiths 525  o  o 

Merchant- tailors 612  o  o 


Vinters 262  o 

Ironmongers 262  10 

Salters 262  o 

Skinners 280  o 

Clothworkers 365  o 


5.293  H    o" 


"  More  lent  the  same  tyme  by  the  inferior  Companies  at  two  pay- 
ments." 


£     s.  d. 

Dyers 87  10  o 

Brewers 175    o  o 

Leathersellers 200    o  o 

Tallowchandlers 87  10  o 

Pewterers 78  15  o 

Saddlers 8710  o 

Freemasons 17  10  o 

Scriveners 66  10  8 

Woodmongers 17  10  o 

Plasterers 14  10  o 

Bowyers 2  10  o 

Fletchers 815  o 

Coopers 87  10  o 

Plumbers 17  10  o 

Carpenters 52  10  o 

Painters 17  10  o 

Butchers 35    o  o 

"  Som'  totalis  of  all  lent  as  well  by  the  12  Companies  as  by  the 

inferior  Companies  amounts  to  as  apperes  to  " "  6,916  19  8 J 


£    s. 

Blacksmiths 17  10 

Fruiterers 17  to 

Stationers 87  10 

Woolmen 8  15 

Barber-surgeons 35    o 

Girdlers 70    o 

Curriers 21    o 

Cordwainers 87    o 

Innholders 52  10 

Armourers 17  10 

Poulterers 15    o 

Cooks 52  10 

Bricklayers 17  10 

Cutlers 52  10 

Weavers 17  10 

Total 


1,622  15     8" 


"  Money  Receaved  by  the  12  Companies  for  the  use  of  themselves 
and  the  inferior  Companies  in  A°  dm'  1580  precedinge  of  the  sale  of 
the  Corne  provided  for  them  which  is  to  be  devided  to  eiche  Com- 
panie  after  the  rate  of  10  s  the  pound:" 

12  companies 2,636  15    o 

Inferior  companies 906    5    o 

3>543     o    o 

•  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxii,  fols.  70  £. 


424 


APPENDIX  H 


"  For  the  furnishing  of  6000  quarters  of  graine  whereof  there  must 
be  4000  quarters  of  wheate  and  2000  quarters  of  Rye.  For  provision 
of  this  Citie  of  London,"  2  Dec,  1590.1 


qrs. 

Fishmongers 339 

Mercers 492 

Grocers 525 

Drapers 461 

Goldsmiths 486 

Merchant-tailors 562 

Skinners 332 

Haberdashers 435 

Salters 309 

Ironmongers 276 

Vintners 312 


qrs. 

Dyers 60 

Brewers 120 

Leatherscllcrs 120 

Pewterers 36 

Cutlers 27 

Whitebakers 72 

Waxchandlers 12 

Tallowchandlers 48 

Armourers 6 

Girdlers 42 

Butchers 18 

Clothworkers 339        Saddlers 54 


"  4,868  " 

Carpenters 30 

Cordwainers 42 

Barber-surgeons 30 

Painter-stainers • 6 

Curriers 6 

Masons 15 

Plumbers 12 

Innholders 30 

Founders 9 

Poulterers 12 

Cooks 30 

Coopers 42 

"  264  " 

Brownbakers 18 

Stationers 63 

Embroiderers 20 

Total  "  6000  quarters." 


"6iS' 

Tilers  and  bricklayers 12 

Blacksmiths 10 

Joiners 25 

Weavers 15 

Woodmongers 15 

Scriveners 42 

Fruiterers 9 

Plasterers 6 

"134' 


Upholsterers 7 

Turners 11 

"119' 


"  Theise  6  poore  Companies  we  have  thought  necessary  not  to 
charge  with  any  provision  viz." 

Bowyers 3  Basketmakers 4 

Fletchers 3  Glaziers 4 

Woolmen 3 

Minstrels 3  "  20  quarters  ' 


1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxii,  fob.  434-435. 


APPENDIX  H  425 

Amounts  of  Corn  to  be  Provided  by  the  London  Companies 

Companies                1587  '  and  1599  *       1610  •  1639  * 

qrs.  qrs.  qrs. 

Mercers 820  620  650 

Grocers 874  1,000  900 

Drapers 768  768  750 

Fishmongers 565  565  620 

Goldsmiths 809  730  700 

Skinners 553  470  420 

Merchant-tailors 936  i>o5°           1,000 

Haberdashers 724  800  770 

Salters 514  480  480 

Ironmongers 440  358  340 

Vintners 520  520  500 

Clothworkers 565  565  550 

Dyers 100  160  140 

Brewers 200  100  138 

Leathersellers 200  250  280 

Pewterers 60  60  70 

Cutlers 45  60  100 

Whitebakers 120  120  60 

Waxchandlers 20  20  25 

Tallowchandlers 80  60  130 

Armourers 10  10  25 

Girdlers 70  100  140 

Butchers 30  4°  5° 

Saddlers 90  100  80 

Carpenters 50  50  80 

Cordwainers 70  60 

Barber-surgeons 50  60 

Apothecaries 60  60 

Painter-stainers 11  11  15 

Curriers n  u  15 

Masons 25  25  30 

Plumbers 20  20  25 

Innholders 50  50  60 

Founders 15  15  10 

Poulterers 20  20  15 

Cooks 50  50  4c 

Coopers 70  70  70 

Tilers  and  bricklayers 20  20  25 

Bowyers 5  5  5 

Fletchers 5  5  5 

Blacksmiths 16  16  20 

Joiners 41  41  30 

Weavers 25  25  35 

Woolmen 5  5  5 

Woodmongers 20  60  80 

Scriveners 7°  IO°  80 

Fruiterers 16  16  10 

*  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  xxii,  fol.  130.  f  Letter  Booh,  BB,  fol.  14. 

«  Journals  0/  the  Common  Council,  xxviii,  fob.  113  f.  *  Ibid.,  xxxviii,  fol.  160. 


426 


APPENDIX  H 


Amounts  of  Corn  {continued) 

Companies                   1587  and  1509  1610 

qrs.  qrs. 

Plasterers 10  10 

Brownbakers 30  20 

Stationers 100  140 

Embroiderers 33  40 

Upholsterers 11  11 

Musicians 5  5 

Turners 17  17 

Basketmakers 8  8 

Glaziers 8  8 


1639 
qrs. 
IO 

IS 

ICO 

40 

II 

8 

17 
8 
8 


Companies 


Grocers. , 

Mercers 6 

Drapers 7 

Fishmongers 7 

Goldsmiths 7 

Skinners 4 

Merchant-tailors 10 

Haberdashers 8 

Salters 5 

Cutlers 1 

Stationers 1 

Upholsterers o 

Plasterers o 

Fruiterers o 

Founders o 

Bowyers  1 Q 

Fletchers ) 

Tallowchandlers 1 

Musicians 

Basketmakers    ■ o 

Glaziers  J 

Girdlers 1 

Cordwainers o 

Barber-surgeons o 

Tilers 
Bricklayers 

Ironmongers 3 

Woodmongers o 

Blacksmiths o 


Amounts 
qrs.  bushs.  pks. 
900 
4  o 
4  O 
o  o 
o  o 
4  o 
o  o 
o      o 


Companies  Ordered  to  Supply  the  London  Markets  with 
Corn,  25  Feb.,  1661-62  1 

Fifty-six  companies  were  ordered  to  furnish  the  poor  with  ioi£ 
quarters  of  meal  each  week  for  ten  weeks  at  6  s.  8  d.  a  bushel. 

Companies  Amounts 

qrs.  bushs.  pks. 

Dyers 1      3      o 

Vintners 5      o      o 

Leathersellers 260 

Plumbers o      2      o 

Clothworkers 5      4      o 

Saddlers 1      2      o 

Butchers o      2       2 

Apothecaries o      3      o 

Weavers o      3      o 

Coopers o      6      o 

Masons o      2       2 

Painters o      1      o 

Curriers o      1      o 

Poulterers o      1      o 

Pewterers o      6      o 

Waxchandlers o      2      o 

Armourers o      2      o 

Carpenters o      4      o 

Embroiderers o      4      o 

Cooks o      3      3 

Woolmen o      o      1 

Tnnholders 050 

Joiners o      3      o 

Scriveners o      6      o 

Brownbakers o      1       o 

Turners o      1      o 

Brewers 130 

Whitebakers o      5      o 


Repertory,  lxviii,  fob.  61  f. 


APPENDIX  I 


427 


APPENDIX  I 


STATISTICS  OF  CORN  PROVISION  BY  GROCERS 
AND  MERCERS,  1617-74 

Mercers'  Provision 

(Source  —  MS.,  Mercers'  Hall,  Second  Warden's  Accounts,  vols. 
1617-29,  etc.) 


Year 

Remaining 

Bought 

Sold 

Year 

Remaining 

Bought 

Sold 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

1617-18 

20 

143 

26 

1640-41 

••        372 

0 

O 

1618-19 

..      131 

IOO 

6 

1641-42 

••     368i 

506 

248* 

1619-20 

•  •      223! 

170 

0 

1642-43 

•  •      639 

O 

O 

1620-21 

•  •      3935 

O 

127I 

1643-44 

..      632? 

O 

O 

1621-22 

•  •      259^ 

O 

63 

1644-45 

•  •      632! 

43l 

O 

1622-23 

. .      186} 

180 

204* 

1645-46 

. .     668-1 

0 

O 

1623-24 

. .      162J 

IOO 

Si 

1646-47 

. .     668| 

0 

O 

1624-25 

• •        220§ 

50 

io3 

1647-48 

. .     668-J 

0 

250J 

1625-26 

••        152s 

0 

103 

1648-49 

••     427s 

0 

7 

1626-27 

■•       43* 

2Il| 

3 

1649-50 

..     419 

0 

413 

1627-28 

••      243 

207 

0 

1650-51 

6 

0 

0 

1628-29 

•  •     445 

O 

3 

1651-52 

6 

0 

2 

1629-30 

••     437 

O 

216 

1652-53 

4 

257 

0 

1630-31 

• •      i94s 

343 

411I 

1653-54 

. .     261 

0 

0 

1631-32 

..        I20f 

322J 

160 

1654-55 

261 

300 

0 

1632-33 

. .     276 

i68f 

235* 

1655-56 

•  •     561 

0 

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1633-34 

. .     i86f 

1925 

i8o§ 

1656-57 

..     561 

0 

0 

1634-35 

•  •     i95i 

378* 

342i 

1657-58 

..     561 

0 

261 

1635-36 

..     230 

300I 

230 

1658-59 

..     300 

0 

0 

1636-37 

•  ■     294I 

0 

0 

1659-66 

. .  Hiatus  in  accounts 

1637-38 

•  •     293* 

150 

210 

1666-73 

..       601 

0 

0 

1638-39 

•  •     233 

0 

0 

1673-74 

..       60 

0 

60 

1639-40 

••     233 

135 

0 

1674-90 

. .  No  corn 

accounts  found. 

1  All  that  remained  of  the  iop  qrs.  at  Bridewell,  40  qrs.  having  been  destroyed  by  "  the  late  fire." 


428 


APPENDIX  I 


Grocers'  Provision 


(Source 

—  MS. 

,  Grocers'  Hall, 

No.  571,  The  Booke  for  the 

Con 

Accompte 

0 

Year 

Year 

(July-July)     ] 

Remaining 

Bought 

Sold 

(July-July) 

Remaining 

Bought 

Sold 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

qrs. 

1622-23. . . 

O 

180 

Il6 

1639-40. . 

.      287 

61 

O 

1623-24... 

13 

82 

13 

1640-41 . . 

•      347 

O 

O 

1624-25... 

82 

168 

[47« 

1541-42.. 

•      344$ 

28l| 

O 

1625-26. . . 

I02| 

5° 

132 

1642-43.. 

-      526J 

O 

O 

1626-27. •  • 

19 

3° 

s 

1643-44 

5i6i 

93i 

O 

1627-28... 

43 

38i 

0 

1644-45.. 

.     609! 

0 

O 

1628-29. •  • 

65 

O 

0 

1645-46.. 

.     609! 

0 

O 

1629-30. . . 

62$ 

O 

23 

1646-47 . . 

.     609J 

0 

O 

1630-31... 

38! 

604J 

3<"i 

1647-48. . 

.     60SJ 

0 

327 

1631-32... 

3i°i 

287i 

164 

1648-49 . . 

•     205 1 

0 

5 

1632-33... 

277} 

4i7i 

284 

1649-50. . 

•       200§ 

0 

50 

I633-34- • • 

33°i 

475i 

345 

1650-51.. 

•        I465 

0 

146* 

I634-3S- •  • 

364^ 

100 

159 

1651-52.. 

O 

0 

0 

1635-36... 

239§ 

239i 

316 

l652-53-- 

O 

0 

0 

1636-37 . . . 

i5i* 

0 

0 

1653-54. • 

O 

0 

0 

1637-38. . . 

i48| 

X83I 

130 

1654-55 •• 

O 

49J 

0 

1638-39... 

i98i 

91 

0 

APPENDIX  J  429 

APPENDIX  J 
"A  SPECIALL  DIRECTION  FOR  DIVERS  TRADES  " 

Written  apparently  by  a  West  Country  merchant,  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 

MS.  is  in  the  Record  Office  —  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Elizabeth, 
vol.  255,  No.  56. 

A  speciall  direction  for  divers  trades  of  merchaundize  to  be  used  for 
soundrie  placis  upon  adverticemente  aswell  for  the  chusinge  of  the 
time  and  wares  for  every  of  those  placis  most  Beneficiall  for  those  that 
use  the  trade  of  marchandize. 

All  the  yeare  with  Wheate.1 

Item  for  all  the  parts  of  Galicia  course  cloth  and  Bridgwaters  north- 
ern halfe  clothes  &  manchester  cottons  hides  cal[f]skines  shepeskines 
dressed  brecknocks  bristowe  frisis  and  tymbye  fryses  wexe  fianinge 
and  wedmoles  of  Wales  wheate  Butter  chease  hyhe  cotton  fryses  of 
Carmarthen  in  sowthe  wales. 

Comodities  retorned  from  Hience. 

Item  the  comodities  thence  ar  wynes  of  Rubadavye  and  Orenges  and 
Lemons  and  Tymber  and  Boordes  of  chesnutts  and  wallnuts  where  of 
the[re]  is  greate  store  and  goode  cheape  espesially  in  villia  viziosa  here 
you  must  take  hede  that  you  gree  with  the  customers  for  your  custome 
before  you  land  your  wares  for  they  will  gree  with  you  for  two  in  the 
hundert  otherwyse  they  will  make  you  paye  viii  or  x  in  the  hondert 
you  must  also  take  hede  that  you  bringe  no  fiaunders  wares  upon 
englishe  bottomes  for  yt  is  defended. 

All  the  winter  with  wheate  [&]  with  clothe  in  the  somer. 

Item  for  san  Jhoande  luz  in  Fraunce  all  kinds  of  course  wares  wexe 
and  tallowe  butter  and  chease  wheate  Rye  and  Beanes  by  sky  e  so  that 
it  be  brought  thither  at  Christmas  or  shortly  after  to  sarve  the  newe- 
foundland  men  also  candells  shepe  skines  hides  and  cal[f]skines  Irrishe 
fryses  this  porte  sarves  when  we  have  A  Restrainte  betweene  Spaine 
and  us. 

Comodities  retorned  from  thence. 

Item  the  comodities  of  this  countrye  is  Piche  and  Rossen  to  be 
bowght  best  cheape  and  fethers  the  best  in  all  Fraunce  Navarr  Ieron 
white  wynes  of  challose  to  be  Laden  against  somer  here  also  you  must 

1  This  rubric  and  those  following  are  in  the  margin  and  in  another  hand. 


43  O  APPENDIX  J 

agree  for  your  custome  before  you  discharge  comonly  we  paye  three 
in  the  hundert. 

All  the  sommer  for  Isse. 

Item  for  nerve  and  Rye  and  Revell  all  kindes  of  course  clothes  cor- 
rupt wynes  &  conyskines  dressed  and  undressed  Sake  some  aquavitye: 
here  take  hede  you  trust  none  of  the  countrye  (with  owte)  payinge 
reddye  monnye  for  they  ar  very  false  people  and  will  denye  bothe  the 
bargaine  and  the  Reseite  of  your  wares  yf  yowe  deliver  it  withoute 
monnye. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  here  wee  Lade  flexe  and  hempe  piche  and  tarr  tallowe  and 
wexe  and  all  kindes  of  Furrs  this  place  was  usid  before  we  had  our 
trade  with  Sainte  Nicholas  in  Russie  but  our  cables  and  all  our  good 
ropes  come  from  Danskes  in  pollande  and  also  greate  store  of  wheate 
and  Rye  yf  it  be  skante  in  england. 

This  also  all  the  sommer  for  Isse. 

Item  for  the  wardehowse  we  use  a  trade  of  Fyshinge  for  the  wiche 
you  muste  [put]  in  to  your  shipp  good  store  of  sake  for  every  tone  of 
sake  will  but  preserve  one  thousande  of  fishe. 

Begine  not  this  viadge  but  after  sainte  James  tide. 

Item  for  the  fishinge  of  the  owte  Ilandes  of  skotland  you  must  pre- 
pare your  Shipp  that  she  maye  be  redie  to  be  there  shortlie  After  sainte 
Jamestide  for  the  best  fyshinge  of  code  and  Linge  is  at  mighellmas  you 
must  Lade  for  every  thousand  fishe  aweye  of  sake  or  rather  more. 

The  comodities  from  hence  [are]  samon  code  and  Linge. 

Item  of  this  trade  of  the  owt  Hands  of  Scotland  and  also  for  the 
northe  of  Ireland  called  Lawgfolie  and  Lowgfully  where  the  samone 
fyshinge  is/  yow  shall  sell  all  sortes  of  corrupt  wynes  but  you  must 
take  hede  of  the  people  becawse  they  ar  false  and  full  of  trechery 
therefore  you  must  kepe  good  wache  by  night  and  be  upon  your  owne 
kepinge. 

All  the  yeare  in  Smale  barckes  of  Lime. 

Item  for  Roane  and  murlace  and  S  mallowse  Led  is  well  sold  fyne 
white  denshire  kersies  and  fyne  newberry  kerseys  and  hamshire  ker- 
syes  fyne  clothes  of  all  newe  collors  stamell  Redes  and  Lustie  gallants 
greate  store  of  Tynne  all  sortes  of  sheredes  and  homes  and  northeren 
halfe  clothe  so  they  be  fyne  and  mingled  colors. 

Comodities  retorned  from  thence. 

Item  here  at  murlace  and  Roane  we  Lade  all  our  Lynine  clothe 
dewlas  Locker  and  Normandye  canvas  and  all  other  canvas  and  all 


APPENDIX  J  43  I 

other  smale  wares  as  cordes  pines  paintes  Boltes  of  blacke  threde  and 
a  momber  [sic]  of  other  smale  wares  for  mercers  /  this  viadge  ys  to 
be  made  in  3  wekes  yf  winde  and  wether  sarve. 

For  Levante  from  michelmas  to  aprill  for  feare  of  gallies. 

Item  for  Levante  the  best  marchaundize  is  Led  very  fyne  clothes 
as  pewkes  Skarletts  newberry  kersyes  and  hamshire  kersyes  hides  and 
calfskynes  a  small  quantitie  drye  newe  Land  fyshe  pilchars  and  Red 
herringe  wrought  tin  in  any  wyse  your  clothes  must  be  the  fynest  you 
cane  gett  for  they  esteme  before  any  velvett  or  other  silkes  the  most 
comone  frequented  places  be  ligorne  mallyorca  and  mynorca  and  Barce- 
lona Sivita  veipa  and  venice. 

The  comodities  from  thence. 

Item  frome  these  places  we  have  oyles  of  mayorca  when  we  have 
restraynte  with  Spayne  likewyse  all  kindes  of  silkes  gawles  and  cotton 
muskatells  of  candye  and  malmseyes  corraunts  allem  Sipers  chests 
and  divers  other  comodities  the  fynest  earthen  dishes  called  purce- 
lanes. 

All  the  yeare  in  greate  shippes. 

Item  for  Barbary  very  fyne  clothes,  sade  blewes  of  xxx  li  the  clothe 
and  the  Redd  cappes  for  marriners  and  all  kinde  of  greate  ordinaunce 
and  other  artellyrye  Ashe  timber  for  Oares  Armorr  of  all  sorts  but  yf 
the  spanyerds  take  you  trading  with  them  you  dye  for  it. 

Comodities  retorned  from  thence. 

Item  owte  of  this  contrye  we  Lade  frome  the  porte  of  Santa  cruse 
barbary  Sugers  bothe  fyne  and  course  Salte  peter  greate  aboundance 
and  the  Best,  also  dates  melasses  and  cuete  barbary  carpetts  cotton 
you  must  have  safe  coundight  for  the  gallyes  otherwise  the  trade  is 
dangerous. 

All  the  yeare  accordinge  to  your  adverticements. 

Item  for  sowthe  spaine  called  andolozia  hides  and  cal[f]skines  fyne 
white  kersyes  Redinge  kersyes  and  newberry  kersyes  led  and  tyne 
pipe  staves  and  hoghed  staves  coper  and  Bell  mettell  fyne  holland 
clothe  and  cambricke  there  must  no  course  wares  be  brought  hither 
all  kinde  of  virr  planck  and  masts  [and  ?]  clapborde. 

Comodities  retorned  from  thence. 

Item  owte  of  this  countrye  wee  have  all  our  wynes  called  seeks  and 
all  our  wolle  oyles  and  swete  oyles  and  the  wynes  called  teyntes  hul- 
locks  Resonnes  of  three  or  fower  sortes  greate  store  of  salte  quchini- 
ella  [?]  and  anyele  of  the  Indews  cordovan  skines  shewmake  and  all 
sowinge  silkes  of  all  collors  in  grayne  or  otherwyse  Sivill  sope.  the 


432  APPENDIX  J 

custome  here  in  sainte  Lucars  is  2  duckets  and  halfe  in  the  honderte 
and  in  cales  yt  is  7  and  8  in  the  hundert. 

Wheate  all  the  winter. 

Item  Lisborne  in  portingall  Butter  chese  fyne  clothes  of  Bristowe 
and  somersett  shire  of  the  price  of  xxtie  marckes  the  fynest  and  theyr 
sortinge  of  Aeght  pounds  the  clothe  and  the  must  these  collors  sorted 
tene  clothes  in  a  packe  to  gether.  you  must  have  light  skye  collors  to 
make  light  grenes  very  sadd  blewes  fyne  Redes  and  stamells  fyne 
Azars  and  fyne  yallows  Led  Led  [sic]  and  tinne  hides  and  cal[f]skines 
here  you  must  take  hede  that  you  make  your  bargaine  with  your 
marchaunte  he  to  paye  the  custome  becawse  it  is  xxt!  in  the  hondert. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  here  hence  we  Lade  some  tinnes  oyles  frome  a  place  called 
santarene  Salte  of  portingall  Sope  callicowe  clothe  all  kinde  of  spices 
Sinamone  cloves  masses  and  nuttmegs  peper  great  aboundance  bothe 
greate  and  smale  yndews  cobbard  clothes  called  paintagos  and  all 
other  Indews  wares  whate  soever  that  cometh  frome  the  est  yndews. 

At  mighelmas  and  Easter  becaus  of  the  martes. 

Item  for  Bayona  in  galizia  and  for  the  porte  of  portingall  the  very 
same  comodities  that  yowe  use  for  Lisborne  saving  onlye  tymby 
fryses  that  be  made  in  sowthe  wales  bothe  blacke  and  greye  lowe  cot- 
tons brigwaters  taunton  halfe  clothes  Bristowe  frizes  fyne  and  sortinge 
manchester  cotton  halfe  northeren  clothe  wheate. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  owte  of  this  place  there  is  nothinge  to  Lade  but  Orrendges 
lemonns  and  greate  ynnions  that  be  xii  or  xiiii  ynches  abowte  they 
use  this  place  to  make  monnye  twyse  a  yeare  at  mighellmas  and  after  / 
and  the  greatest  byers  be  marchaunts  of  a  towne  called  the  port  of 
portingall  theyr  custome  is  3  in  the  hundert  frome  this  place  they 
transporte  theyr  monnyes  for  lisborne  andolozia  and  the  ylands  to 
Lade  theyr  shippes. 

Wheate  from  alhallontide  untili  maye. 

Item  for  the  yllandes  of  Sainte  mighells  and  tercera  all  kinde  of 
course  clothe  called  bridgwaters  all  sortes  of  northeren  halfe  clothes 
savinge  manchester  cottons  tauntone  halfe  clothes  made  in  somersett 
shire  frizes  of  Bristowe  and  tymbye  and  Brecknocks  of  southe  wales 
wheate  all  the  wynter  untili  maye  Reding  kersyes  and  a  fewe  cal[f]- 
skines  here  theyr  custome  is  xxli  in  the  hondert  as  far  as  I  cane  re- 
member here  you  shall  sell  nothinge  for  reddy  monnye  but  yowe  must 
trucke  your  wares  for  grene  woade. 


APPENDIX  J  433 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  in  all  the  Ilandes  there  is  no  other  marchandize  to  Lade  but 
grene  woade  where  of  here  is  greate  aboundaunce  some  allem  of  the 
ylande  and  Sydar  chestes  like  wyse  pikero  and  Lancerota  and  viall 
theyr  trade  standes  upon  woade  and  the  same  englishe  comodities 
that  sarvethe  for  the  one  sarveth  for  the  other. 

All  the  Sommer  for  Sugars  and  Wines. 

Item  for  the  Ilandes  of  the  canaryas  and  matheras  drye  newland- 
fishe  pilchars  of  englande  and  pilchars  of  galicia  led  and  Red  herrings 
all  kindes  of  course  clothe  onlye  excepted  manchester  cottons  as  yow 
use  to  bringe  to  the  Ilandes  of  the  Assores  these  Ilandes  muste  be  used 
all  the  somer  for  in  the  wynter  the  stormes  ar  so  greate  that  there 
[are]  no  harbors  for  shippinge. 

All  the  Sommer  for  Sugars  and  Wines. 

Item  here  we  use  to  Lade  mathero  wynes  called  whit  malmseyes  and 
Bethonyas,  and  wynes  of  the  canaryes  but  the  matheros  in  the  more 
milder  wyne  and  this  yland  called  the  matherose  we  Lade  the  Best 
Sugars  and  the  fynest  made  and  refyned  in  the  Hand  their  cowstome 
is  a[s]  muche  as  it  is  in  the  other  Hands. 

All  the  Sommer  for  avoidinge  of  Isse. 

Item  for  Sainte  nicholas  in  Russye  all  wynes  that  is  corrupte  and 
Refues  wynes  of  spaine  fraunce  and  of  the  ylands  and  all  swete  wines 
that  ar  corrupt  with  the  wiche  they  use  to  by  manye  tones  of  sidar 
puting  in  to  yt  three  or  fower  gallons  of  Bastard  they  will  also  be  sold 
for  wynes  salte  is  here  good  marchaundize  and  our  course  suffe 
clothes. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  from  this  countrye  we  Lade  the  greatest  Quantatye  of  wexe 
becawse  they  have  greate  aboundaunce  so  muche  as  they  ar  able  to 
sarve  england  and  Flaunders  and  greate  store  of  stages  skines  and 
skines  and  hides  of  Buffano  the  best  in  Christendom  and  the  greatest 
Quantitie  all  sortes  of  Riche  furres. 

All  the  yeare  accordinge  to  your  adverticements. 

Item  for  Bilbao  in  Biskaye  hides  and  cal[f]skines  in  greate  boundance 
be  here  dispached  and  Somersetshire  clothes  of  a  toune  called  Sheptone 
mallet  who  clothe  with  the  wolles  of  the  Isle  of  wight  in  every  tenne 
clothes  you  muste  have  II  light  popengaye  grenes  II  light  violetts 
II  light  skye  collers  II  azars  and  II  Blewes  and  some  fyne  stamell 
Redds  in  grayene  Bridg  waters  and  tan  ton  halfe  clothes  led  and  tinne 
the  like  for  Saint  sabastians  in  Byskaye.  savinge  the  clothes  must  be 


434  APPENDIX  J 

sad  grenes  sadd  violetts  sadd  blewes  theyr  lists  kept  blewe.  all  these 
muste  be  fyne  clothes  fyne  lustye  gallants  and  fyne  stamell  reds. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  frome  twoe  portes  we  Lade  Ierone  of  the  best  sorte  in  all 
spayne  whale  oyles  that  come  from  newfound  Land  piche  and  Rossome 
fyne  Serches.  Bugg  of  Tolosa  in  navar  and  Rendrye  Ierone  and  navar 
Ierone  greate  store  of  Lickerische  crosbowes  sworde  Blades  frome 
hence  we  convey  all  our  monnyes  bothe  silver  and  gold  in  to  Fraunce 
for  the  Lading  of  our  shippes  in  Burdeous  for  the  wiche  we  Rone 
graete  and  dangerows  adventures  theyr  customes  is  called  a  alcavala 
that  is  x  in  the  hondert  then  they  have  sixe  in  the  hondert. 

At  mighelmas  and  Easter  because  of  the  two  free  faires. 

Item  for  Burdows  in  gaskonie  blacke  Bristowe  frizes  and  medley e 
fryses  some  fyne  and  some  sortinge  that  ar  to  be  bought  for  30  shil- 
lings a  peace  and  the  fyne  at  seven  nobles  also  led  and  manchester 
cottons  and  some  of  your  courser  sort  of  Bristowe  clothes  but  for  this 
place  you  muste  devise  to  have  all  the  newe  collars  that  you  cane 
fynde  in  england  for  those  ar  sonnest  monnye.  all  sorts  of  cast  Ierone 
peases  but  here  dowtting  that  they  shall  not  sell  there  fore  our  mar- 
chaunts  transporte  greate  store  of  our  englishe  gold  over  frenche  gold 
and  portingall  gold  and  spaineshe  gold  of  best  and  those  that  be  weight. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  frome  thes  place  we  Lade  all  our  right  gaskone  wynes  white 
clarett  and  Redd  and  tallowse  woade  yf  you  will  by  100  Balletts  of 
woad  together  they  will  assewre  it  to  be  good  but  yf  you  by  under  you 
shall  bye  it  at  your  owne  adventure  here  also  we  by  smale  pruens  and 
damaske  pruens  and  fethers  and  divers  other  comodities  and  for  the 
bennefyt  of  the  marchaunts  you  have  II  fayers  in  the  yeare  that 
yowe  be  free  of  all  custome  bothe  inwardes  and  owtwardes  the  one 
beginethe  in  marche  and  the  other  in  October. 

All  the  yeare  in  greate  shippes  for  feare  of  piratts. 

Item  for  the  trade  of  Rochell  all  englyshe  comodities  as  ledd  tinne 
hides  cal[f]skines  tallowe  clothe  fyne  and  course  salte  Irrishe  hides 
bristow  frizes  and  tymbye  fryses  any  kinde  of  victualls  wheat  only 
except  becawse  they  have  greate  store  of  theyr  owne.  here  you  maye 
sell  all  sorts  of  greate  and  smale  ordinance,  all  sortes  of  newe  collored 
clothes. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  here  you  shall  bye  greate  store  of  salte  poldavize  piche  and 
tarr  divers  other  kinde  of  marchaundize  for  here  all  the  pirats  of 


APPENDIX  J  435 

Fraunce  doe  discharge  here  you  shall  have  manye  thinges  of  the 
Indews  of  portingall  Better  cheape  then  in  portingall  but  you  muste 
take  hede  yowe  goe  thether  in  a  good  shippe  or  ells  yowe  ar  like  to  be 
Robbed  by  the  waye  ether  outwards  or  homewardes. 

Also  withe  greate  shipps. 

Item  for  the  trade  of  the  west  Indews  belonginge  to  spaine  all  these 
wares  Followinge  ar  very  good,  oyles  ar  very  well  sold  expecially 
swete  oyle  lookinge  glasses  of  christall  and  others,  knyfes  of  all  sortes 
very  well  sold  taylors  sheres  and  Sissars  for  barbors  linine  clothe  of 
divers  sort  dowlas  Lockerame  hollandes.  some  Quantitie  of  wyne  but 
yt  must  be  singular  good,  also  pines  pointes  and  suche  other  like 
smale  wares,  he  that  goethe  one  this  viadge  muste  be  very  carefull 
of  their  olde  Ennemyes  the  spainerds  otherwyse  they  maye  be  taken 
upon  assudaine. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  from  this  countrye  is  greate  Riches  to  be  had  of  gold  and 
Silver  and  very  Riche  pearells  very  Orient  and  very  Bigg  withal  here 
the  spanyerdes  have  a  myntehowse  called  the  castell  of  mexico  where 
they  stampp  all  the  rialls  of  plate  of  the  pillars  wiche  is  the  fynest 
silver  of  all  and  here  they  stampp  all  their  silver  that  is  Refyned  in  to 
barrs  where  with  they  knowe  it  is  parfett  good  and  of  the  best  sorte. 
the  rialls  of  plate  that  is  Quened  at  mexico  /  have  sene  in  spaine 
the  popes  factors  for  the  collection  of  his  monye  in  that  kingdome  they 
will  give  one  or  twoe  in  the  houndert  to  chainge  the  other  rialls  of 
plate  for  these. 

This  viadge  also  muste  be  used  withe  greate  shippe. 

Also  for  the  trade  of  Brasile  most  of  the  wares  that  sarvethe  for  the 
West  Indews  will  sarve  there  and  also  some  of  our  course  clothes  we 
maye  sell  here  in  trucke  of  Course  sugers  and  mellasos  and  kute  that 
we  us[e]  in  england  and  flaunders  for  divers  purposes:  here  you  have 
the  best  Brasill  and  blocke  wood  otherwyse  called  campeche. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  in  this  countrie  we  Lade  homwardes  sugars  melasses  and  cutes 
and  Brasill  and  blockewood  wiche  we  use  in  england  for  some  of  our 
collors  but  this  blocke  wood  makethe  a  very  desietfull  vadinge  collor 
and  therefore  not  estemed  and  is  almost  fallen  owt  of  request. 

This  places  of  the  weste  of  Irland  for  seckes  and  gasconie  wines. 

Item  yf  yowe  will  trade  the  west  partes  of  Ireland  your  best  comody- 
ties  is  Seeks  of  andolozia  and  Gaskone  wines  alitell  woade  som  Allem 
but  not  greate  Quantitie.     some  rawe  silke  of  divers  collers  and  some 


436  APPENDIX  J 

Brasill  but  of  wynes  you  shall  dispache  greate  store  and  they  will 
complye  their  bargaines  very  well  and  ar  men  of  more  Sivillitie  then 
those  of  the  northe  parts. 

Comodities  from  thence. 

Item  for  hence  we  lade  in  our  shippinge  greate  store  of  Sake  hides 
tallowe  Salte  Befle  in  hogheds.  Irishe  coverletts  mantells  and  greate 
store  of  Irishe  frises  bothe  highe  cottons  and  lowe  cottons  linine  yar- 
one  and  heringe  and  Salte  samon  when  time  of  the  yeare  sarveth  all 
wich  we  transporte  ether  to  Rochell  or  newhaven  and  Roane  and 
some  times  in  to  Flaunders. 

The  abuses  of  the  frenche  spanierd  and  skotte. 

Item  in  this  trade  of  Ireland  the  Frenche  spanierde  and  skott  usithe 
greate  villanye  for  in  time  of  peace  they  furnishe  ajl  those  countryes 
and  people  that  is  ylle  affected  towards  her  ma[jes]tie  /  they  furnishe 
them  wythe  calivers  powder  and  shotte  wiche  they  sell  for  the  said 
salt  hide  they  also  farnishe  them  with  matche  or  any  thinge  ells  that 
is  nedefull  for  the  warrs  /  wiche  your  honor  maye  nowe  prevent 
cawsing  the  Serchers  there  to  serche  every  shipp  that  shall  there  arive 
putting  a  forfeyture  upon  the  shipp  and  goods. 

In  these  placis  it  is  most  nedefull  to  have  always  a  gaily. 

And  here  yf  I  might  specke  my  knowledge  under  corection  I  would 
all  wayes  have  her  ma[jes]tie  to  maynteyne  a  gallye  in  the  northe 
partes  of  Ireland  for  the  stoppinge  of  the  intercorse  of  the  Scotts 
wiche  would  be  furnished  in  short  time  with  the  condempned  men 
in  england  and  Ireland  with  the  wiche  you  shall  kepe  those  parts 
quyett. 

The  hole  trade  of  the  marchaunts  standith  upon  diligent  advertice- 
ment. 

Item  take  this  for  agennerall  Rule  in  all  kinde  of  marchaundize  that 
yt  is  not  sufficient  for  yow  to  knowe  all  this  unles  you  allwayes  doe 
procuer  to  have  adverticements  owt  of  all  placis  (otherwyse)  you 
maye  be  prevented  by  other  men  ether  before  or  After  And  commonlye 
there  can  be  nothinge  well  sold  when  you  shalbe  bounde  to  Lade  the 
same  shipp  barcke  againe  within  xxv  or  thirttie  dayes  therefore  when 
you  thincke  to  gaine  your  lose  therefore  adverticement  is  good  and  the 
principall  thinge  that  belongethe  to  A  merchaumte. 

The  trade  sarvethe  to  this  place  all  the  yeare. 

Item  for  our  trade  to  Flaunders  Hemden  and  Hamborghe  the  mar- 
chaunt  adventurers  Lade  our  woolles  and  clothes  unwroght  in  greate 
aboundaunce  because  theyr  woolles  beinge  of  so  course  a  staple  that 


APPENDIX  J  437 

it  will  not  come  in  threde  unles  they  mingle  our  woolles  with  all  /  also 
greate  store  of  our  englishe  here  is  here  uttered  bothe  in  time  of  peace 
and  warrs  frome  hence  we  use  to  Lade  all  kinde  of  smale  wares  for 
grocers  and  greate  store  of  hopes  holland  clothe  all  other  wares  made 
of  coper  and  brasse  and  many  other  thinges. 

This  viadge  muste  be  used  from  mighelmas  untill  Easter  for  fere  of 
the  more  gallies. 

The  marchandize  that  they  transporte  for  trypola  Isurria  that  is 
most  usuall  is  Newberry  and  Redinge  kersyes  of  all  sorts  and  all 
collors.  also  they  use  some  very  fyne  clothes  of  highe  prises  of  fortie 
or  fyftie  poundes  the  clothe  very  muche  tyne  wroght  and  unwroght 
some  Ledd  wiche  they  sell  by  the  waye  in  many  portes. 

The  comodities  from  thence. 

Item  the  comodities  that  they  bringe  from  tripola  Isurria  they  use 
to  Lade  there  greate  store  of  corraunts  good  store  of  gales  and  very 
muche  cottons  wiche  we  call  in  england  boumbaste  also  swheete  oyle 
of  grece  and  divers  other  thinges. 

The  prises  of  all  the  spannishe  wares  comonlie  used  to  be  Laden. 

li.         s.         d. 

Woode  the  houndrethe 13      4 

Ierone  the  tone 12 

Fethers  the  hondert 1      8 

Oyle  the  tone 28 

Traine  the  tone 14 

Rendrye  Ierone  the  ton 10 

Wett  newland  fishe  the  C 1 

Drye  fishe  the  honderte o    10 

Lyver  traine  of  fishe  the  ton 9 

Romishe  allem  the  C 1      8 

Shewmake  the  C 13 

Gaskone  wynes  the  tone 12 

Nants  wynes  the  tone n 

Rochell  wynes  the  ton 8 

Prwens  the  honderte 14 

Tollows  woode  the  ballett 2     13      4 

Polldavis  the  peace 2      3 

Salt  the  tone 1     10 

Spanishe  sake 2 

White  sope  the  hondert 2     13      4 

Lickerishe  the  houndert o    13      4 

Tollosa  bugge  the  dossen o      6 

Serches  of  Byskey  the  pese o      2      6 

Pepper  the  hondert 14 

Sugar  the  hondert 13      8 


438  APPENDIX  J 

li.  8. 

Kwchaniella  the  houndert 74    13 

Mases  the  hondert 60 

Cloves  the  hondert 44     16 

Nuttmedge  the  hondert 44     16 

Sinnamone  the  hondert 30 

Ginger  the  hondert 18    13 

The  prises  of  all  the  englishe  wares  comonlie  used  to  be  Laden 
owte  of  england. 

li.        s.        d. 

Bristowe  sortinge  clothes  the  peace 9 

Fyne  clothes  the  peace 13 

Bridgwaters  the  peace 2 

Manchester  cottons  the  skore 18 

Course  northeren  dossen 1      6 

Fyne  northeren  dossens  the  pece 3 

Brecknocks  the  peace 2      6 

Tymbye  frisses  the  peace 2 

Highe  cottone  Frises  the  peace 1     18 

Ledd  the  tone 8     10 

Tyne  the  hondert  weight 3 

Tyne  wrought  the  pounde o      o     10 

Butter  the  barrell 2 

The  kinderkine  of  Butter 1 

The  weye  of  wheate 4     13 

Bell  mettell  the  hondrett 1       8 

Tallowe  the  hondert 1       6      8 

Tawnton  halfe  clothes  the  pese 9     10 

Devonshire  kersye  the  coursses[t] 1     10 

White  cottons  the  pease 1 

Pilchars  the  hoghed 1 

Drye  hake  the  hondert 1     10 

Candells  the  hondert  weight 1       6      8 

Irrishe  frise  the  hondert  yardes 4 

Pipe  staves  the  thowsande 2       5 

Hoghed  staves  the  thowsande 1       6      8 

Caste  Ierone  peaces  the  C o    14 

Wexe  the  hondreth  weight 5 

Lists  the  hondreth  yards o      8      4 

A  kinde  of  white  Lininge  of  1  dossen  yardes  the  pease .     1     10 

Smythe  coles  the  ton o      6 

Item  these  and  all  other  wares  doe  Ripe  and  fall  accordinge  to  the 

time  as  for  example  Salte  beinge  worthe  but  1  li  10  s  the  tone  and 
fortye  shillings  continually  is  nowe  worthe  sixe  pounds  the  ton  and 
so  yt  is  with  all  other  merchaundize. 


APPENDIX  J  439 

li.       s.        d. 

Item  lingavitye  the  C 2      6      8 

Item  ginger  the  C 4     10 

Item  hides  of  sant  domingos 

Item  Rubyes  of  the  indews  as  they  be  of  bignes  their 

prices  highe  or  lowe 

Item  saxifrage  the  C 45 

Some  times  fower  times  as  muche. 

And  because  that  wieght  and  mesure  doth  differ  in  manye  realmes 
and  in  manye  places  of  one  realme  the  first  thinge  that  a  marchante  or 
factor  dowth  after  his  cominge  to  any  towne  of  trade  to  informe  hime 
sealfe  of  their  weights  and  mesures  and  so  like  wise  of  the  cowstoms 
and  all  other  dewties  or  wether  the  same  is  to  be  charged  upon  the 
byer  or  the  seller  aswell  owtuards  as  inwards  this  being  done  he  may 
rise  or  fall  his  price  accordinglye  and  so  [?]  many  inconveniences  wiche 
the  unskillfull  fall  in  to  and  afterwards  cane  remedye  with  all  you 
muste  take  hede  of  Bringinge  to  a  straunge  countrye  the  thinge  that 
is  prohibited  and  circimspectly  deale  with  suche  things  as  are  pro- 
hibited to  carye  owte  for  by  this  manye  are  undone  by  the  officir 
called  the  Judge  of  .    .    .  1 

1  The  manuscript  is  here  cut  off  close. 


44-0  APPENDIX  K 


APPENDIX  K 

PREFACE  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  RATES,  1608 

The  source  is  a  printed  volume  in  the  London  customs  house,  "  The 
Rates  of  Marchandizes,"  pp.  1-2 1. 

James  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  ...  To  our  right  trustie  and 
right  well  beloved  Cosin  and  Councellor,  Robert  Earle  of  Salisburie, 
our  High  Treasurer  of  England:  Greeting. 

Whereas  by  our  Letters  Patents  under  our  great  Seale  of  England, 
directed  unto  you,  bearing  date  the  eight  and  twentieth  day  of  July, 
in  the  sixth  yere  of  our  Raigne  of  England,  France  and  Ireland,  and 
of  Scotland  the  one  and  fortieth,  for  the  causes  and  considerations  in 
the  said  Letters  Patents  expressed,  and  for  divers  other  good  causes 
to  us  and  our  Counsell  well  knowne:  We  did  for  us,  our  heires  and 
successors,  appoint,  ordaine,  and  command,  that  from  and  after  the 
nine  and  twentieth  day  of  September  then  next  ensuing  after  the  date 
of  the  said  Letters  Patents,  there  should  be  levied,  taken,  and  received, 
by  way  of  Imposition  then  newly  set,  over  and  besides  the  Customes, 
Subsidies,  and  other  duties  formerly  due  and  payable  unto  us,  upon 
all  Marchandizes  of  whatsoever  kinde,  nature  or  qualitie,  which  from 
and  after  the  said  nine  and  twentieth  day  of  September,  should  either 
be  brought  from  any  parts  beyond  the  Seas  into  this  our  Realme  of 
England,  dominion  of  Wales,  and  Port  or  towne  of  Barwick;  or  into 
any  of  them,  or  which  should  be  transported  and  carried  forth  of  this 
our  Realme  of  England,  dominion  of  Wales,  and  Towne  or  Port  of 
Barwick,  or  out  of  any  of  them  to  any  forraigne  parts,  by  any  person 
or  persons  whatsoever,  as  well  our  naturall  borne  Subiects,  as  Deni- 
zons  and  Strangers,  equally  so  much  for  the  said  new  Imposition,  as 
had  been  formerly  answered  and  paid  unto  us,  for  Subsidie  of  the  said 
Marchandizes,  and  neither  more  nor  lesse,  excepting  such  Marchan- 
dizes onely,  as  in  a  Scedule  annexed  unto  the  said  Letters  Patents, 
were  either  to  be  altogether  free  from  paiment  of  any  of  the  said  new 
Impositions,  or  else  were  appointed  to  pay  the  same  in  such  other 
proportions,  as  in  the  said  Scedule  was  expressed. 

And  although  we  had  such  great  care  and  respect  in  the  laying  of 
the  said  Impositions,  to  avoid  the  least  inconvenience  that  might 
thereby  arise  to  our  people  or  Subiects:  as  that  we  not  onely  directed 
divers  of  our  Counsell  to  conferre  with  the  principall  Marchants  of 


APPENDIX  K  44I 

our  Kingdome,  for  the  more  orderly  laying  and  levying  of  the  same, 
but  also  gave  speciall  charge  and  commandement  to  exempt  and  for- 
beare  all  such  Merchandizes  Inwards,  as  were  either  requisite  for  the 
foode  and  sustenance  of  our  people  (as  Wheate,  Rye,  Barley,  Mault, 
Oates,  Beanes,  Pease,  Butter,  Cheese,  Lings,  Codfish,  Colfish,  Her- 
rings, Sprots,  Hadocks,  Newlandfish,  all  sorts  of  Salts,  and  all  sorts  of 
fowles)  or  which  concerne  matter  of  Munition  necessarie  for  the 
defence  and  maintenance  of  our  Kingdomes  (as  Cables,  Halsers,  and 
all  sorts  of  Cordage,  Masts,  Oares,  Pitch,  Tarre,  Traine  oyle,  Pipe- 
boards,  Barrell-boards,  Bow-staves  Pikes,  Halberds,  Muskets,  Calli- 
vers,  Corslets,  Curats,  Head-pieces,  Murrians,  Harnesse  plates,  Flaskes 
Touch-boxes,  Match,  Gunpowder,  Saltpeter,  Horses  and  Mares)  or 
such  as  were  passable  commodities,  which  serve  for  maintenance  of 
trade  and  Navigation,  being  Marchandizes  not  usually  vented  and 
spent  within  the  Kingdome,  but  brought  in  with  purpose  to  be  trans- 
ported out  againe  (as  Wax,  Caviare,  Muscovie  hides,  and  Tallow, 
Barbarie  hides,  Guinia  and  India  hides,  and  Goate  skinnes)  or  such 
Marchandizes  as  serve  for  the  setting  the  people  of  our  kingdome  on 
worke  (as  Cotton  wooll,  Cotton  yearne,  raw  Silke,  and  rough  Hempe) 
or  such  as  serve  for  the  inriching  of  our  Kingdome  (as  Gold  and  Silver 
in  bullion  or  plate,  and  all  sorts  of  Jewels  and  Pearles)  or  such  Mar- 
chandizes as  were  overvalued  in  our  booke  of  Rates  for  Subsidie  (as 
Levant  Taffaties,  China  Taffaties,  China  Sattens,  Gold  and  Silver 
threed,  Bustians,  Brizell  Ticks,  unwatred  Chamblets,  Dozen  Corke, 
Bomespars,  Cantspars,  Capravens,  Barlings,  Firpoles,  Firbaulkes, 
Nest-boxes,  blacke  Conyskinnes,  Haire-buttons,  greene  Copperas, 
Oker  and  read  earth). 

Yet  notwithstanding  all  our  said  care,  (by  reason  of  the  generall  and 
large  extent  of  some  words  in  our  said  Letters  Patents)  some  commodi- 
ties were  made  liable  to  the  said  Impositions,  which  were  found  to  be 
very  inconvenient  and  burthensome;  in  regard  whereof,  divers  of  our 
Subiects  became  petitioners,  to  have  them  freed  from  paiment  of  the 
said  Impositions.  Now  to  the  end  that  it  may  appeare  how  readie 
wee  have  been,  and  ever  will  be,  not  onely  to  hearken  to  the  com- 
plaints of  our  loving  Subiects,  but  also  to  give  them  such  satis- 
faction, as  shall  be  answerable  to  their  reasonable  and  just  requests: 
We  have  therefore  by  sundry  of  our  privie  Seales  heretofore  directed 
unto  you,  not  only  abated  the  Impositions  upon  divers  commodities 
imported  (which  were  thought  to  be  charged  over  high)  (as  Vitterie, 
Canvas,  Muscavados  suger,  and  all  sorts  of  Reisins;)  but  also  cheerely 


442  APPENDIX  K 

acquited  and  freed  divers  other  commodities  both  imported  and  ex- 
ported, (which  were  thought  unfit  to  be  charged,)  from  paiment  of 
any  manner  of  the  Impositions,  which  by  our  said  Letters  Patents 
were  laid  upon  them;  as  all  sorts  of  Deale-boards,  Clapboards,  rough 
Flax,  Rice,  Iron,  Irish  yearne,  and  Geneva  Velvets,  (being  Marchan- 
dizes  imported)  And  likewise  all  sorts  of  graine,  (when  it  may  law- 
fully be  transported)  and  all  the  Manufactures  of  this  Kingdome, 
(excepting  only  Bayes  and  Pewter)  being  Marchandizes  exported. 
And  although  we  have  thus  farre  given  way  unto  their  desires,  and 
yeelded  to  their  request;  yet  some  of  those  whom  reason  cannot  satis- 
fie,  are  apt  to  continue  their  complaints  for  further  favour  and  ease 
in  this  matter.  That  it  may  further  appeare  that  none  shall  be  more 
readie  to  discover  any  inconvenience  then  we  will  be  to  reforme  it, 
or  to  make  any  humble  or  honest  complaint  then  wee  to  heare  and 
ease  them;  wee  are  pleased,  and  doe  by  these  presents  for  us,  our 
heires  and  successors,  will  and  command,  that  from  and  after  the 
feast  of  S.  Michael  the  Archangel  now  next  ensuing  the  date  hereof, 
no  manner  of  Impositions  shall  be  required  or  paid  by  force  of  the 
Letters  Patents  before  mentioned,  upon  any  Marchandizes  which 
shall  be  shipped  and  transported  out  of  this  our  Kingdome,  of  what 
kind  or  nature  soever,  excepting  only  upon  Bayes,  Lead,  Tinne  and 
Pewter:  and  of  Bayes  also,  we  have  (by  our  privie  Seale  alreadie  di- 
rected unto  you)  given  order  that  the  single  Bayes  of  Barstable  in 
our  Countie  of  Devon,  shall  be  likewise  freed  from  paiment  of  any 
Impost,  and  so  our  pleasure  is  they  shall  stand.  But  concerning  the 
Marchandizes  which  are  brought  into  this  our  Kingdome,  for  asmuch 
as  they  are  of  divers  kinds  and  natures,  some  being  manufactures  of 
other  nations,  which  if  they  were  brought  in  unwrought  in  their  simple 
materials,  the  people  of  our  Kingdome  might  thereby  be  set  on  worke; 
others  being  such  Marchandizes  as  are  rather  tending  to  superfluitie, 
then  for  the  necessarie  use  of  our  Subiects,  or  any  waies  for  the  in- 
riching  of  our  Kingdomes:  and  others  are  so  much  undervalued  in 
our  Rates  for  Subsidie,  as  we  are  thereby  much  shortned  of  that 
which  is  due  unto  us  by  our  lawes:  Therefore  although  we  have  been 
pleased  to  acquit  and  free  all  the  aforementioned  commodies  Inwards 
and  Outwards,  as  aforesaid:  and  are  now  also  further  resolved  to 
abate  and  lessen  the  Impositions  of  some  commodities,  and  to  acquit 
and  free  divers  other  commodities  Inwards;  yet  are  we  neither  so 
improvident  of  the  good  estate  of  our  Subiects,  nor  so  insensible  of 
our  owne  losse,  as  to  free  all  the  commodities  of  these  kindes  and 


APPENDIX  K  443 

natures  from  paiment  of  the  Impositions  alreadie  yet  and  imposed 
upon  them.  For,  if  it  be  agreeable  to  the  rule  of  nature  to  preferre 
our  oune  people  before  strangers,  then  it  is  much  more  reasonable 
that  the  manufactures  of  other  nations  should  bee  charged  with  Im- 
positions, then  that  the  people  of  our  oune  Kingdome  should  not  be 
set  on  worke,  and  that  vaine,  unprofitable  and  unnecessarie  Mar- 
chandizes  should  by  Impositions  be  kept  out  of  our  Kingdome,  then 
that  the  good,  substantiall  and  staple  commodities  of  our  owne 
nation  should  bee  given  for  them,  whereby  our  people  are  much  de- 
ceived, and  our  Countrey  more  impoverished.  And  concerning  the 
Marchandizes  undervalued  (of  which  kinde  are  the  most  of  them  that 
shall  remaine  charged)  it  likewise  behoves  us  (in  regard  of  our  necessi- 
ties and  great  occasions)  to  take  care  that  we  be  not  overmuch  wronged 
of  that  which  is  our  due. 

Therefore  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  and  we  doe  by  these  presents 
give  authoritie  and  power,  and  also  charge  and  command  you,  that 
forthwith  upon  the  receipt  hereof  you  give  order,  direction  and  com- 
mandement,  that  our  booke  of  Rates  for  our  Customes,  Subsidies  and 
Impositions  be  presently  reprinted:  And  that  in  the  said  booke  of 
Rates  Inwards,  these  Marchandizes  here  expressed  doe  still  remaine 
and  stand  charged  with  the  Impositions,  which  by  our  aforesaid 
Letters  Patents  were  set  upon  them,  viz.  Cloth  of  Gold  and  Silver, 
Cloth  of  Tissue,  Sattens,  Taffaties,  Velvets,  Sarcenets,  Coffaes,  Calli- 
mancoes,  Catalophaes,  Chamblets,  Grograines,  Damaske,  Silke  Curies, 
Tabines,  Sipers,  Fustians,  Boratoes  Bumbasins,  Buffins,  Mocadoes, 
Miscelanes,  Perpetuanos,  Botanos,  Rashes,  Sayes,  Arras,  Tapestrie, 
Beaver-hats,  Silke-stockings,  and  all  sorts  of  sowing  Silkes,  Cambricks, 
Lawnes,  Damaske,  Diaper,  Holland-Cloth,  Brabant  cloth,  Flemish 
cloth,  Freeze  cloth,  Gentish  cloth,  Isingham  cloth,  Hambro  cloth,  broad 
Sletia  cloth,  Canvas  stript  with  threed,  silke  and  copper:  Cloves, 
Mace,  Ginger,  Nutmegs,  Pepper,  Sinamon,  Almonds,  Dates,  Currants, 
Figs,  Pannelles,  S.  Thomas  Sugar,  Sugar  Candie,  Succads,  Pasta 
Ieane,  Licoris,  Olives,  Oringes  and  Limons,  Castle  and  Venis  Soope, 
Soape  ashes,  Rape  and  Linseed  oile  of  France  and  the  Low  Countries, 
Sallet  and  Turkie  Oile,  Shumack,  Cuchanele,  Cullen  and  Steele  hemp, 
drest  Flax,  Beaver  skins,  Kid  skinnes,  red  hides,  Feathers  for  beds, 
Candleweeke,  Milstones,  Spruce  yearne,  Sturgeon,  Vineger,  Wain- 
skots,  Copper,  Battarie,  blacke  and  shaven  Latten,  blacke  and  white 
plates,  Steele,  Frying  and  dripping  pans,  Were  of  all  sorts,  Pins, 
Crystall  looking  Glasses,  Caddas  Ribeu,  Mocadoe  ends,  Incle,  Threed 


444 


APPENDIX  K 


of  all  sorts,  (except  Sisters  threed)  Brunswick  and  Norembrow  Car- 
pets, Turnall  Tikes,  browne  and  cap  Paper,  Royall  and  demie  Paper, 
Onion-seed,  Agarick,  Aloes  succotrina,  Beniamin,  Bezoar  stone,  Ireos, 
Casia  fistula,  Mastick  white,  Opidum,  Sarsaperilla,  Scamonie,  Tur- 
merick,  Vermilion,  Wormeseed,  Hawkes,  Estrige  feathers,  playing 
Cards,  Tobacco,  and  all  the  Wines  charged  in  the  said  Letters  Patents 
which  shall  be  brought  into  the  Port  of  London,  and  all  forraigne 
manufactures,  not  rated  in  our  said  booke  of  Rates,  made  of  linnen, 
woollen,  threed,  and  silke  mixed,  or  any  of  them. 

And  that  these  Marchandizes  Outwards,  viz.  Lead,  Tinne,  Pewter 
and  Bayes  (other  than  the  single  Bayes  of  Barnstaple  aforesaid)  doe 
likewise  stand  and  remaine  charged  in  our  said  booke  of  Rates  with 
the  Impositions,  which  by  our  aforesaid  Letters  Patents  were  set  upon 
them. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  further  is,  and  we  do  by  these  presents 
charge  and  command  that  these  Marchandizes  hereafter  expressed, 
shall  stand  charged  (in  our  said  booke  of  Rates)  to  pay  the  Impositions 
(by  way  of  poundage)  according  to  their  severall  rates  and  values  here 
expressed,  and  not  after,  nor  according  to  such  rates  as  by  our  afore- 
said Letters  Patents  were  set  upon  them,  viz  Aneile  of  Barbary  after 
the  rate  of  nine  pence  the  pound,  Anisseeds  the  hundred  waight  twen- 
tie  shillings,  .  .  .  Musconado  Sugars  the  hundred  waight  fiftie 
shillings. 

And  touching  al  other  Marchandizes  of  whatsoever  kinde,  nature 
or  qualitie  both  Inwards  and  Outwards,  which  in  these  presents  are 
not  nominated  and  expressed  to  stand  and  remaine  charged;  Our  will 
and  pleasure  is,  and  for  us,  our  heires  and  successors,  of  our  especiall 
grace,  certaine  knowledge  and  meere  motion,  we  do  by  these  presents 
will  and  command,  that  the  same  and  every  of  them  shall  for  ever 
stand  and  be  altogether  acquit,  freed  and  discharged  from  paiment 
of  any  manner  of  the  Impositions  which  by  our  aforesaid  Letters 
Patents  were  set  and  laid  upon  them,  and  from  paiment  of  any  other 
duty  then  was  formerly  due  upon  the  same  Marchandizes,  before  the 
first  laying  and  levying  of  the  said  Impositions.  .  .  . 

And  for  the  better  maintenance  of  Trade  and  Commerce  in  all  for- 
raigne Commodities,  we  are  further  pleased,  that  every  Marchant 
naturally  borne  subiect,  Denizon  or  Stranger,  which  shall  shippe  and 
transport  to  the  parts  beyond  the  Seas,  either  by  Cocquet  as  Mar- 
chandizes paying  the  Subsidie,  or  by  Certificate  as  Marchandizes  freed 
from  paiment  of  Subsidie,  by  vertue  of  our  Letters  of  Privie  Seale, 


APPENDIX  K  445 

bearing  date  the  foure  and  twentieth  day  of  September,  in  the  second 
yeere  of  our  raigne  of  England  .  .  .  any  forraigne  Commodities,  which 
have  formerly  bin  brought  into  our  Realme  and  Dominions,  and  the 
Impost  set  and  due  for  the  same,  being  first  paied  and  answered  In- 
wardes,  either  by  himselfe,  or  any  other  Marchant,  he  shall  have  re- 
paid unto  him  by  the  Collector  of  the  said  Impost  Inwards,  al  such 
summe  and  summes  of  money,  as  were  formerly  paied  for  the  Impost 
of  the  said  Marchandizes,  at  or  before  the  first  landing  of  the  same, 
upon  due  proof e  first  made,  by  the  said  Marchant  by  himselfe  or  others, 
both  of  the  true  paiment  of  the  said  Imposts  Inwards,  and  also  of  the 
true  shipping  and  transporting  of  the  said  Marchandizes  Outwards: 
And  whereas  an  Impost  of  tenne  shillings  of  lawfull  money  of  Eng- 
land was  heretofore  by  other  our  Letters  Patents  under  our  great 
seale  of  England,  bearing  date  the  first  day  of  July  in  the  sixth  yeere 
of  our  Raigne  of  England,  ...  by  us  commanded  to  be  levied  upon 
every  hundred  waight  of  Logwood,  Blackwood,  Campechia  wood,  S. 
Martins  wood,  French  Brasill,  and  all  other  such  like  false  and  deceiv- 
able  dying  woods,  by  which  our  Letters  Patents  wee  did  in  no  sort 
tolerate  the  bringing  in  or  use  of  any  of  the  said  woods  within  our 
kingdome,  nor  dispense  with  any  of  the  penalties  which  the  lawes  of 
this  Realme  did  and  doe  inflict  upon  such  persons  as  bring  in  or  use 
the  same:  but  only  in  regard  that  the  said  lawes  were  not  put  in  due 
execution,  did  intend  by  levying  of  the  said  Impost,  so  much  the  better 
to  suppresse  and  hinder  both  the  bringing  in  and  use  thereof  within 
this  Realme  in  such  great  abundance,  as  had  been  formerly  and  then 
was  accustomed.  For  so  much  as  we  are  informed  that  by  the  over 
great  and  plentifull  use  of  the  said  woods  in  dying,  the  Cloathes  and 
other  woollen  Commodities  and  Manufactures  of  this  Realme,  are  dis- 
graced in  forraigne  parts,  and  that  our  people  and  subiects  at  home 
may  be  much  hindred  and  deceived  in  the  use  and  wearing  of  the  said 
Cloathes  and  wollen  Commodities,  by  reason  of  the  false  dyes  and 
deceivable  colours  set  upon  the  same.  .  .  .  from  and  after  the  said 
feast  of  S.  Michael  the  Archangel  next  ensuing,  all  our  said  Letters 
Patents,  given  and  granted  for  the  levying  of  the  said  Imposition  of 
tenne  shillings  upon  everie  hundred  waight  of  the  said  deceivable  dying 
woods,  aforenamed,  shall  bee  by  vertue  hereof  revoked  and  recalled, 
and  the  said  Imposition  formerly  set  upon  the  same  wholly  and  abso- 
lutely released  and  taken  away:  and  also  that  you  our  said  Treasurer 
doe  cause  present  orders  to  be  taken  with  all  and  singular  the  Officers 
of  all  and  every  the  Ports  of  this  kingdome,  and  the  Farmers  of  our 


446  APPENDIX  K 

Customes  within  the  same,  that  none  of  them  .  .  .  presume  to  take 
or  make  entrie  or  entries  of  any  of  the  said  false  and  deceiveable  dying 
woods  in  any  of  their  Custome  bookes,  or  otherwise,  suffer  the  same 
woods,  or  any  of  them  to  be  laid  on  land, 

And  for  the  better  incouragement  of  Marchants  in  their  trades  of 
marchandizing,  we  are  farther  pleased  that  every  Marchant,  whether 
he  be  naturall  borne  subiect,  Denizon  or  Stranger,  that  shall  enter 
any  Marchandizes  Inwards  in  any  our  Ports  whatsoever,  shall  have 
allowed  unto  him  in  his  said  entrie  all  such  allowance  and  allowances 
of  five  in  the  hundred,  or  otherwise,  in  the  said  Impositions,  as  have 
bin  formerly  made  and  allowed  by  the  Farmers  of  our  Customes  and 
Subsidies  in  our  Port  of  London,  and  as  in  a  Table  of  Fees  hanging  in 
the  Custome  house  of  the  said  Port  shal  be  expressed.  And  we  are 
also  further  pleased,  that  all  such  fees  and  duties  as  have  been  and  now 
are  by  the  Marchants  paid  unto  our  Officers,  shall  still  be  continued 
unto  them.  .  .  .  Witnesse  our  selfe  at  Westminster  the  fifth  day  of 
September,  in  the  eighth  yeere  of  our  Raigne  of  England,  France  and 
Ireland,  and  of  Scotland  the  four  and  fortieth. 


APPENDIX  L  447 

APPENDIX  L 
MISCELLANEOUS  DOCUMENTS,  1482-1650 

Royal  Proclamation  Concerning  the  Scarcity  of  Wheat 
and  Other  Grains,  21  November,  1482  l 

[The  king]  Consideryng  the  grete  scarsitee  and  Darth  of  Come  within 
his  saide  Realme  by  his  oppen  proclamacons  in  all  the  Shires  of  the 
same  of  late  strectly  charged  and  commannded  that  no  manner  of  man 
Whatsoever  he  were  shuld  carye  or  make  to  be  carted  any  Whete  or  other 
graynes  oute  of  his  said  Realme  uppon  certeyn  paynes  in  the  same 
proclamacons  limited  and  expressed.  Neverthelesse  his  highness  con- 
sideryng the  grete  scarsitee  of  Whete  and  other  graynes  within  his 
Citee  of  london  Where  is  the  Concourse  and  Repaire  of  the  Nobles  and 
other  his  true  liege  men  and  Subgetts  of  this  his  Realme  of  England 
And  also  of  Straungers  of  diverse  other  londs.  Wille  and  graunteth 
that  all  his  Subgettes  Whatsoever  thei  be  shall  mowe  bye  and  provide 
and  be  at  libertie  to  brynge  to  the  Citee  aforesaid  Whete  malt  Rie 
benes  peses  and  otes  and  all  other  manner  graynes  for  vitaillyng  of 
the  same  Citee  in  all  the  Shires  of  this  his  Realme  of  England  And 
the  graynes  so  purveied  and  bought  unto  the  saide  Citee  of  london 
and  to  none  other  place  aswell  by  londe  as  by  See  and  fressh  watir 
sende  lede  carye  or  make  to  be  sent  ledd  or  caried  without  takyng  of 
the  same  graynes  or  any  parcell  thereof  by  his  purviours  or  takers  for 
his  moste  honorable  household  or  for  any  other  cause  whatsoever  it 
be  or  any  empediment  trouble  arrest  vexacion  or  grief  of  his  Subgetts 
any  Acte  Restreynt  proclamacon  or  Commandement  to  the  contrary 
made  notwithstandyng  provided  alway  that  every  of  our  said  sover- 
aign  lords  Subgetts  Which  shall  bryng  any  Whete  Rie  Malt  or  other 
graynes  aforereherced  unto  the  said  Citee  of  london  by  See  oute  of 
this  his  Countie  of  Sussex  shippe  or  do  to  be  shipped  the  same  Whete 
or  other  graynes  in  the  ports  of  Wynchelsee  and  Chechester  and  in 
none  other  place  of  this  Countie  Findyng  to  the  Customers  there 
Suertie  by  Endenture  testifiyng  the  quantite  of  the  said  graynes  and 
what  thei  be.  And  that  thei  shall  brynge  carye  and  convey  the  same 
graynes  to  the  said  Citee  of  london  And  to  none  other  place.  Of  which 
Indenture  one  part  shall  Remayne  with  the  Customers  in  the  said 
Ports  of  Wynchelsee  and  chechester  and  the  other  part  to  be  delyvered 
And  Abide  with  the  Customers  in  the  port  of  our  said  Citee  of  london. 
1  MS.,  Guildhall,  Letter  Book,  vol.  L,  fols.  181-182. 


448  APPENDIX  L 

[Similar  instructions  to: 
Cornwall  and  ports  of  Plymouth  and  Fowey. 
Devon  and  ports  of  Dartmouth  and  Exmouth. 
Hampshire  and  port  of  Southampton. 
Somerset  and  Dorset  and  ports  of  Poole  and  Weymouth. 
Kent  and  port  of  Sandwich. 
Norfolk  &  Suffolk. 
Lincolnshire  and  port  of  Boston. 
Cambridgeshire  and  Huntingdonshire. 
Hertfordshire. 

Bedfordshire  and  Buckinghamshire. 
Oxfordshire  and  Berkshire. 
Essex.] 

Articles  Providing  for  the  Restraint  of  Grain, 
15  October,  1556 l 

Artykles  drawen  owte  of  the  Quenes  majesties  letters  concernyng 
the  restraynte  of  grayne. 

(1)  In  primis  that  the  Justycs  of  the  peace  and  the  Shyre  to 
assemble  themselvs  togyther. 

(2)  Item  to  alotte  your  selfs  in  to  dyverse  lymytts  of  the  Shire. 

(3)  Item  to  repaire  to  all  persons  fermours  and  others  as  have  Corne 
within  the  Shire  and  to  vieu  and  pervise  all  ther  barnes  and  stakks  of 
Corne  and  to  take  perfight  noote  and  partyculer  declaracion  of  the 
same  in  wrytyng. 

(4)  Item  to  considre  howe  moche  corne  remaynyng  in  iche  persons 
hands  may  be  sufficient  aswelle  for  his  seede  corne  as  for  the  mayn- 
tenennce  of  his  howse. 

(5)  Item  to  gyve  commaundment  in  the  king  and  quenes  majesties 
name  that  the  residue  of  the  corne  remayning  in  every  of  ther  hands 
over  and  above  ther  porcyon  that  shalbe  thought  fytt  to  be  allowed 
for  ther  owne  use  be  by  them  from  tyme  to  tyme  sent  to  merkett  in 
soche  quantyteis  as  havyng  regard  to  ther  hole  porcyon  maye  serve 
to  furnyshe  the  marketts  from  tyme  to  tyme  thorought  out  the  yere. 

(6)  Item  that  two  of  the  Justics  or  on  at  the  lest  be  at  the  merkett 
Toune  within  his  lymyt  every  markett  daye. 

(7)  Item  if  any  of  the  Justics  have  any  fermes  in  ther  hands  that 
the  vyeu  and  ordre  shalbe  taken  of  ther  corne  by  the  rest  of  the 
Justycs  as  it  is  of  others. 

1  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Stowe,  152,  fol.  2^. 


APPENDIX  L  449 

(8)  Item  if  they  fynde  any  lett  for  the  going  thorough  of  the  king 
and  quenes  majesties  determynacion  to  advertyse  ther  majesties  or 
the  pryvie  counsel!  of  the  same. 

(9)  Item  to  have  a  vigilant  Eye  to  the  customers  comptrollers  and 
the  Serchers  of  the  Shire  that  they  permyt  no  come  to  be  transported 
out  of  the  realme. 

(10)  Item  if  any  fault  be  founde  in  any  of  the  said  customers  comp- 
trollers and  Serchers  to  advertyse  the  lords  of  the  King  and  quenes 
majesties  moste  honorable  pryvie  counsell  thereof. 

"  A  Precept  for  the  Provision  of  Corne,"  14  February, 

1565-66  * 

Forasmuch  as  we  at  this  presente  beinge  very  carefull  and  myndeful 
accordinge  to  our  dewties  to  provide  in  tyme  convenyent  for  the 
commen  weale  comoditie  and  profitt  .  .  .  and  considering  also  the 
greate  and  excessive  prices  of  wheate  and  of  all  other  Kindes  &  sorts 
of  corne  &  grayne  mete  and  necessary  for  mannes  sustenaunce  whiche 
of  late  hath  bene  sene  and  felt  and  willinge  therefore  to  eschewe  the 
daunger  &  perill  throughe  the  gredy  averousnes  and  covetous  myndes 
of  the  people  owners  and  possessors  of  the  same  grayne  that  haply 
within  short  tyme  might  ensue  have  thought  good  and  expedyent  for 
the  avoidinge  and  eschewinge  of  such  perills  and  inconvenience  as 
might  ensue  by  the  occasions  above  recyted  to  take  upe  and  make 
with  all  convenyent  spede  of  the  companies  and  fellowshipps  of  the 
said  Cytty  a  verrey  good  and  substanciall  masse  &  some  of  money  to 
provide  and  buy  Corne  withall  aswell  beyonde  the  Seas  as  on  this  side 
(yf  nede  shalbe  for  thuse  and  commen  provision  of  the  said  Cittye) 
towardes  the  payment  and  makinge  upe  of  which  masse  and  some  of 
money,  We  have  assessed  and  taxed  your  said  companye,  etc.2 

Letters  of  the  Privy  Council  sent  into  the  Counties  of 

Hants,  Norfolk,  Essex,  Suffolk,  Kent,  Lincoln,  York, 

and  Sussex  for  the  Provision  of  Wheat  for  London, 

27  September,  1573 3 

The  Cytie  of  London  havinge  bene  accustomed  to  make  provision 
of  corne  especiallye  of  wheate,  that  the  multitude  of  people  resortinge 
thyther,  shoulde  not  lack  bread,  hath  requyred  at  this  tyme  the  ayde 

1  Letter  Book,  vol.  V,  fol.  16b.  *  Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fols.  242-243. 

2  See  above,  pp.  421-422. 


450  APPENDIX  L 

of  our  letters  in  their  factors,  that  they  might  buy  of  reasonable  pryces, 
and  in  cuntreys  lyenge  nere  the  sea  syde,  for  the  better  transportacon 
to  the  Cytie,  because  the  Cuntrey  aboute  them  dothe  not  bringe  corne 
to  the  market,  there,  in  suche  plentye  as  they  were  wonte,  and  as  will 
suffise  the  Cytie,  We  thinckinge  their  request  reasonable,  have  thought 
good  to  require  you  [local  officials]  to  ayde  them. 

[Prices  are  not  to  be  raised  and  there  is  to  be  no  exportation  abroad.] 

[There  must]  be  no  disturbance  or  hynderance  to  her  Majesties 

people  of  that  shyre,  whereby  any  just  grudge,  defalt,  or  dearth  of 

corne,  may  follow  there,  or  any  collusion  or  deceipt  used"  under  the 

Cullor  therof. 

The  Articles  of  23  March,  1573-74  ! 

Articles  to  be  answered  by  the  Lord  Maior  of  the  cytie  of  london 
&  his  brethren. 

(1)  First  what  grayne  have  you  of  the  provision  of  the  Citie  or 
brought  of  all  sorts  &  what  quantitie  of  every  sorte  &  in  what  garners 
&  where  is  the  same  bestowed. 

(2)  What  quantitie  will  your  Garneres  kepe. 

(3)  What  Quantitie  hath  bene  usually  for  the  most  parte  kepte  in 
your  Garneres. 

(4)  What  provision  of  Corne  have  you  made  synce  mychaellmas  & 
from  whence  have  you  made  the  said  provision  &  when  do  you  expecte 
the  Arryvall  thereof  at  the  Citie. 

(5)  What  severall  prices  have  you  paied  for  the  said  Corne  particu- 
lerlie  in  every  place  &  severally  of  every  sorte  &  in  what  shyres  within 
this  realme  &  from  whence  out  of  this  Realme  is  the  same  bought. 

(6)  What  quantitie  of  your  provision  is  spent  &  what  quantitie  is 
to  come. 

(7)  What  mediam  have  you  made  of  the  price  of  the  severall  sorte 
of  the  said  corne  &  what  assise  have  you  sett  to  the  bakers  &  brewers 
in  that  behalf  howe  doth  the  Assise  that  nowe  is  in  the  moneth  of 
marche  vary  from  that  which  was  in  decembre  or  January. 

(8)  What  Quantitie  of  breadcorne  for  bread  &  of  malte  for  drink  is 
weekly  spent  in  the  terme  tymes  &  out  of  the  terme  tymes. 

(9)  What  nombre  of  Corn  bakers  &  brewers  are  in  the  Citie  & 
howe  many  of  them  have  Any  store  of  there  owne. 

(10)  To  understand  from  suche  as  keepe  comon  ovens  howe  muche 
weekely  is  baked  by  pryvate  persons  of  their  own  provisions. 

1  Repertory,  voL  xviii,  fob.  i82b-i86a.     Cf.  Letter  Book,  vol.  X,  fols.  289  f. 


•  APPENDIX  L  451 

(11)  That  the  maior  do  declare  what  entension  they  have  hereafter 
to  amende  this  error  in  lack  of  provision  of  breadcorne. 

(12)  That  it  be  enquyred  what  quantitie  of  breadcorne  &  meale 
hath  come  to  the  citie  synce  michaellmas  howe  muche  by  lande  and 
howe  moche  by  water  howe  moche  of  the  Cities  provision  &  how  moche 
by  others. 

Thanswere  of  the  L.  Maior  &  his  brethren  unto  tharticles  delivered 
by  your  honors. 

(1)  We  say  for  Answere  that  in  the  bridgehouse  there  is  nowe  in 
wheate  12 12  quarters  in  Rye  231  quarters  in  barley  521  quarters  in 
otes  10  quarters  in  malt  6  quarters  in  toto  —  2034  quarters. 

In  the  white  bakers  hands  in  wheate  &  meale  in  there  houses  2174 
quarters. 

In  the  brown  bakers  hands  in  mestelyn  251  quarters. 

In  the  brewers  hands  in  malt  &  drink  corne  3519  quarters  &  in 
wheate  148  quarters. 

(2)  We  say  there  is  the  bridge  house  which  will  kepe  the  Corne 
beinge  dry  &  perfecte  6000  quarters  &  beinge  not  perfectlye  Inned 
skant  4000  quarters.  Also  bridwell  aptely  may  kepe  2000  quarters 
in  toto. 

(3)  We  saw  there  hath  bene  kept  comenlie  in  the  garneres  of 
bridghous  of  the  Cities  provision  some  yeres  1200  &  some  yeres  1500 
quarters  and  at  this  whitsontide  last  past  there  was  in  provision  there 
1500  quarters  which  was  converted  into  meale  to  serve  and  furnyshe 
the  markets. 

(4)  We  say  we  have  made  provision  of  all  sorts  of  grayn  synce 
michaelmas  last  2903  quarters  as  well  the  place  where  the  same  was 
made  &  bought  as  the  severall  kinds  of  grayne  by  the  masters  of  the 
bridghouse  his  booke  reddy  to  be  shewed  at  large  dothe  appere  of 
which  some  there  is  yet  to  come  not  received  869  quarters  the  Aryvall 
wherof  we  dailie  expecte  four  and  above  500  quarters  of  wheat  pro- 
vided &  paied  for  in  the  countie  of  Sussex  &  there  remayneth  the 
transportacon  whereof  we  are  denyed. 

More  the  whyte  bakers  have  bought  &  provided  synce  michaelmas 
last  3 1 86 1  quarters  of  wheate  whereof  spente  28600  now  Remaynynge 
in  the  hands  2174  &  more  they  have  to  receive  which  they  have  bar- 
gayned  for  1087  quarters. 

More  the  brown  bakers  have  bought  &  provided  synce  michaelmas 
last  of  mastlyn  2637  quarters  whereof  spent  2262  quarters  remayninge 
in  there  garneres  251  quarters  more  they  have  to  receyve  which  they 
have  bargayned  for  124  quarters. 


452  APPENDIX  L 

More  the  poor  housholders  have  baked  in  their  comon  ovens  synce 
mychaelmas  last  7956  quarters. 

More  synce  michaelmas  last  spent  by  the  cooke  &  bought  in  the 
meale  markets  416  quarter. 

More  synce  michaelmas  last  bought  &  provided  by  the  brewers 
62548  quarters  of  all  sorts  of  grayne  whereof  spent  in  brewinge  synce 
michaelmas  last  in  malt  52000  quarters  more  in  wheate  to  brewe 
stronge  beare  5200  quarters  remayninge  in  there  garneres  of  malt 
3519  quarters  bargayned  for  to  be  rec[eived]  in  malt  1681  quarters 
wheate  remaynyng  in  there  garners  to  brewe  the  said  stronge  beare 
148  quarters. 

(5)  We  say  the  particular  price  of  all  sorts  of  grayne  &  where  they 
were  bought  do  at  large  appere  in  the  bridgehouse  book  in  the  white 
bakers  booke  in  the  brown  bakers  booke  &  in  the  brewers  booke  which 
bookes  are  redy  to  be  shewed. 

The  provision  of  the  cookes  of  the  most  parte  hath  bene  bought  in 
the  meale  markets  at  uncerteyn  price  &  also  the  provisions  bakers  in 
the  comon  ovens  synce  michaelmas  last  was  bought  in  the  meale 
markets  at  uncerten  price  out  of  the  Realme  the  price  beinge  so  high 
&  the  tyme  so  pressynge  we  could  not  make  provision. 

(6)  We  say  that  this  is  fully  Answered  in  the  4th  article. 

(7)  We  say  that  this  shall  fully  appere  in  the  bridghouse  booke  & 
in  the  bakers  bookes  &  the  Assise  given  to  the  bakers  was  at  Simon  & 
Jude  day  last  13  the  bakers  not  able  so  to  live  upon  there  complaynte 
&  upon  dewe  tryall  made  by  us  we  suffred  them  to  bake  at  14  13  & 
12  s  the  penny  lest  the  price  of  the  barrell  of  beare  was  ys  yet  4s 
not  raysinge  the  same  because  we  thought  good  to  Avoyde  an  evell 
custome  the  Assise  of  bread  in  decembre  then  was  &  now  is  all  one. 

(8)  We  say  that  there  is  spente  in  the  terme  tyme  wekelie  in  bread- 
come  2571  quarters  &  out  of  the  terme  1409  quarters. 

Be  it  remembred  that  we  thinke  somewhat  more  ys  spent  baked  in 
mens  own  private  houses  whereof  we  cannot  set  down  any  certenty. 

The  brewers  do  spend  wekely  for  there  stronge  bere  200  quarters  of 
whete  &  in  malt  2000  quarters  at  the  least. 

(9)  We  say  that  the  nombre  of  white  bakers  within  the  Citie  & 
liberties  are  62  &  the  nombre  of  broun  bakers  are  36. 

And  the  nombre  of  Aile  brewers  are  58  &  the  nombre  of  beare- 
brewers  are  33  in  toto. 

(10)  We  say  that  there  is  baked  wekely  in  Comon  ovens  by  private 
persons  bought  in  the  meale  markets  306  quarters. 


APPENDIX  L  453 

(n)  We  say  that  the  Citie  hath  bene  cheiflie  furnished  with  all 
kinds  of  grayne  for  provision  of  the  same  from  the  shires  lyinge  west- 
ward from  the  Citie  &  Aptlye  conveied  to  the  Citie  as  well  by  land  as 
by  the  river  of  Tames  as  also  from  Kent  Sussex  Dorsetshire  Hampshier 
Essex  Suff .  &  Norff .  &  not  out  of  any  forreyn  parte  but  upon  a  sudden 
&  mere  extremytie  &  for  the  better  furneshinge  of  the  Citie  hereafter 
havinge  your  honors  favor  &  licence  to  make  provision  in  Convenient 
shiers  within  the  realme  we  have  determyned  to  have  contynually  in 
the  store  houses  &  garners  of  this  Citie  4000  quarters  of  wheat  &  Rye 
beinge  by  2  partes  more  then  heretofore  have  be[en]  accustomed  to 
f  urnishe  &  stay  the  meale  markets  within  this  Citie  at  reasonable  price 
as  we  have  done  synce  mydsommer  last  &  so  presently  do  contynewe. 

(12)  We  say  we  cannot  set  doune  certenly  what  quantity  be  of 
breadcorne  &  meale  hath  come  to  the  Citie  synce  michaelmas  last 
but  suer  we  are  theese  parcels  followinge  have  come  to  the  Citie  viz 
to  the  bridge  house  2903  quarters  to  the  white  bakers  26761  quarters 
to  the  broun  bakers  &  comon  ovens  10593  quarters  to  the  Cookes  416 
quarters  to  the  Brewers  in  wheate  consumed  in  brewinge  of  stronge 
drink  5200  quarters  to  the  rest  of  this  Article  (because  of  the  comynge 
of  corne  to  the  Citie  by  land  is  uncerten)  we  cannot  make  any  certen 
Answere  unto. 

Corne  bought  &  provided  for  the  Cities  necessitie  at  Danske  reddy 
now  to  be  shipped  8000  quarters  whereof  is  in  wheate  6000  quarters 
&  in  Rye  2000  quarters  which  will  stand  the  Citie  in  all  charge  the 
wheate  26s  the  quarter  at  the  least  &  the  Rye  21s  the  quarter  at  the 
least  which  we  trust  in  god  will  come  in  saftie. 

Whereas  your  honors  latelie  declared  unto  us  the  great  mystykinge 
of  the  quenes  majestys  in  the  government  of  this  Citie  of  london  for 
the  sellinge  &  utteringe  of  musty  &  unholsome  breade  within  the  said 
Citie  it  is  no  litle  greif  unto  us  that  her  highnes  or  your  honors  should 
have  any  Just  cause  to  take  offence  with  us  trustinge  that  fault  will 
not  be  found  to  be  Comytted  within  the  liberties  of  the  Citie  of  london 
we  having  purposely  made  diligent  examynacon  &  searche  cannot 
fynd  any  suche  fault  comytted  within  our  liberties  we  have  not  de- 
livered any  of  our  provision  of  corne  out  of  the  bridghouse  unto  the 
bakers  this  yere  past  True  it  is  we  lately  had  a  smale  quantitie  of 
wheate  taken  into  the  bridghouse,  which  had  taken  some  heate  abord 
in  one  of  our  shipps,  beinge  not  uttered  into  the  markets  for  breade  & 
corne  which  we  have  done  &  do  use  to  sell  to  the  brewers,  so  that  our 
bakers  have  not,  nor  have  had  any  wheate  of  us  musty  or  unkindly 


454  APPENDIX  L 

whereby  any  suche  faults  shuld  happen  for  us  unto  the  quenes  Majeste 
to  have  good  likinge  of  the  government  of  the  state  of  her  highnes 
citie  &  we  dutiefuly  withall  delygence  will  endevour  ourselves  to  our 
uttermost  of  our  powers  to  do  our  dueties  for  the  maynten[e]nce  of 
good  orders  &  punyshment  of  offence  within  this  Citie  which  we  trust 
shalbe  to  her  Majeste  good  lykinge  &  your  honors  good  contentacon. 

Orders  Concerning  the  Provision  of  Corn,  4  November, 

1578 » 

(1)  [5000  qrs.  to  be  laid  up  in  the  Bridgehouse] 

(2)  Item  because  they  perceive  that  the  former  provisions  have 
not  onelye  bene  troublesome  to  my  L.  Maior  for  the  tyme  beinge  and 
his  worshippful  bretheren  thaldermen  whoe  are  otherwise  muche 
occupied  with  manifolde  greate  affaieres  but  also  have  bene  manye 
waies  incomodious  to  the  hole  estate  of  the  Cyttye  For  remedie 
whereof  if  it  may  be  liked  by  my  L.  Maior  and  Aldermen  and  Comen 
Counsell  they  thinke  good  that  this  provision  be  made  by  the  XII 
companies  proportionablie  in  Forme  followinge 

(3) 

(4)  Item  that  after  the  proportion  of  the  Laste  Loane  all  the  in- 
ferior Companies  be  so  united  and  distributed,  to  the  XII  Companies 
as  that  thereby  there  somes  lent  may  be  made  Equalle  into  XII  parts 
or  as  nighe  as  maye  be. 

(5)  [Bridgehouse  to  be  divided  into  1 2  equal  parts  and  allotted  to 
the  companies]. 

(6)  Item  that  sufficient  Licence,  and  Authoritie  be  given  to  the 
saide  Companies  that  they  .  .  .  maye  provide  and  bringe  to  London, 
theire  rate  of  provision  aforesaid  without  staie  or  impediment 

(7),  (8), 

(9)  [Weekly  view  of  corn  of  the  companies  by  the  City]. 

(10)  Item  that  my  L.  Maior  and  Aldermen  doe  not  at  anie  tyme 
order  that  anye  parte  of  the  saide  provision  be  solde  better  Cheape 
then  the  same  shall  Coste  with  all  Losses  and  Charges  thereof  nor 
above  II  d.  or  IIII  d.  in  a  Bushel  under  the  price  in  the  markett  of  like 
corne  then  beinge  excepte  it  be  by  consent  of  the  Companies  or 
Comen  Counsell  and  that  for  everie  suche  sale  the  same  to  be  made 
of  everye  Companies  wheate  in  equall  parte. 

(11),  (12), 

1  Letter  Book,  vol.  Y,  fols.  272-273. 


APPENDIX  L  455 

(13)  [None  of  these  companies  are  to  be  further  charged  with  the 
provision  of  corn]. 

Burghley's  Orders  for  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Transportation  of  Victuals,  8  March,  1580 ! 

Orders  taken  by  the  right  honourable  William  Lorde  Burghley 
Lorde  high  Treasorer  of  England,  to  be  observed  touchinge  grayne 
victuells  &  fewell  to  be  laden  on  the  coasts  to  be  brought  to  london 
by  water  etc. 

That  the  commissioners  for  transportacon  of  Victuells  from  tyme 
to  tyme  as  shalbe  nedefull  assemble  toggther  and  set  downe  in  wryt- 
inge,  such  proportion  of  everye  kynde  of  grayne  and  victuells  wythin 
their  commission  as  may  be  conveniently  spared  out  of  that  cuntrey 
for  london,  and  delyver  that  wrytinge  to  the  Customers  of  the  ports 
of  that  Cuntrey. 

That  the  Customers  suffer  all  persones  to  skippe  such  grayne  and 
victuells  for  London  wythout  travailinge  for  particular  warrants  till 
the  said  quantytie  be  runne  out,  takinge  allway  good  bonds  for  the 
aryvall  at  London  accordinge  to  the  order. 

That  when  such  quantytie  ys  allmost  passed,  the  Commissioners 
shalbe  advertised  thereof  by  the  officers  of  the  Custome  howse,  and 
shalbe  requyred  to  assemble  agayne,  and  to  make  lyke  newe  warrant 
as  the  Cuntrey  may  spare  yt,  which  ys  verye  reasonable  to  be  done 
by  the  Commissioners. 

That  the  Customers  kepe  a  true  note  of  these  warrants,  and  what 
quantyties  passe  thereby,  and  at  all  tymes  requyred  do  shewe  the 
same  to  the  Commissioners. 

That  the  bonds  hearafter  for  such  grayne  victuell  and  fuell  for 
London,  be  made  wyth  condycon  to  bringe  certificate  both  from 
thofficers  of  the  Custome  house  of  London  to  whom  it  appertenyeth, 
and  from  the  Lorde  Maior,  and  that  the  bondes  be  not  discharged 
without  certificate  from  both. 

1  Letter  Book,  vol.  Z,  fols.  45-46. 


456  APPENDIX  L 

The    Petition    of    the   Loaders  of    Enfield  and   Aldenham 

Concerning  their  Losses  through  the  Carriage  of 

Grain  to  London  by  Water,  15  October,  1581  l 

(1)  Many  thousandes  of  her  Majesties  subjects  within  the  counties 
of  Hertforde  Midi.  Cambridge  Bedforde  and  Essex  whiche  lyved  by 
the  carrynge  of  corne  and  other  graine  to  the  citie  of  London  by  Lande, 
are  nowe  utterlye  decaied  by  the  transportinge  of  come  and  other 
grayne  to  the  saide  citie  by  the  water  of  Lee. 

(2)  The  trade  of  carrynge  of  corne  and  grayne  by  the  water  of 
Lee  is  in  the  handes  of  X  or  XII  persons  onlye,  and  suche  as  weare 
able  well  to  lyve  by  theire  trade  before  that  tyme. 

(3)  The  private  gaine  whiche  comethe  by  the  saide  transportacion 
of  grayne  by  water  to  London  is  to  fower  or  fyve  brewers  onlie  and 
those  for  the  most  parte  strangers. 

(4)  The  citie  of  London  is  not  thereby  better  served  neither  is 
beere  or  ale  or  other  graine  the  cheaper  or  better  brewed. 

(5)  The  contrie  is  not  able  to  doo  unto  her  Majestie  that  service 
in  her  carriages  as  heretofore  they  weare  wonte  to  doo. 

(6)  Tyllage  is  thereby  muche  decayed. 

(7)  Her  Majestie  is  hyndered  in  her  subsedye  and  other  taxes  and 
tallages. 

(8)  The  contrie  not  able  to  set  forthe  and  furnishe  as  many  able 
men  in  her  Majesties  service  as  heretofore  they  have  done. 

(9)  The  makinge  of  the  saide  Ryver  of  Lee  Navigable  hathe  bene 
and  is  a  greate  and  contynuall  charge  to  the  contrye,  and  morever 
suche  as  dwell  by  the  saide  ryver  of  Lee,  have  dailie  greate  losses  and 
hynderaunce  by  the  bargemen  whych  passe  by  the  saide  Ryver. 

Lord  Mayor's  Orders  Concerning  the  Dearth  in  the  Growing 
Metropolis,  18  August,  1596 2 

Whearas  it  hath  pleased  the  right  Ho[norable]  the  Lordes  and  others 
of  her  Majesties  most  ho[norable]  privye  Councell  to  signifie  unto  me 
her  highness  most  princelie  care  and  gracious  endevours  aswell  for 
the  reliefe  of  the  poorer  sorte  of  her  lovinge  subiects  in  this  tyme  of 
dearth  as  also  for  the  redresse  and  prevencon  of  all  such  abuses  and 
inconveyences.  Whereby  the  prizes  of  Corne  and  other  victuall  are 
raysed  and  increased  to  such  highe  and  excessive  rates.    And  wheareas 

1  MS.,  Br.  M.,  Lansd.,  32,  No.  40.  *  Letter  Book,  vol.  AA,  fol.  67b. 


APPENDIX  L  457 

also  theire  Lo[rdshi]ppes  in  theire  grave  wisdom  doe  houlde  and 
accompte  that  the  tolleratinge  of  Inmates  and  excesse  of  diett  used  in 
and  aboute  this  Cittie  (are  amongeste  other)  two  speciall  causes  of 
this  presente  dearthe  within  the  same  Cittie  suburbes  and  Countreyes 
neare  adioyninge  and  doe  therefore  thinke  it  verie  Conveniente  that 
suche  lawes  and  orders  as  have  bene  heretofore  made  and  taken  for 
the  avoydinge  and  punyshement  of  Inmates  and  such  as  shall  harbor 
and  entertaygne  them  shoulde  be  more  carefullie  executed,  and  like- 
wise some  better  course  taken  That  Cittizens  (especiallie  during  the 
tyme  of  dearthe)  should  from  hencefourthe  abstayne  greate  feastinge 
and  superfluous  fare,  and  use  more  moderate  and  spare  dyett,  and  to 
forebeare  Suppers  one  Wensdaies  &  Fridaies,  and  other  fastinge  daies, 
and  that  which  shalbe  saved  therebye  to  be  charitablye  ymployed  to 
the  releeffe  of  the  poorer  sorte.  Wheareupon  wee  have  thought  good 
to  publishe  and  make  knowen  her  highenes  most  godlye  and  gracious 
care,  and  the  good  pleasure  of  the  right  honourable  Lo[rd]  in  this  be- 
half e.  And  do  hearebye  in  her  Majesties  name  straightlie  chardge 
and  commaunde  all  such  Inmates  as  be  nowe  remaininge  within  this 
Cittie  or  the  liberties  thereof  that  fourthwith  they  do  departe  and 
withdrawe  themselves  into  theire  severall  countreyes  and  places  of 
usuall  aboade  or  wheare  they  weare  borne,  etc. 

The  Lord  Mayor's  Precept  Concerning  the  Baking  of 
Bread  by  some  of  the  City  Companies,  26  July,  1608 l 

Where  I  and  my  brethern  the  Aldermen  have  resolved  aswell  for 
the  abating  of  the  prices  of  Corne  as  for  meanes  for  the  utteraunce 
and  sale  of  such  quantitie  of  Corne  and  graine  as  the  merchaunts  of 
this  Cittie  have  at  their  great  adventure  &  charge  &  the  good  of  this 
Cittie  and  Commonwealth  brought  into  this  port  of  London  to  be 
sold  that  all  the  severall  Companies  of  this  Cittie  shall  bake  certayne 
quarters  of  Wheate  every  Weeke  into  bread  to  be  sold  to  such  as  will 
buy  the  same    In  accomplishment  whereof  these  shalbe  to  charge  and 

command  you  ["  the  Master  and  Wardens  of  the  company  of  "  ] 

in  his  Majesties  name  that  you  take  p[rese]nte  order  that  from  thence- 
forth your  company  doe  cause  the  quantity  of quarters  of  wheate 

parcell  of  your  owne  store  and  provision  to  be  ground  into  meale  and 
baked  into  Whete  and  Wheaten  bread  and  the  wheaten  to  certayne 
XI  ounces  the  penny  wheaten  loffe  and  the  three  halfe  penny  White- 

1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  vol.  xxvii,  fol.  261. 


458 


APPENDIX  L 


loves  after  the  same  rate  of  II  d.  in  every  shillinge  and  to  sell  the 
same  in  Cheapeside  or  leadenhall  or  elsewhere  within  this  Cittie  to 
such  as  will  buy  the  same  And  that  you  doe  notwithstanding  this 
order  still  continnue  your  servinge  of  the  marketts  with  such  quantitie 
of  meale  as  by  order  from  me  you  were  formerly  required  Whereof 
see  you  faile  not  at  your  perill  Guildhall  this  xxvi  th  of  July  1608. 

These  precepts  were  directed  to  the  XII  principall  Companies  for 
six  quarters  apeice  and  the  like  precepts  to  XII  of  the  inferior  com- 
panies for  three  quarters  a  peice  whose  names  hereafter  followeth 
That  is  to  say: 

Mercers 


Merchant  tailors . 
Haberdashers.  .  . 

Grocers 

Drapers 

Fishmongers.  .  .  . 

Goldsmiths 

Skinners 

Salters 

Ironmongers.  .  .  . 

Vintners 

Clothworkers  .  .  . 


6  qrs. 


Dyers 

Brewers 

Leathersellers . 
Pewterers. . . . 

Cutlers 

Whitebakers.  . 
Waxchandlers . 

Girdlers 

Sadlers 

Cordwainers.  . 
Scriveners.  .  .  . 
Stationers.  .  .  . 


3  qrs. 


"Order  for  a  Magazine  of  30000  quarters  of  corne", 
28  July,  1631 l 

Whereas  the  Lord  Maior  of  the  Citty  of  London  had  received  notice 
that  her  Majestye  expected  an  Accompt  from  him  of  the  course  which 
had  byn  taken  for  the  f urnishinge  of  the  Granaryes  of  the  said  Cittye 
with  sufficyent  provision  of  Corne  the  neglect  whereof  hath  caused 
the  late  dearth  and  disorders  And  that  he  was  to  attend  the  Boarde 
of  this  Sittinge  and  to  make  particuler  answeare  to  such  points  as 
were  heretofore  recomended  unto  him  for  that  purpose  Hee  did  accord- 
ingly present  himselfe  beinge  attended  by  the  Sheriffes  and  divers 
Aldermen  And  in  answeare  to  the  aforesaid  Points  did  then  exhibite 
a  Memoriall  contayninge  his  opinion  howe  many  ounces  of  Bread 
may  serve  one  person  a  day,  and  consequently  how  many  poundes  a 
moneth.  Likewise  how  many  Granaryes  are  in  the  Citty,  and  how 
many  Quarters  each  of  them  will  holde  lastly  what  quantity  of  Corne 

1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  vol.  xxxv,  fols.  347-348. 


APPENDIX  L  459 

he  conceived  wilbe  sufficyent  for  a  Magazine  to  serve  the  Marketts 
weekely  and  to  be  supplyed  monethly  vizt  Twenty  Thousand  quarters, 
therein  comprehendinge  the  ordinary  provisions  of  the  Halls  for  the 
poor  But  their  Lordships  havinge  taken  the  matter  into  serious  de- 
liberacon  did  find  that  this  proporcon  comes  farre  too  shorte,  and  did 
likewise  declare  that  the  provision  meant  by  his  Maiestie  must  be 
wholly  distincte  and  seperate  from  the  usuall  quantity  provided  by 
the  halls  which  must  still  continue  and  be  ordered  and  disposed  ac- 
cordinge  to  the  annycent  manner  whereas  that  which  is  nowe  meant 
is  to  be  a  publique  Magazine  for  the  generall  furnishinge  of  the  Cittye 
in  tyme  of  scarcity  and  the  Corne  provided  and  layed  uppe  there 
(under  the  chardge  and  disposinge  of  the  lord  Maior  and  Aldermen) 
to  be  sould  not  as  that  of  the  halls  (which  is  intended  for  the  Reliefe 
and  ease  of  the  poore)  but  the  best  advantage  accordinge  to  the  prices 
of  the  Markett.  And  for  their  better  encouradgement  to  the  under- 
takinge  of  soe  good  a  worke  their  lordships  did  further  declare  that  if 
it  shall  happen  at  any  tyme  that  the  Corne  so  provided  shall  lye  on 
their  handes,  His  Maiestie  shalbe  moved  to  graunt  them  permission 
to  export  it  although  the  price  be  then  above  the  limittacon  set  downe 
in  the  statute  (vicesimo  primo  Jacobi)  soe  that  they  need  not  have 
any  apprehension  or  feare  of  any  losse  or  detriment  Now  their  lord- 
ships consideringe  the  multitude  of  Inhabitants  within  the  said  Citty 
and  the  liberty es  did  resolve  uppon  a  proporcon  of  Thirty  Thousand 
quarters  which  accordinge  to  the  estimate  that  was  then  made  may 
serve  for  fower  moneths  to  be  furnished  as  farre  as  may  be  out  of  the 
growth  of  the  kingdome  and  accordingly  supplyed  as  need  shall  require 
For  the  layinge  and  keepinge  of  which  quantity  It  is  not  to  be  doubted 
but  that  in  soe  great  a  Cittye  wherein  are  soe  many  great  howses  and 
some  standinge  voyde  a  sufficyent  place  may  be  found  at  a  reasonable 
Rent  soe  that  there  shalbe  no  necessity  of  buildinge  a  place  of  purpose 
Finally  the  Lord  Maior  and  Aldermen  were  willed  to  observe  well 
what  had  byn  declared  unto  them  which  being  throughly  considered 
might  make  it  appeare  that  this  Course  beinge  well  entred  into  wold 
soe  sufficyently  appeare  itselfe  both  in  respecte  of  the  generall  good  of 
the  Citty  and  of  the  particuler  benifitte  of  those  that  are  to  contrib- 
ute touards  it  that  it  should  need  no  further  encourdgment  And  they 
were  likewise  required  to  take  due  notice  of  his  Majesties  gratious 
favor  and  Royall  care  of  the  Welfare  of  the  said  Cittye  which  they 
did  humbly  acknowledge  and  promised  to  use  their  best  endeavors 
accordinge  to  the  present  order  and  direccons  of  the  Board. 


460  APPENDIX  L 

[A  commission  was  appointed  to  consider  the  proposition,  to  accept, 
to  draw  up  a  petition  to  the  Privy  Council  to  drop  the  scheme,  or  to 
compromise  regarding  it.] 

"  A  Proclamacon  to  Restraine  the  Transport aton  of  Corne 
Wool  Woll-fells  Fullers  Earth  and  Lether," 
30  September,  1632  l 

The  kings  most  excellent  Majestie  taking  into  Consideracon  the 
manifold  evill  Practizes  which  for  private  gaine  are  too  often  put  in 
use  as  well  by  Cornmasters  and  Hoorders  of  Corne  as  by  Marchants 
and  others  to  in  [sic]  Inhance  the  Prices  of  Corne  and  graine  to  the 
generall  prejudice  of  all  other  his  Majesties  subiects  especially  labor- 
ing men  and  those  of  the  Poorer  sorte  which  hath  appeared  not  onely 
in  the  time  of  the  late  dearth  but  in  the  yere  now  past  when  by  the 
goodness  of  God  there  was  such  plentie  &  abundance  of  Corne  as 
seldome  hath  byn  greater  and  yet  the  rates  &  prises  of  Corne  in  manie 
parts  of  this  Kingdome  especially  in  the  Cittie  of  London  and  the 
Parts  neere  adioyning  were  kept  up  at  farre  higher  prices  then  was 
fitt  to  be  in  a  time  of  so  great  and  generall  plentie  And  that  how- 
soever by  the  Provident  and  Constant  Care  of  his  Majestie  and  his 
Privie  Councell  transport[a]con  of  Corne  was  restrained  even  in  that 
plentiful  yere  yet  in  manie  parts  of  the  kingdome  false  Rumors  were 
and  are  spred  and  devulged  of  great  Transportacon  of  Corne  lycensed 
and  authorised  to  the  great  dishonour  of  his  Majestie  and  the  State 
and  of  a  wicked  purpose  to  keep  up  Corne  and  graine  at  moderate 
Prices  His  Maiestie  with  the  advice  of  his  Privie  Councell  doth  hereby 
publishe  and  declare  That  all  the  said  Rumors  were  false  .  .  . 

And  albeit  his  majestie  is  well  satisfyed  that  the  remainyng  store  of 
the  last  yere  &  by  the  increase  of  this  present  yere  there  is  verie  ample 
and  good  provision  of  Corne  sufficient  to  supplie  the  whole  kingdome 
at  easie  and  reasonables  prices  yet  considering  the  want  of  Corne  in 
divers  other  parts  beyond  the  Seas  might  occasion  a  transportacon 
thereof  from  hence  which  would  necessarily  draw  on  an  Inhancement 
of  Prices  if  it  should  be  permitted.  Therefore  his  majestie  holding  it 
necessarie  to  provide  that  his  owne  Subiects  in  generall  may  enioy 
the  good  blessing  of  Plentie  which  God  hath  vouchsafed  to  this  Realme 
and  that  the  same  be  not  turned  to  the  inriching  onlie  of  a  few  greedie 
cormorants  doth  by  like  advice  of  his  Privie  Councell  prohibite  and 

1  Journals  of  the  Common  Council,  vol.  xxxv,  fols.  518-520. 


APPENDIX  L  461 

forbid  that  from  henceforth  for  the  space  of  one  yere  next  ensuing 
and  from  that  yere  untill  his  majestie  shall  declare  his  pleasure  to  the 
Contrarie  no  Come  or  graine  be  transported  or  carried  out  of  this  his 
Majesties  Realme,  .  .  . 

And  because  his  Majestie  is  informed  that  in  divers  Counties  of 
this  Realme  neere  the  Seacoast  it  hath  byn  Practised  to  buy  and  pro- 
vide great  quantitie  of  Corne  and  bring  the  same  unto  or  neere  the 
Seacoast  readie  for  Transportacon  and  then  in  some  one  or  two  mar- 
ketts  to  sell  some  small  quantity  thereof  or  of  other  Corne  at  lower 
Prices  then  the  same  were  bought  and  upon  some  faint  and  partiall 
Certificate  from  some  Justises  of  Peace  or  other  Officers  that  Corne 
in  hose  marketts  was  sold  under  the  rates  limited  by  the  Statute  have 
provided  the  same  to  be  transported  beyond  the  Seas  His  Majestie 
requireth  by  like  advice  of  his  Privie  Councell  that  those  and  all 
other  fraudulent  Practises  unduly  to  procure  transportacon  of  Corne 
heretofore  Comitted  or  hereafter  to  be  Comitted  be  strictly  and  dili- 
gently inquired  &  looked  into.  And  whereas  his  Majestie  is  informed 
that  sundrie  marchants  Strangers  and  aliens  of  Forreigne  Countries 
in  Amitie  with  his  Majestie  have  accustomed  to  bring  their  Shyppes 
and  Vessells  into  some  of  the  Ports  havens  or  Creekes  of  this  Realme 
unvictualled  of  purpose  that  under  Colour  of  taking  in  a  supplie  of 
fresh  Victuales  for  their  necessities  the[y]  might  victuall  themselves 
and  their  Ship-Companie  from  hence  for  their  voyages  whereby 
the[y]  Carrie  away  much  Corne  Geese  and  other  victualls  and  Pro- 
hibited Comodities  which  is  an  evill  mischeife  with  Transportacon 
His  Majestie  doth  hereby  declare  and  comand  that  the  same  be  not 
hereafter  suffered  to  be  done. 

And  his  Majestie  being  likewise  informed  that  great  and  manifold 
abuses  have  been  Comitted  in  times  past  as  well  by  the  Corrupcon 
or  negligence  in  the  inferior  Officers  and  ministers  of  his  Majesties 
Customs  as  well  in  permitting  Wooll  wooll-f  ells  and  Fullers  earth  to  be 
transported  As  also  towching  transportacon  of  Corne  Lether  and  rawe- 
hides  in  permitting  the  same  to  passe  either  without  anie  lycence  or 
in  greater  quantitie  then  hath  byn  lycenced  Or  in  suffering  the  same 
to  passe  beyond  the  Seas  under  Color  of  Transportacon  from  Port  to 
Port  within  the  Realme  His  Majestie  doth  in  like  manner  will  and 
Comand  that  all  abuses  in  that  behalf  e  ...  be  strictly  and  diligently 
found  out  and  punished. 


462  APPENDIX  L 

A  Report  to  the  Lord  Mayor  on  the  Subject  of  London  Corn 
Dealers,  4  February,  1646-47  l 

[A  committee  makes  the  following  report  in  answer  to  the  complaints 
of  mealmen  against  corn  chandlers,  both  sides  having  been  given  a 
hearing.] 

That  it  is  not  fitt  that  the  Corne  chaundlers  or  any  others  should 
use  the  selling  of  Meale  and  Flower  of  wheate  in  their  houses,  or 
shopps  (that  being  noe  part  of  the  Trade  of  Corne  Chaundlers)  and 
that  all  Meale  brought  to  the  Citie  of  London  to  bee  sould,  be  sould 
and  put  to  sale  in  the  publique  and  Common  Marketts  undressed  and 
not  in  private  houses  and  shopps  whereby 

First  the  Country  Mealemen,  and  Badger,  (allowed  according  to 
the  lawe  and)  who  heretofore  furnished  the  Citie  and  places  adiacent 
shall  bee  encouraged  to  furnish  the  Marketts  as  formerly. 

The  Meale  marketts  mayntayned  for  the  Common  use  of  the  In- 
habitants of  the  Citie. 

The  Lord  Maior  and  Aldermen  may  from  tyme  to  tyme  have  notice 
what  store  of  Meale  is  brought  to  the  Citie  by  the  Clarkes  of  the 
severall  Marketts  upon  their  Oathes  as  formerly  which  now  as  the 
same  is  carryed  by  the  Corne  Chaundlers  and  others  cannot  bee  donn. 

The  much  deceite  in  weights  and  measures,  mingled  and  conjured 
stuffe  may  bee  avoyded. 

The  Forestallinge  of  the  Marketts  neere  London  and  the  much  in- 
grossing  of  the  finest  wheate  prevented. 

Meane  persons  who  will  not  bee  contented  but  with  the  finest  wilbe 
then  contented  to  use  the  same  as  it  comes  ground  from  the  mill. 

That  the  multitude  of  meale  sellers  in  private  houses  and  shoppes 
out  of  the  common  and  publique  Marketts  (a  Trade  not  warranted  by 
lawe)  and  their  taking  of  many  apprentices  may  be  prevented. 

But  wee  doe  not  hereby  intend  that  any  Corne  Chaundler  who  may 
furnish  the  Marketts  shalbe  restrayned  hereby  to  make  his  house  or 
shopps  a  storehouse  to  keep  meale  for  fornishing  the  Marketts,  Soe 
as  they  sell  not  any  in  their  private  shopps  or  houses,  but  in  the  open 
Marketts. 

We  further  conceive  it  good  for  the  Commonwealth  that  Boalting 
Mills  in  generall  were  suppressed  by  some  Ordinance  of  Parliament, 
All  which  neverthelesse  we  leave  to  the  grave  Judgment  of  the  honor- 
able Court.     The  sixth  day  of  January  1646. 

1  Repertory,  voL  lviii,  fols.  54-55. 


APPENDIX  L  463 

The  Sale  of  Corn  in  the  Suburbs  of  London,  5  December,  1650 * 

Answer  of  the  Lord  Maior  and  Aldermen  of  this  Citty  to  the  pro- 
posals of  the  justices  of  peace  of  Middlesex]  Concerning  the  selling 
of  Meale  in  publique  places  in  the  suburbs  ...  To  be  presented  to 
the  Councell  of  Trade  appointed  by  Parliament.  .  .  . 

If  the  marketts  proposed  to  bee  neere  the  Citty  should  bee  yeilded 
unto,  the  Marketts  of  this  Citty  would  bee  thereby  forestalled,  and 
by  that  meanes  would  inevitablie  ensue  an  Inhancement  of  the  price 
of  Meale  and  a  Scarcity  of  that  and  other  provisions.  .  .  . 

And  as  to  the  inconveniences  pretended  if  the  new  Marketts  desired 
should  not  bee  erected  [in  the  suburbs],  .  .  .  And  whereas  they  [of 
the  suburbs]  pretended  they  were  formerly  furnished  by  the  Meale 
shopps.     It  is  Answered. 

It  is  but  of  very  late  yeares  that  there  have  bene  Any  Considerable 
number  of  Meal  shopps  either  in  the  Citty  or  Suburbes,  the  Inhabi- 
tants thereof  being  till  then,  as  now,  Supplyed  by  publique  Marketts 
of  this  Citty  only  without  Complaynt  of  any  inconvenience. 

The  generallity  of  the  poore  aswell  as  others  usually  furnish  them- 
selves from  the  Bakers  which  Live  amongst  them. 

[London  intends  to  extend  her  system  of  markets  to  the  suburbs]. 

[Those  coming  within  the  walls  for  corn  usually  have  other  goods 
to  purchase]. 

As  to  the  pretended  dearenesse  of  Meale  since  the  late  Act  It  is 
answered,  that  upon  examination  it  is  found,  that  red  Wheat  is  Cheaper 
since,  then  before,  and  though  white  Wheate  bee  somewhat  dearer 
yet  that  the  Same  is  Cheifly  occasioned  by  the  usinge  of  the  Meale 
thereof  instead  of  flower,  [as  well  as  by  floods]. 

1  Repertory,  vol.  lxi,  fols.  27  f. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(Manuscripts  and  printed  sheets,  pamphlets,  and  books  used  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  work.) 

M.    Manuscript  Sources 
i.   Record  Office: 

Customs  Accounts  (K.  R.),  1303-1565. 
Exchequer  Accounts  (K.  R.). 
Patent  and  Close  Rolls. 
Pipe  Rolls. 

Pipe  Rolls  of  the  Bishopric  of  Winchester  (Ecclesiastical  Commis- 
sion, Various). 
Port  Books  (K.  R.),  1565-Geo.  III. 
Rentals  and  Surveys,  General  Series. 
State  Papers. 
Treasury  Books. 
Treasury  Papers. 

2.  Treasury  Office: 

Council  Register. 

3.  British  Museum: 

Divers  collections,  particularly  Harleian,  Lansdowne,  and  Additional. 

4.  Guildhall  of  London: 

Corn  Book  (Comptroller's  Office). 
Journals  of  the  Common  Council. 
Letter  Books. 
Repertories  of  the  Court  of  Aldermen. 

5.  London  Companies: 

Bakers,  Wheat  Books,  No.  62,  1537-68;  No.  63,  1582-1631. 

Brewers,  Minute  Books,  1531  following;  Account  Books,  15th  cen- 
tury following. 

Butchers,  Account  Books,  1 544-1646. 

Carpenters,  Wardens  Account  Books,  1 555-1647. 

Clothworkers,  Renter  and  Quarter  Wardens  Accounts,  1 590-1639. 

Cutlers,  Accounts,  1581-1621;  Precepts,  1 588-1 700. 

Drapers,  Renters  Accounts,  1 580-1643. 

Fishmongers   [Wardens  Accounts],  1636-82. 

Grocers,  "  The  Booke  of  the  Corne  Accompte,"  1616-75. 

Haberdashers,  Court  Assistants,  Nos.  I  and  II,  17th  century,  Gen- 
eral Account  Books,  1634-68. 

Ironmongers,  Companys  Register,  1 541-1670. 

Mercers,  Second  Wardens  Accounts,  1617-90. 

Merchant  Tailors,  Accounts,  1 569-1682. 

Salters,  [Minute  Books],  early  17th  century. 

Skinners,  Receipts  and  Payments,  1 564-1672. 

46s 


v 


466 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Stationers,  Liber  A,  14  H.  VTII-1791. 

Wax  Chandlers,  Renter  Wardens  Accounts,  ca.  1531-1671. 

6.  Custom  Houses: 

London,  Letter  Books,  Board  Orders,  etc. 
Stockton,  "  Booke  of  Instruction." 
Yarmouth,  "  Orders,  1671-1721,"  etc. 

7.  Provincial  Town  Archives: 

Ipswich,      chiefly  toll  accounts  and  minute  books. 
Lynn,  ■        «          ■  «         « 

Sandwich,        ■ 
Yarmouth,      ■        «  «  *        « 

8.  University  Collections: 

University  of  Cambridge  Library,  Cambridge. 
Bodleian  Library,  Oxford. 

9.  Library  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries,  London,  Broadsides,  etc. 

Particular  attention  is  here  called  to  three  documents  or  sets  of  docu- 
ments: the  Corn  Book  at  the  Guildhall,  the  accounts  of  the  various  City 
Companies,  and  the  Customs  Accounts  and  Port  Books  at  the  Record 
Office. 

The  Corn  Book  is  a  paper  folio,  leather  bound,  in  good  condition,  in  the 
keeping  of  the  Bridgehouse  committee  of  the  Comptroller's  Department, 
Guildhall,  London.  The  date  covered  is  9  April,  1568  to  1  July,  1581.  The 
title  reads  thus:  "  This  Booke  made  for  all  suche  Corne  as  shalbe  Bowghte 
By  Roberte  Essington  and  Thomas  Bates  for  the  Cittis  accoumpte  and 
Layed  up  into  the  Brindge  Howse."  It  contains  a  record  of  grain  sold  by 
the  City  to  bakers,  brewers,  private  persons  and  especially  to  the  poor  upon 
the  open  markets,  and  gives  such  further  particulars  of  sale  as  date,  amount, 
kind  of  grain,  price  per  quarter,  and  the  total  amount  received  from  each 
sale. 

The  corn  accounts  of  the  City  companies  contain  similarly  detailed  in- 
formation. Many  companies,  such  as  the  Vintners,  lost  their  records  in  the 
Great  Fire,  others,  such  as  the  Fishmongers  and  Stationers,  have  but  frag- 
ments now  remaining,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  a  few  companies  have  very 
voluminous,  though  not  complete  accounts,  such  as  the  Merchant  Tailors 
and  Drapers.  Particular  mention  should  be  made  of  the  Wheat  Books  at 
the  Bakers'  Hall,  Nos.  62  (1537-68),  and  63  (1582-1631). 

Special  attention  is,  however,  called  to  the  K.  R.  Customs  Accounts  and 
the  K.  R.  Port  Books  at  the  Record  Office,  which,  more  than  any  other  single 
set  of  manuscripts,  have  been  the  basis  of  this  work.  The  former  series 
extends  from  1275  to  1565,  the  latter  from  1565  to  nearly  1800.  Both  con- 
tain detailed  information  concerning  the  shipment  of  corn  at  the  various 
ports,  coastwise,  export  and  import,  and  give  such  particulars  as  date,  ship, 
shipper  and  amount,  kind  and  price  of  grain.  The  Customs  Accounts  are 
described  in  Scargill-Bird's  Guide,  but  of  the  Port  Books  (as  well  as  Coast 
Bonds)  very  little  is  known  since  the  series  has  only  lately  been  made  acces- 
sible. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  467 

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INDEX 


INDEX 


Roman  figures  refer  to  the  preface;  Arabic  to  the  text.    The  appendices  are  indexed  only  in  part. 
Whenever  a  word  occurs  in  a  footnote  as  well  as  in  the  text,  the  text  alone  is  indicated. 
The  following  abbreviations  are  used: 

n.  i,  n.  2,  etc.,  indicate  the  number  of  the  note. 

nn.  indicates  more  than  one  note. 

n.  alone  indicates  a  note  continued  from  the  previous  page. 


Abrokieres,  159  n.  4. 

Adderbury,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Afeering,  68. 

Africa,  North,  103. 

Agriculture,  46,  51,  89,  97,  166,  201,  204, 

218,  236,  254  n.  1,  255,  256. 

and  the  market,  1 26. 

,  commercial,  26,  27,  30,  125. 

,  Dutch,  125. 

encouraged,  140,  149,  221. 

,  improvements  in,  50, 149,  215,  222, 

231  n.  3,  243,  244,  255. 

,  productivity,  14,  96,  126,  216  n.  1. 

,  protection  of,  148. 

,  specialization  in,  258. 

,  writers  on,  125. 

Aldboro,  106. 

Aldermen,  Court  of,  89,  104. 

Ale,  172. 

Alfred,  law  of,  32. 

Aliens,    exports,    in.     See   merchant, 

foreign. 
Alresford,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Alum,  191,  193. 
America,  116  n.  5,  257. 
Amsterdam,  103  n.  3,  104  n.  i,  114  n.  4, 

195,  208,  246,  247. 
Ancient  demesne,  3  n.  1. 
Andalusia,  115  n.  1,  190. 
Andrews,  C.  M.,  10  n.  1. 
Antwerp,  246. 

Apothecaries,  71  n.  1,  167  n.  4. 
Apuldrum,  55. 
Aqua  vitae,  192. 
Araskhaniantz,  A.,  71  n.  4. 


Areas,  consuming  and  producing,  62  f., 
213-20,  232.  See  local  areas  and 
market,  local. 

Armor,  191. 

Artificers,  202,  237. 

Ashley,  5  n.  3,  17  n.  1,  22  n.  6, 80  nn.,  92 
nn.,  130  n.  2,  219. 

Ashmansworth,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Assize  of  Customs,  Great  Winchester, 

134- 
Athelstan,  law  of,  32. 
Atton  and  Holland,  144  n.  2. 
Augsburg,  93,  194  n.  1. 
Avenel,  G.  d',  12. 
Averagium,  6  n.  2,  7,  8,  20. 
Averia,  7. 
Aver-silver,  7. 
Avoirdupois,  151. 
Azores,  191,  193. 

Badger,  152,  154,  183!.,  200,  236-239, 
462. 

Bagger,  183. 

Bailiff-farming,  10,  26,  28-30. 

Bailiffs'  accounts,  n,  15  n.,  18. 

Bakers,  69,  77,  78,  80,  83  n.  5,  86,  105, 
107,  133,  153  n.  1,  160  n.  3,  162,  183 
n.  4,  185  n.  4,  187  n.  2,  189,  196,  200, 
203,  237-239,  324,  327  f.,  356,  421, 
424  f.,  450  f.,  463,  465,  466. 

Baltic,  103,  114,  116  n.  7,  244,  246. 

Barbadoes,  115  n.  1,  116. 

Barbary,  191. 

Barbary  sugar,  190. 

Barcelona,  191. 


483 


4»4 


INDEX 


Barley,  7  n.  1, 14  n.  3, 15, 16  n.,  35  f.,  52, 

91    n.  4,    132,    139  f.,    161   n.  4,    184, 

216  n.  1,  239,  262,  264,  268,  401  f.,  415 

f.,  441. 
Barnet,  66. 

Barnstaple,  271,  281,  297,  314,  315. 
Barton,  20  n.  8,  370. 
Basingstoke,  33. 
Battle  area,  41  f.,  121,  122. 
Bayeux,  3  n.  1. 
Bayona  (Galicia),  190,  193. 
Bayonne,  189. 
Beader,  168  n.  1. 
Beauworth,  261  {.,  370  f. 
Bedfordshire,  ax,  48,  63,  66,  104  n.  3, 

128  n.,  223  n.  1,  456. 
Beef,  138,  193. 
Beer,  77,  192,  245,  437. 
Bentley,  263  f.,  370  f. 
Bergen  (Neth.),  114  n.  4,  115  n. 
Bergen,  North,  115  n. 
Berkshire,  48. 
Berwick,  106,  136. 
Biadaiuolus,  162  n.  5. 
Bilboa  (Biscay),  190. 
Billingsgate,  66,  185  n.  4. 
Biscuits,  191. 
Bitterne,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Black  Death,  24,  27,  29. 
Bladarius,  163,  168. 
Blader,  160  n.  2,  163,  164. 
Blakeney,  50,  106. 
Bodger,  183.    See  badger. 
Bolden  Buke,  6  n.  1,  9,  24  n.  1. 
Bond,  228,  233,  236.    See  coast-bond. 
Book  of  Orders,  36  nn.,  38,  133  n.,  183 

n.  2,  184  nn.,  196, 207, 229, 236  f.,  242. 
Boothmen,  167  n.  4,  170. 
Bordeaux,  104  n.  1,  115  n.  1,  116  n.  6, 

190,  192. 
Borough,  33,  35. 
Boston,  106,  107,  no,  112  n.  2,  196  n., 

272,  282,  297. 
Boulting,  188. 
Bounty,  corn,  113  f.,  144!.,   245,  253, 

254,  420. 
Bounty,  corn,  debentures,  1 13, 145, 418  f. 
Brazil,  191,  435. 


Bread,  36  f.,  68,  70,  77,  91  n.  3,  133, 162 

nn.,  457. 
Bread,  assize  of,  133. 
Bremen,  103  n.  3. 
Brest,  136. 

Bretagne,  Earl  of,  3  n.  1. 
Brewers,   153   n.  1,  196,    203,  237-239, 

327  f.,  344,  421,  423  f.,  450  f.,  458, 

465. 
Bridgehouse,   79  f.,  86,   87  nn.,   88  nn., 

324,  33°,  45*.  453,  454,  466. 
Bridgewater,  39,  112  n.  2,  196  n.,  272, 

283,  284,  298. 
Bridgewaters,  190. 
Brightwell,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Brille,  114  n.  4. 
Bristol,  49,  72  n.  1,  80,  100  n.  3, 104, 106, 

107,  112  n.  2,  115,  129,  161,  166,  173, 

176,  213  n.  2,  214  n.,  247,  273,  284, 

285,  299,  300,  315. 
Bristol  area,  41  f.,  121,  122,  124. 
Britannia  Languens,  208,  256  n.  2. 
Brittany,  194  n.  1. 
Brockhampton,  267  f. 
Brogger,  153  n.  1,  183.    See  badger. 
Broker,  70, 158  f.,  168  n.  3, 179, 181,  338. 
Broker,  corn,  70  f.,  87  n.  3,  158  f.,  167, 

179  f.,  200. 
Brokerage,  159  nn.,  168  n.  3. 
Bromley,  23  n.  4. 
Bruges,  no  n.  2,  116  n.  5,  246. 
Buckinghamshire,  48,  66. 
Buckle,  Robert,  197., 
Biicher,  K.,  viii. 
Burford,  48  n.  5. 
Burgesses,  33,  178. 
Burghclere,  267  f.,  372  f. 
Burghley,  Lord,  228,  237,  455. 
Burnham,  312,  313. 
Burton  Abbey,  3  n.  1,  4  n.  1. 
Burton  Chartulary,  3  n.  1,  6n.  3,  8  n.  1, 

9  n.  1,  23  nn. 
Burwell,  21. 
Busch,  W.,  221  n.  10. 
Bushell  Bread,  37  n.  2. 
Butcher,  166,  178,  203. 
Butter,  127,  128,  131  n.,  138,  139,  152, 

154,  178,  186,  190,  191,  441. 


INDEX 


485 


Cable,  193. 

Cadiz,  115  n.  1. 

Caen,  104  n.  1. 

Calais,  74  n.  6,  135,  136,  217. 

Calbourne,  371  f. 

Calico,  190. 

Cam,  49. 

Cambridge,  20  n.  8,  21,  63,  124. 

Cambridge  area,  41  {.,  121,  122,  172. 

Cambridge,  University  of,  109  n.  1. 

Cambridgeshire,   9  n.,  21,  48,   66,  104 

n.  3,  109,  127  n.  1,  171,  174,  175,  223 

n.  1,  456- 
Camden,  W.,  231  n.  3. 
Canals,  49. 

Canaries,  116  n.  5,  191. 
Candia,  191. 
Candles,  191. 
Canterbury,  21,  22. 
Cantle,  72  n.  1. 
Canvas,  192. 
Canynges  of  Bristol,  173. 
Capital,  182,  188,  257,  258. 
Capitalism,  modern,  257. 
Capitalist,  198. 

Capitalistic  sheep  farming,  29. 
Cappers,  203. 
Caps,  191. 
Carlisle,  39. 
Carnifex,  170  n.  2. 
Carpenters,  203,  365,  465. 
Carpets,  190. 
Carriagium,  6  nn.,  7. 
Carrier,  152,  154,  183,  238. 
Carrier,  common,  153  n.  1. 
Carrying  service,  6  f.,  10,  20,  22,  23,  26, 

127,  216.     See  averagium  and  sum- 

magium. 
Carta  Mercatoria,  134,  147,  151. 
Cattle,  16  n.,  18,  19,  153  n.  4,  154. 
Ceapstowe,  32. 
Census  of  1801,  74. 
Census  of  1831,  75  n.  3. 
Centralstadt,  98. 

Certificate  Books,  105, 196,  220,  228  n.  2. 
Chandlers,  corn,  86,  162  n.  1,  184  f.,  197 

n.  2,  198,  200,  462. 
Chapman,  32,  73  n. 


Cheese,  6  n.  1,  20  n.  2,  128,  131  n.,  138, 

139,  iS2»  154,  178,  186,  190,  191,  441. 
Cherbourg,  136. 
Cheriton,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Chester,  23  n.  5,  39,  100  n.  1,  185  n.  3. 
Chichester,  50,  106,  112  n.  2,  234,  273, 

285,  286,  300,  301,  316. 
Cider,  126  n.  2. 
Civitavecchia,  191. 
Clere,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Clere,  High,  263  f.,  372  f. 
Cloth,  135, 151, 172, 177, 190  f.,  430  f. 
Clothiers,  203,  239,  256  n.  2. 
Clothworkers,  361,  421,  423  f.,  458,  465. 
Coal,  53,  89  n.  1,  128. 
Coast-bond,  228,  466. 
Coast  trade,  297  f. 
Cocket,  152. 
Cockfield,  21. 
Coin,  148  n.  2,  247. 
Colchester,  21,  106. 
Collars,  192. 
Comb  (measure),  401  f. 
Commerce,    177,    201,    204    n.  5.     See 

trade. 
Commission  agent,  162,  200. 
Common  Council,  London,  119  n.  1. 
Commons,  House  of,  101,  135  f.,  148, 

214  f. 
Commutation,  18,  26  f.,  33. 
Companies,    256   n.  2,    257.     See  craft 

gilds. 
Companies  of  London,  76  nn.,  79,  83  f., 

117-119,  122,  168,  169,  196,  198  n.  1, 

324  f.,  421  f.,  457  f.,  466. 
Coney-skins,  192. 
Consumer,  68,  71,  134,  169,  170,  172, 

177,  178,  181,  182,  189,  204,  214,  229, 

232. 
Consuming  area,  62,  213  f.,  218,  232. 
Cordovan  skins,  190. 
Cords,  192. 
Corn  Book  of  London,  81,  105,  327,  465, 

466. 
Corn,  in  tasso,  388. 

laws,  vii,  130  f.,  243.     See  statutes. 

masters,  460. 

,  mill,  13  n.  3,  15  n.,  370  f. 


486 


INDEX 


Corn,  official  valuation  of,  232. 

,  prices  of.    See  prices. 

regulations,  65  f.,  72  n.,  89  f.,  233  f., 

460,  461.    See  statutes. 
,  surplus  of,  214,  216,  237,  238,  242, 

244,  255,  258- 

,  tithe,  390  f. 

Cornelisson,  Jacob,  195,  197. 

Cornhill,  66  n.  3. 

Cornman,  183,  358. 

Cornwall,  52,  64,  107. 

Correctier,  158. 

Correspondence,  Ancient,  172. 

Corsers,  421. 

Cost  of  storing  corn,  366. 

Cotton,  190,  191,  193. 

Courtier,  158. 

Coverlets,  193. 

Craft  gilds,  33,  65,  82  f.,  178. 

Craftsmen,  170,  238. 

Crawley,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Creighton,  Charles,  74,  75  n.  1. 

Cripplegate,  164. 

Cross-bows,  190. 

Crovdin,  4  n.  2. 

Crowland,  62,  63,  174  n.  2,  175. 

Culham,  263  f. 

Cunningham,  W.,  17  n.  1,  80  n.  2,  in 

n.  3,  129  n.  3,  133  nn.,  221  n.  1,  253 

n.  4,  254  n.  1. 
Curral,  38  n.  1,  265,  270. 
Currants,  191. 
Customs  Accounts,  99-101,    no,    189, 

193,  194  n.  1,  215,  220,  465,  466. 
Customs  duties,  61,  73,  74,  100,  no, 

I3S-I37,  141  i-,  147  1.,  192,  19S,  212, 

214,  217,  227,  232  f.,  244,  249,  251, 

252,  254,  429,  439  f.,  456,  461. 
Customs  officials,  234,  235,  240, 455, 461. 
Cutlers,  86  n.  5,  87  n.  4,  168,  360,  421, 

423  f.,  458,  465. 
Cuxham,  55,  56. 
Cypress  chests,  191. 

Dalrymple,  Sir  John,  254  n.  1. 

Damm,  90. 

Danegeld,  5  n.  2. 

Danzig,  93,  103  n.  3,  104  n.  1,  116  n.  7, 


193,  194  n.  1,  351,  354  n.  1,  357,  359, 
360,  430,  453. 

Dartmouth,  106,  274,  286,  301,  317. 

Dates,  190. 

Dealers,  corn,  150  f.,  157  f.,  176  f.,  462. 
See  middleman,  corn. 

Dearth,  36,  79,  81  n.  2,  82  n.  3,  115,  119, 
136,  138,  139,  162  n.,  178,  180-182, 
184  n.  1,  186,  187,  193-195,  199,  204 
n-  5.  205-207,  216,  217,  219,  223  n. 
2,  229,  235,  239,  242-247,  257,  447  f., 
456  f.,  460,  463. 

Demarest,  E.  B.,  5  n.  2. 

Demesne,  18,  19,  27,  29. 

Derbyshire,  51,  52. 

Devonshire,  52,  107,  401. 

Dialogus  de  Scaccario,  18,  23. 

Domesday  Book,  3  n.  1,  5  n.  1,  8,  32, 
33  nn. 

Dorchester,  5  n.  1. 

Dordrecht,  114  n.  4. 

Dorsetshire,  5  n.  1,  49,  52,  105  n.  1,  no. 

Dover,  50,  106. 

Downton,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Drags,  37,  265,  270. 

Drapers,  167  n.4,  173,  177,  196,  347  f., 
357,  421,  423  i-,  458,  465,  466. 

Drengus,  9  n.  2. 

Drover  of  cattle,  154. 

Droxford,  263  f. 

Dundee,  106. 

Dunkirk,  104  n.  1,  115  n. 

Dunkirkers,  128. 

Dunwich,  21,  48,  106. 

Durham,  6  n.  1,  9  nn.,  39,  53,  54. 

Durham  area,  41  f.,  121. 

Dutch,  103,  117  n.  1,  125,  194,  244,  246, 
251  n.  1,  255.  See  Holland,  Nether- 
lands. 

Dyers,  177,  342,  421,  423  f.,  458. 

Eadric,  law  of,  32. 
East  Anglia,  21,  139,  140,  246. 
East  India  Company,  351. 
East  Indies,  190. 
Eastland,  103  n.  1,  227  n.  5. 
Eastland  Company,  245. 
Ebbesborne,  263  f. 


INDEX 


487 


Economic  schools,  201  f. 

Economists,  classical,  203,  206. 

Edward  the  Elder,  law  of,  32. 

Elham,  55. 

Ellis,  Sir  H.,  3  n.  1. 

Ely  Inquest,  8. 

Emden,  116  n.  5,  192. 

Emdeners,  247. 

Enfield,  127  n.  1,  456. 

Engross,  130,  132,  138,  148,  152  f.,  162, 
183  n.  1,  187  nn.,  229,  233,  238,  240, 
249,  250,  252,  254,  462. 

Engrossing  merchant,  198. 

Enkhuisen,  114  n.  4. 

Enlargyne  of  Corne,  224. 

Ersham,  39. 

Essere,  377,  380. 

Essex,  5,  46,  48,  52,  54,  64,  105  n.  1,  107, 
128  n.,  224  n.  4,  456. 

Essex  area,  East,  41  f.,  107,  121,  122. 

Exeter,  247,  274,  286,  301,  317. 

Exmouth,  106. 

Export  of  corn,  16,  22,  77,  93,  94,  nof., 
123,  125, 172,  173,  190,  196,  198,  203, 
211  f.,  224m  1,  225,  227,228,  241,  243- 
245,  248,  249,  252-254,  281  f.,  447  f. 

Export  of  corn,  laws  governing,  134  f., 

243- 
Export   of    corn,    regulations    for    the, 

72  n.,  230,  232,  234-236,  240,  251,  252. 
Export  of  prohibited  goods,  193. 
Exporter,  200,  203. 
Eye,  33  n.  3. 

Faber,  R.,  59,  130  n.  1,  134  n.  4,  144 
n.  2,  210,  216  n.  2,  221,  222  nn.,  226 
n.  3,  231  n.  3,  253  n.  4,  254  n.  1. 

Factors,  188. 

Fair,  151,  186  n.  3,  192. 

Fareham,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Farm,  6  n.  5.    See  town  farm. 

Farmours  for  corne,  237. 

Farnham,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Faversham,  50,  106,  330,  331. 

Feathers,  192. 

Fen  country,  125. 

Figs,  148  n.  4. 

Fire  of  London,  87. 


Fish,  4  n.  2,  9  n.  1,  23  n.  4,  68,  131  nn., 

140,  151,  152,  160  n.  3,  162,  174,  181 

n.  1,  191,  193,  441. 
Fisherman,  166. 
Fishmongers,  87  n.  4,  173,  197,  368,  421, 

423  f.,  458,  465,  466. 
Fitzherbert,  125. 
Flanders,  22  n.  1,  no  n.  2,  138  n.  2,  172, 

173,  192,  193,  358. 
Flax,  192. 
Fleetwood,  12  n.  1. 
Flesh,  4  n.  2,  151,  152,  178  n.  2. 
Florence,  65  n.  1,  162. 
Flouremongere,  163  n.  5. 
Flushing,  114  n.  4. 
Fondaco,  163. 
Fonthill,  263  f.,  376  f. 
Fonticarii,  163. 
Food-farms,  5. 
Forestalling,  67,  72  n.,  130, 131, 132, 150, 

152  f.,  156,  162,  166,  176,  233,  252  n. 

1,  463. 
Fortescue,  Sir  John,  48  n.  2,  101. 
Forum,  20. 

Fowey,  278,  292,  309,  310,  322,  323. 
Fowl,  1 6  n.,  138. 
France,  191,  192,  208,  247,  359,  429. 

,  carrying  services  in,  8  n.  4. 

,  corn  from,  104,  117,  138  n.  2. 

,  corn  sent  to,  116,  117. 

,  market  area  in,  98. 

,  metropolitan  market  in,  122  n.  2. 

,  physiocrats  in,  204. 

,  pirates  of,  192. 

,  prices  in,  12  n.  4. 

,  serfs  in,  26  n.  1. 

,  town  regulations  of,  72  n. 

Frankpledge,  133. 
Free-trade,  135,  203,  204,  207. 
Friezes,  Irish,  191,  192,  193. 
Fruit,  126,  129  n.  3,  152,  162. 
Fruiterers,  126  n.  2,  342. 
Fuel,  138  n.  2,  455. 
Fullers,  177. 
Fur,  152,  192,  193. 

Galicia,  190,  193. 
Galls,  191. 


488 


INDEX 


Gascony,  135,  136,  172. 
Gawdy  accounts,  402,  403. 
Gay,  E.  F.,  ix,  38,  219,  474,  475. 
Genesis  of  corn-middlemen,  200. 
Genetic  economist,  viii.    See  stages. 
Genetic  stages,  25.    See  stages. 
Genoa,  115,  116  n. 

Germany,  corn  from,  100,  103,  no  n.  2. 
Ghent,  00,  94. 

Gibbins,  H.  de  B.,  3  n.  1,  24  n.  3. 
Gild  provision  of  corn,  82  f. 
Gilds,  65.    See  craft  gilds.- 
Giry,  A.,  158  n.  8,  159  nn. 
Glasgow,  115  n.  1. 
Glaston,  6  n.  1. 
Glatten,  62,  175. 
Gloucester,  7  n.  2,  196  n. 
Gloucestershire,  46,  49,  213  n.  2. 
Gold,  18,  190,  191,  192. 
Goldsmiths,  421,  423  f.,  458. 
Gonner,  E.  C.  K.,  219  n.  3. 
Gottenburg,  115  n.  1. 
Gracechurch,  66,  68,  164. 
Granaiuoli,  162  n.  1. 
Granary,  79, 117  n.  1, 156, 165, 171, 196, 
197,  204  n.  s,  207,  237,  246,  247  f.,  252, 

255,  257,  458  f- 
Granary  system,  73,  80,  91,  92,  122,  196, 

197,  199,  205,  247  f.,  450,  451. 
Gras,  N.  S.  B.,  133  n.  6,  134  n.3, 144  n.  1. 
Graunt,  John,  74. 
Great  Mario w,  165,  169. 
Greece,  191. 

Green,  J.  R.,  24  n.  4,  53  n.  2. 
Gresham  Accounts,  401. 
Grey,  A.,  254  n.  1. 
Grimsby,  106. 
Groceries,  192. 
Grocers,  38,  158  n.  5,  177-179,  19°,  342, 

35o,  359,  3631.,  421,  423  i-,  428,  458, 

465- 
Gross,  C.,  23  n.  3,  170  nn.,  171  n. 
Grosseteste,  4  n.  2,  23  n.  1. 
Guinea,  116  n.  5. 

Haarlem,  114  n.  4. 

Haberdashers,  87  n.  3,  88  n.  1,  202,  367, 
421, 423  f.,  458,  465. 


Hales,  J.,  138,  139  n.  1,  202,  203,  222, 

256  n.  1. 
Hall,  H.,  10  n.,  24  n.  2,  370  n.  1.    See 

Winchester,  bishopric,  Pipe  Roll  of. 
Hambledon,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Hamburg,  90,  93,  94,  103  n.  3,  104  n.  1, 

US  n-,  192,  194  n.  1,  357. 
Hamburghers,  247. 
Hampshire,  33,  49,  105  n.  1. 
Hamton,  6  n.  1. 
Handicraft  industry,  257  n.  1. 
Handicraftsmen,  170  n.  7,  177. 
Handkerchiefs,  152. 
Hanse,  merchants,  103,  148  n.  1,  171, 

246. 
Harrison,  W.,  38,  48  n.  5,  184  n.  2. 
Hartlepool,  106. 
Harwell,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Harwich,  21,  106. 
Hasbach,  W.,  221. 
Hastings,  106. 
Hauptstadt,  98. 
Havant,  263  f. 
Hay,  126,  129  n.  3. 
Hemp,  148  n.  4,  192. 
Henley,  48  n.  5,  106,  165  n.  16,  330  f. 
Henley,  Walter  of,  4  n.  2,  17  n.  1,  23 

n.  1. 
Herbert,  C.  J.,  12,  204-206,  249  n.  2. 
Herbert,  W.,  167,  168  n.  7,  169  nn. 
Hertford,  165. 
Hertfordshire,  5,  9  n.,  21,  66,  104  n.  3, 

127  n.  1,  184,456. 
Hides,  190,  191,  192,  193. 
Hlothaere,  law  of,  32. 
Hoarders,  460. 

Hochstetter,  Joachim,  194  n.  1. 
Holland,  103  n.  3, 172, 173, 194  n.  1,  246, 

253- 
Hollanders,  247.    See  Dutch. 
Holme,  62,  174  n.  3,  175. 
Hops,  371  f. 
Hornchurch,  55. 

Horses,  6  n.  1,  16  n.,  18,  19,  126,  135. 
Houghton,  J.,  37  n.  2,  41,  119,  120  n.  2, 

121,  253. 
Hovedon,  Roger  of,  132  n.  4. 
Hoxney,  33. 


INDEX 


489 


Huckster,  162,  170,  178. 

Hull,  106,  107,  109,  in,  112  n.  2,  113, 

173,  274,  287,  302,  303,  317,  318,  359. 
Hundred,  the,  5  n.  2. 
Huntingdon,  63. 
Huntingdonshire,    21,   48,   62,   66,    104 

n.  3,  174,  175,  223  n.  1. 
Hythe,  50,  106. 

Ilfracombe,  271,  281,  297,  314. 

Import  of  corn,  99  f.,  123,  188,  194,  202 
n.  2,  215,  217-220,  228,  241,  242,  244, 
250,  251,  254,  255,  271  f- 

Import  of  corn,  laws  governing,  147  f., 
217,  228. 

Importer,  182. 

Importing  corn  merchants,  177,  178. 

Inclosures,  218  f. 

Indies,  192. 

Industrial  policy,  255. 

Industrial  Sussex,  54. 

Industry,  177,  201,  204,  257.  See  manu- 
facture. 

Ine,  law  of,  32. 

Innkeepers,  153  n.  1. 

Institutions,  25. 

Insula,  370  f. 

Interest,  96. 

Intermanorial  market,  257  n.  1. 

Intermanorial  organization,  3  f. 

Intermanorial  phase  of  metropolitan 
economy,  257  n.  1. 

Intermanorial  subsistence,  256. 

Ipswich,  21,  46,  48,  106,  112  n.  2,  131 
n.  4,  275,  288,  303,  466. 

Ireland,  72  n.,  85,  135,  436. 

,  corn  from,  55,  100,  104,  116,  135, 

147,  148,  360- 
,  corn  to,  100  n.  1,  115,  116,  135, 

235  n.  2. 

,  general  exports  to  England,  193. 

,  general  imports  from  England,  193. 

Iron,  190,  192. 

Ironmongers'   Company,  86,  353,  421, 

423  f.,  458,  465. 
Italy,  115  n.  2,  116  n.  5,  247. 
Itchingswell,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Ivinghoe,  263  f.,  372  f. 


Jacobs,  Lucas,  194,  195,  197,  352. 

Jakesle  (Yaxley),  33,  174  n.  3,  175. 

Jamaica,  115  n.  1,  116. 

Jevons,  S.,  34  n.  2. 

Jews,  129  n.  2. 

Joint  stock,  88,  89  n.  1. 

Journals,  London,  100,  102,  169,  223, 

465. 
Justices  of  the  peace,  133  n.,  149,  152, 

154,  i5S»  183  n.  2,  231,  232,  234-240, 

448,  461,  463. 

Kent,  46,  47,  50,  52,  64,  105  n.  1,  106, 

107,  125,  126, 189,  224  nn.,  330  f. 
Kent  area,  East,  41  f.,  121,  122. 
Kent,  Weald  of,  50,  52,  54. 
Kersey,  190,  191,  192. 
Kidder,  152,  154,  183. 
Kinninghall,  8  n.  5. 
Kircaldy,  114  n.  4. 
Kirkly  Road,  48. 
Knoyle,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Knoyle,  Upton,  263  f. 

Labor,  25,  27.    See  carrying  services. 

Lader,  152,  154,  183. 

Laissez-faire,  199.    See  free  trade. 

Lamprecht,  K.,  12  n.  2. 

Lastage,  no,  212. 

Lawford,  21. 

Lea,  49,  52,  67,  109,  456. 

Lead,  53,  190-192,  430,  442. 

Leadam,  I.  S.,  219. 

Leadenhall,  79,   80,  89  n.,  324,  333  f., 

458. 
Leghorn,  115,  191. 
Legislation.    See  statutes. 
Leicestershire,  51,  52. 
Leigh,  106. 
Leith,  106. 
Lemons,  190. 
Leonard,  E.  M.,  132  n.  8. 
Letter  Books  of  London,  165,  223. 
Leuce,  214  n. 
Levant,  191.    See  Turkey. 
Liber  Albus,  66  nn.,  67  nn.,  71,  158  n.  3, 

160  nn.,  171  n.  4. 


49Q 


INDEX 


License,  18, 19  n.  4,  59  f.,  100,  no,  134  f., 
153  n.4,  154,  i55i  *73,  184,  195,  207, 
210,  212,  214,  215,  221,  226,  227,  232, 
233.  235.  237,  238,  243,  461. 

Liebermann,  F.,  170  n.  5. 

Lincolnshire,  51,  105  n.  1, 106,  124,  174. 

Linen,  192. 

Linen  yarn,  193. 

Liquorice,  190. 

Lisbon,  115  n.  1,  116  n.  5,  190,  193. 

Livery,  88  n.  3. 

Livings,  179  n.  3. 

Loaders,  456. 

Local  areas,  41  f.,  55  f.,  171,  177,  182. 
See  areas,  consuming  and  producing. 

Local  corn  dealers,  157  f. 

Local  economy,  25,  128,  257  n.  1. 

Local  machinery,  233. 

Local  market.    See  market,  local. 

Local  middleman,  180  f.  See  middleman, 
corn. 

Local  policy,  211,  213  f. 

Local  regulations,  132. 

Local  self-sufficiency,  242. 

Local  trade  organization,  174. 

Localism,  94. 

London,  5,  6  n.  3,  7  n.  1,  8  n.  1,  20  n.  8, 
21,  39,  44,  5°,  52  i-,  64  i.,  90,  99  f., 
122  f.,  160,  162,  167,  173,  174,  177, 
185,  187-189,  194,  221  f.,  240,  242, 
255-257,  304,  324,  444,  447,  449  f-, 
455,  459,  462  f-    See  metropolis. 

area,  52,  54. 

,  corn  exports,  in  f.,  123,  196,  197, 

220,  288,  289. 

,  corn  imports,  100  n.  2,  101  f.,  162 

n.,  196,  220,  246,  275,  276. 

,  corn  provision,  77  f.,  82  f. 

,  domestic  supply,  104  f.,  123,  169, 

171, 188, 195,  196  nn.,  243,  297  f.,  319, 
320,  449  f.,  456. 

,  fire  of,  87. 

,  growth  of,  73-77, 99, 102, 103, 126, 

128,  129  n.  3,  198,  222,  228,  246. 

,  market,  66  f.,  98,  99,  169. 

,  policy  of,  223,  224,  227,  242. 

,  prices,  99,  117  f.,  122,  324  f.,  460. 

,  staple,  244,  245. 


Lovekyn,  John,  173. 

Low  Countries,  195. 

Lullington,  55. 

Lutterworth,  20  n.  1. 

Lutz,  H.  L.,  38. 

Lynn,  62  f.,  106-109,  III-II4,  124, 
171  f.,  196  nn.,  212  n.  1,  228,  241,  253, 
276,  277,  289-291,  305-309,  320,  321, 
358,  466. 

Lyons,  129  n.  3. 

Madeira,  115  n.  1,  191. 

Magdeburg,  90. 

Magna  Carta,  132,  212. 

Majorca,  191. 

Makelare,  159  n.  6. 

Malaga,  115  n. 

Maldon,  106. 

Malmesbury,  William  of,  100  n.  1. 

Malmsey,  191. 

Malt-makers,  237. 

Maltsters,  239. 

Mancorn,  37  n.  1,  261,  263,  267. 

Mangere,  170  n.  5. 

Mango  bladi,  163. 

Mangun  de  ble,  163. 

Manorial  accounts,  216. 

Manorial  artisans,  166. 

Manorial  center,  6,  7,  10,  22. 

Manorial  decay,  24  f.,  44. 

Manorial  group,  3  f.,  10  f.,  23,  24,  31, 

213,  214. 
Manorial  marketing,  17  f.,  28,  29, 34, 44- 

46,63,  73,89,  104  n.  3,  211  f. 
Manorial  origins,  10. 
Manorial  price  statistics,  1 1  f . 
Manorial  self-sufficiency,  17,  24. 
Manorial  system,  4,  9,  73,  256. 
Manorial  tenants,  170. 
Manorial  units,  3,  9,  32. 
Mantles,  193. 
Manufacture,  140,  148,  177,  204,  221, 

255,  256  n.  2.    See  industry. 
Mardon,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Margate,  50,  106. 
Market,  vii,  n,  17,  20  f.,  26, 156, 180  f., 

198,  211  f.,  219  n.  3,  236,  237,  239,  250, 

252  n.  1,  256,  257  n.  i,  258,  327  f., 


INDEX 


491 


409  f.,  462, 463.    See  manorial  market- 
ing; price,   market;    and   price,    fair 

market. 

,  central,  126. 

defined,  34. 

disorganization,  93,  218,  220. 

distribution,  208  n.  3. 

equilibrium,  216. 

,  local,  27  f.,  32  f.,  42  f.,  98, 124, 127, 

182,  198,  213  f.,  216,  218,  225,  255,  256. 
,  metropolitan.      See  metropolitan 

market. 

,  nature  of,  32  f. 

,   territorial,  29,  30,  90,  218. 

,  widening,  105  n.  1,  258. 

Market-place,  32,  34,  66  f.,  117,  118. 

Marketing,  manorial,  211  f. 

Marshall,  A.,  34  n.  2. 

Maryland,  115  n.  1. 

Masons,  203. 

Mastan,  345. 

Masts,  140  n.  2,  148  n.  4,  441. 

Mealmen,  92  n.  1,  155,  184  f.,  198,  200, 

348,  349,  361,  362,  462. 
Measure,  Danzig,  351,  354  n.  1. 
Measure,  Winchester,  252  n.  1. 
Measurer,  200. 

Measurers  of  corn,  73  n.  3,  200. 
Measures,  15  n.  1,  39,  69,  132,  150,  212, 

213,  439,  462. 
Mediterranean,  115,  116,  246. 
Meeching,  106. 
Meeter,  corn,  70. 
Melcheburn,  T.,  172  f. 
Melcheburn,  W.,  173  f. 
Meliorating,  126  n.  2. 
Meon,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Mercantile  policy,  urban,  201,  208. 
Mercantilism,  140,  202,  203,  210,  229, 

232,  255. 
Mercantilist  pamphlet,  245. 
Mercantilists,  202. 
Mercator,   20  n.  2,   170  nnM   179  n.  3. 

See  merchant. 
Mercatum,  20,  23  n.  5,  33  n.  1,  161  n.  2. 

See  market. 
Mercers,  86  n.  4,  87  n.  3,  167  n.  4,  177, 

178, 202,366,421,423  f., 427, 458,465. 


Mercery,  151. 

Merchant,  22, 92, 100, 133, 166, 170, 198, 

203,  204  n.  5,  207,  240,  244,  253,  256 

n-  2,  330  f.,  336,  348,  349,  351,  357f., 

366,  457,  460. 

Adventurers,  192. 

,  corn,  87  n.  3,  157,  161,  170  f.,  176, 

179, 180, 188, 193  f.,  199,  206-208,  214, 

252,  364,  365- 
,  foreign,  78,  nof.,  134,  135,  147, 

148  n.  2,  151  f.,  179  n.  3, 195, 196,  202 

n.  2,  212,  247,  251,  252. 

,  general,  180,  189  f.,  193  f.,  429  f. 

,  local,  200. 

shipper,  198,  200. 

,  specialized  com,  189. 

Tailors,  88  n.,  89  n.  2,  332,  357  f., 

421,  423  f.,  458,  465,  466. 
Merchants,  corn,  gild  of,  179. 
Merriman,  R.  B.,  139  n.  1. 
Metage,  84  n. 
Method  of  averaging,  40  f. 
Metropolis,  74,  77,  87,  92,  103,  125,  128, 

194,  198,  199,  228,  244,  250,  255,  257, 

456.    See  London. 
Metropolis,  factors  in  the  growth  of, 

125  f. 
Metropolitan  area,  104,  119,  120,  122, 

123,  125,  232,  244. 
Metropolitan  center,  95. 
Metropolitan  community,  199. 
Metropolitan  demands,  246. 
Metropolitan    development,    230,    242, 

250,  255- 

Metropolitan  difficulties,  257. 

Metropolitan  domestic  trade,  195. 

Metropolitan  economy,  viii,  257  n.  1. 

Metropolitan  free  trade,  203. 

Metropolitan  government,  206,  208,  209. 

Metropolitan  market,  viii,  31,  95  f.,  98, 
99,  104  f.,  117  f.,  122  f.,  183  f.,  194, 
199,  208,  218,  220,  221  f.,  225,  228,  244, 
250,  256,  257. 

Metropolitan  periods,  93,  196. 

Metropolitan  policy,  211,  221  f.,  228, 
232,  242  f.,  250  f. 

Metropolitan  stage  of  market  develop- 
ment, 95,  201,  246. 


492 


INDEX 


Metropolitan  staple  scheme,  246. 
Metropolitanism,  94. 
Middlebo  rough,  114  n.  4,  225. 
Middleman,  19, 34, 91, 128, 176  f.,  180  f., 

257- 

Middleman,  com,  94,  123,  150/.,  156  f., 
176  f.,  199  f.,  206,  214.  See  also 
badger,  baker,  blader,  brewer,  broker, 
chandler,  commission  agent,  huckster, 
maltster,  mealman,  merchant,  miller, 
monger,  regrator,  retailer,  wholesaler. 

Middleman,  corn,  as  a  class,  201. 

Middleman,  functions  of  corn,  199  f. 

Middlemore,  Henry,  195  n.  5. 

Middlesex,  5,  52,66, 126 n.  2, 127m  1,456. 

Midlands,  105  n.  1,  119. 

Mileyners,  202. 

Milk,  126. 

Mill,  189. 

Miller,  78,  183  n.  2,  184,  200,  239,  329, 

335,  362- 
Milling,  188. 
Mill-stone,  6  n.  1. 
Milton,  106. 
Mining,  52. 
Minorca,  191. 
Misselyn,  153,  n.  1. 
Mistlin,  37. 
Molasses,  190. 
Money  economy,  23. 
Monger,  corn,  19,  157,  159  n.  3,  163  f., 

167  f.,  178, 180  f.,  199, 200, 202, 207, 208. 
Monger,  gild  of  the  corn,  70,  167  f.,  179. 
Monger,  organization  of  the  corn,  167  f. 
Monger,  victualling,  178. 
Monopoly,  169,  182,  202. 
Monserrat,  115  n.  1. 
Moore,  George,  197. 
Morlaix,  192. 
Mortain,  Earl  of,  3  n.  1. 
Morton,  263  f.,  372  f. 
Munes,  Aysford,  378. 
Munes,  Church,  378. 
Muscatel,  191. 
Mutton,  138. 

Nasse,  E.,  in  n.  3,  219. 
National  economy,  viii,  128,  203. 


National  legislation,  130  f.   See  statutes. 

National  phase  of  metropolitan  economy, 
257  n.  1. 

National  policy,  211,  212,  223,  232,  251. 
See  mercantile  policy  and  mercan- 
tilism. 

National  regulation,  69,  188. 

National  self-sufficiency,  249,  255. 

NaudS,  W.,  59,  61,  72  n.,  94  n.  1, 97, 116 
n.  7,  127,  130  n.  1,  134  n.  4,  144  n.  2, 
210,  222  n.,  226  n.  3,  231  n.  3,  253 
n.  4. 

Navarre,  192. 

Navigation  Acts,  140  n.  2,  142,  143,  148 
n.  4,  195. 

Navy,  140. 

Nayland,  21. 

Neath  Abbey,  40. 

Neilson,  N.,  5  n.  3,  6  n.  2,  7  n.  1. 

Nen,  49,  62. 

Netherlands,  116,  117,  249. 

Neva,  192. 

Nevis,  115  n.  1,  116. 

Newcastle,  53,  106,  107,  124,  167  n.  4, 
277,  291,  321,  322. 

New  England,  116. 

Newfoundland,  115  n.  1,  190,  191. 

Newfoundland  fish,  191. 

Newfoundland  men,  191. 

Newgate,  66,  69,  89  n.,  164. 

Newhaven,  193. 

Newhaven,  Eng.,  106. 

Newport,  104  n.  1. 

Niederlagsrecht,  90. 

Nomenclature,  157,  170. 

Norden,  J.,  126  n.  2. 

Norfolk,  7  n.  1,  21,  50,  64,  105  n.  1, 
106,  107,  no,  125,  128,  139,  174, 
175  nn.,  185  n.  1,  225,  232,  401  f. 

North,  Sir  Dudley,  203. 

Northamptonshire,  32,  62,  124,  174, 
223  n.  1. 

North-west  England,  107. 

Norway,  115,  116,  172,  173. 

Norwich,  92. 

Nonvich  area,  41  f.,  121,  122. 

Nottinghamshire,  4  n.  1,  51. 

Nurnberg,  66  n.  2,  93. 


INDEX 


493 


Oars,  191. 
Oils,  190,  191. 
Oldenham,  127  n.  1. 
Olive  oils,  148  n.  4. 
Oncken,  A.,  254  n.  1. 
Onions,  190. 
Opeland,  161  n.  1. 
Oporto,  115  n  1.,  19°.  x93- 
Oranges,  190. 
Ordnance,  191,  192. 
Orwell,  48. 
Ostend,  116  n.  5. 
Oundle,  32. 
Ouse,  49,  50,  62. 
Outports,  102,  103,  114,  256. 
Ovens,  common,  452. 
Overton,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Oxford,  48,  ss,  56,  409  t. 
Oxfordshire,  48,  56. 


r 


Paints,  192. 

Paris,  33  n.  5,  66  n.  2,  93,  122,  124,  166 

n.  3,  167  n.  3. 
Paris,  Matthew,  100  n.  2, 133  n.  2, 161  n. 

4- 
Parliament,  Rolls  of,  101. 
Patent  and  Close  Rolls,  172. 
Paternalism,  234,  236. 
Pawnbroking,  159  n.  3. 
Pearls,  191. 
Peasant,  205. 

Peasants'  Revolt,  24,  27,  63. 
Pedlars,  170. 

Pennsylvania,  115  n.,  116. 
Perambulation,  prandial,  5,  10,  24. 
Peterborough,  62,  63,  174  n.  2,  175. 
Peterborough,  Liber  Niger  of,  24. 
Petty,  Sir  W.,  74,  129  n.  3,  203. 
Pevensey,  106. 
Physiocrats,  203,  204. 
Pins,  192. 
Pipe  Rolls,  33  n.  6,  134  n.  1,  212  n.  3, 

465- 
Pipe  staves,  190. 
Pirates,  234. 
Piscator,  1 70  n.  2. 
Pissicario,  161,  n.  3. 
Pitch,  140  n.  2,  190,  191,  192,  441. 


Place  production,  199. 

Plymouth,  39,  106,  278,  292,  309,  310, 
322,  323- 

Poland,  246. 

Poles,  De  la,  173. 

Policy,  corn,  123,  156,  210  f.,  221  f., 
242  f.,  250  f.,  254,  258. 

Policy,  statutory  corn,  217,  229,  254. 

Pollards,  39. 

Poole,  112  n.  2,  278,  292,  293,  310. 

Poor,  68,  91  f.,  118,  207,  239,  249,  344, 
367,  368,  426,  456,  460,  463. 

Porcelain,  191. 

Pork,  138. 

Port  Books,  100,  465,  466. 

Porter,  corn,  70,  72  n. 

Portugal,  104,  192,  247,  432. 

Potash,  148  n.  4. 

Poulterer,  178,  179,  421,  423  f. 

Poultry,  160  n.  3,  178  n.  3. 

Poundage,  141,  142,  251,  252,  444. 

Pownall,  Governor,  150. 

Prest  and  loone,  system  of,  82. 

Price  areas,  41  f. 

,  fair  market,  196. 

,  fixing  a  minimum  corn,  77,  78,  92. 

,  fixing  of  bread,  68,  133. 

,  fixing  of  corn,  France,  72  n.,  133  n. 

1. 

,  fixing  of  corn,  in  metropolis  in 

England,  119,  120,  229. 

,  fixing  of  corn,  locally  in  England, 

68,  91,  92. 

,  fixing  of  corn,  nationally  in  Eng- 
land, 132,  133  n. 

,  fixing  of  meal,  92  n.  1. 

,  fixing  of  victuals',  68,  138. 

,  just,  201. 

,  market,  68, 118, 119, 133, 149, 196, 

23°,  454- 

,  metropolitan,  95,  97. 

,  natural,  68. 

,  official,  185  n.  2. 

,  reasonable,  223  n.  1,  227  n.  5,  231, 

236,  244,  245  n.  5. 
,  reduction  of,  88  n.  1,  91,  117,  196, 

198,  239. 
,  retail,  11 7-1 19. 


494 


INDEX 


Price,  rise  in,  results,  16,  24a. 

statistics  and  method,  35  f. 

variation,  55  f. 

,  wholesale,  117,  118. 

Prices,  341.,  204  n.  5,  205,  221,  231,  248, 

249,  437-439- 

at   which  export  was  permitted, 

137  f.,  230,  231,  243,  249,  251. 

at  which   import  was  permitted, 

147  f. 

,  corn,  in  England  up  to  1500,  n  f., 

28,  29,  35  f.,  77,  137,  221  n.  7,  252, 

369  f. 
,  corn,  in  England,  1500-1700,  73, 

77,  117  f.,  139  f.,  188,  221  n.  7,  222, 

241,  249,  252,  324  f.,  401  f.,  456,  460, 

461,  463. 

,  corn,  in  France,  12  n.  4. 

,  ground  and  unground,  corn,  117- 

119. 
Privet,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Privy  Council,  50, 109  n.  1, 124, 198  n.  1, 

223,  234,  235,  240,  241,  244,  248,  249, 

449»   456,   460,   461.     See   Register, 

Privy  Council. 
Producers,  72  n.,  134,  232. 
Producing  areas,  62,  218,  232. 
Prothero,  R.  E.,  10  n.  1,  17  n.  1,  130 

n.  1. 
Provision  of  corn,  London,  77  f. 
Provision  of  corn,  significance,  89  f . 
Prunes,  148  n.  4. 
Prussia,  246. 

Public  opinion,  201,  204,  208. 
Pulteney,  John  de,  173. 
Purveyance,  133. 
Purveyors,  132,  167,  238. 

Queenhithe,  66,  67,  79,  162  n.  3,  343, 

360  f. 
Quindecima,  74  n.  1,  104  n.  2. 

Raffe,  140  n.  2. 
Railways,  128. 
Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  247. 
Ramsey,  62. 

Ramsey,  Monastery  of,  7  nn.,  20  n.  8, 
21,  22,  24,  44,  174. 


Rates,  Book  of,  145  n.  4,  232,  440  f. 

Reach,  21. 

Rectitudines,  8,  10  n.  1. 

Register,  Privy  Council,  100,  102,  243. 

Regrate,  130, 131, 132  n.  1, 138, 150, 152, 

153  n.  4,  183  f.,  224,  233,  254. 
Regrator,  corn,  160  f.,  167,  168  n.,  171, 

172,  178  f.,  183  f.,  198-200,  202,  208, 

225,  236,  252. 
Regulation,  municipal  corn,  89  f. 
Rent,  96,  165  n. 
Repertories,  London,  100,  102,  169,  223, 

465- 
Restraint,  61,  68,  229,  242.    See  Book  of 

Orders. 
Restraint  of  Grain,  Commission  for,  228, 

233  f.,  248,  455. 
Retail,  65,  68,  151,  152,  171,  176,  198, 

348. 
Retailer,  160  n.  2,  166,  167  n.  4,  170, 

171,  174,  177,  178,  203,  208. 
Revel,  192. 
Ribadeo,  190. 

Rickman,  John,  74,  75  n.  2. 
Riga,  192. 

Rimpton,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Rochelle,  104  n.  1,  192,  193. 
Rochester,  106. 
Rogers,  J.  E.  T.,  11,  14  n.  1,  16  n.,  35, 

36  n.  1,  37  f.,  77  n.  8,  117-119,  120 

n.  1,  121  n.  1,  144  n.  2,  206,  221  n.  7, 

253- 
Rogers,  J.  E.  T.,  inaccuracies  of,  38,  39. 
Romney,  50. 
Rope,  193. 

Rosin,  148  n.  4,  190,  192. 
Rotterdam,  103  n.  3,  104  n.  1,  114  n.  4, 

US  n- 
Rotuli  Hundredorum,  6  n.  2,  7  nn.,  8  n. 

1,  19  n.  3,  20  nn.,  no  n.  6,  170  n.  1. 
Rouen,  124,  192,  193. 
Round,  J.  H.,  8  n.  2,  9  n. 
Ruding,  R.,  1 1,  12  n. 
Russell,  William,  197. 
Rye  (com),  15,  16  n.,  36  f.,  81  n.  2,  83, 

91  n.  4,  132,  139  f.,  162  n.,  191,  193, 

227  n.  4,  252  n.  1,  261,  263,  267,  324  f., 

401  f.,  424,  430,  441,  447- 


INDEX 


495 


Sack,  190,  193. 

St.  Albans,  21,  165,  169. 

St.  Edmundsbury,  21. 

St.  Germain  des  Pr£s,  8. 

St.  Jean  de  Luz,  191,  193. 

St.  Malo,  104  n.  1,  192. 

St.  Michaels,  191. 

St.  Nicholas  in  Russia,  193,  430,  433. 

St.  Omer,  104  n.  1,  158  n.  8,  159  nn. 

St.  Paul,  Domesday  of,  5  n.  3,  18  n.  3. 

St.  Paul's,  3  n.  1,  5,  22. 

St.  Sebastian,  190. 

St.  Valery,  104  n.  1. 

Sale  by  sample,  65. 

Sale  in  gross,  152, 171, 186  n.  3,  372,  387, 

388. 
Sale  on  credit,  192. 
Salt,  6  n.  1,  9  n.  1,  23  n.  4,  138  n.  2, 

148  n.  4,  190,  192,  193,  245. 
Salters,  421,  423  f.,  458,  465. 
Saltpetre,  190. 
Sandwich,  50,  106,  189,  279,  293,  294, 

310,  311,  466. 
Santa  Cruz,  190. 
Scaldefleet,  374. 
Scandinavia,  116  n.  5. 
Scarboro,  189,  287  n.  3. 
Scavage,  78  n.  4. 
Schanz,  G.,  221,  226  n.  3. 
Schmoller,  G.,  viii. 
Schoolmen,  201,  203. 
Scotland,  103,  116,  117,  193,  233,  430. 
See,  H.,  26  nn. 
Seebohm,  F.,  4  n.  2. 
Seed  corn,  7,  15  n. 
Severn,  46,  49. 

Severn  area,  Upper,  41  f.,  121,  122. 
Seville  soap,  190. 

Sheep  farming,  24,  29.    See  inclosures. 
Sherant,  104  n.  1. 
Shipper,  general,  200. 
Shipping,    140,    148    n.  4,     244.      See 

Navigation  Acts. 
Ship-silver,  7. 
Shoemakers,  203. 
Shop,  73  n.,  155,  162  nn.,  165  n.,  198, 

199,  462. 
Shop  dealers,  72  n. 


Shop  keepers,  162,  170,  178,  198,  207- 
209. 

Shop,  meal,  117,  199,  463. 

Shop  of  corn  chandlers,  185, 186,  188. 

Shrewsbury,  168  n. 

Silk,  150,  190,  191,  193. 

Silver,  18,  190,  191. 

Skinners,  179,  339,  421,  423  f.,  458,  465. 

Skins,  190,  193. 

Skirbeck  (Boston),  no. 

Smelting,  127. 

Smith,  166. 

Smith,  Adam,  12  n.  1,  205  n.,  206-208, 
241,  252  n.  2. 

Soap,  190. 

Sombart,  W.,  129  n.  2. 

Somersetshire,  49,  52,  no,  213  n.  2. 

Sopes,  162  n.  3. 

Southampton,  49,  64,  104,  107,  129,  167 
n.  4,  247,  279,  294,  311,  312. 

Southampton  area,  41  f.,  121,  122. 

Southwark,  21,  370  f. 

Southwark,  market  of,  66  n.  3,  89  n. 

South  West  area,  41  f.,  107,  121,  122. 

South  wold,  21. 

Spain,  104,  us,  "6  n.  5,  190,  191,  240, 
247,  256  n.  2,  429,  431,  432,  435. 

Spaniards,  191. 

Sparkford,  370. 

Speculator,  200. 

Spices,  151,  152,  190. 

Spirits,  148  n.  4. 

Stages  in  carrying  services,  22. 

Stages  in  the  development  of  the  hun- 
dred, s  n.  2. 

Stages  in  town  regulation,  89  f.,  95. 

Stages  in  transportation,  127. 

Stages,  labor,  25. 

Stages,  manorial,  10,  30. 

Stages,  metropolitan,  95,  201,  246. 

Stages  of  merchant  development,  170 
n.  7. 

Stalls,  178  n.  3. 

Staple,  74  n.  6,  90,  244,  245,  250,  255. 

Starch,  239. 

State  Papers,  189. 

Statistics,  n  f.,  35  f.,  117  f.,  219. 

Statute  Books,  101,  143,  144. 


496 


INDEX 


Statutes: 
Anglo-Saxon,  3  a. 

Thirteenth  century,  131, 132, 133  n.  2. 
17  Ed.  II,  c.  3,   130  n.  1,  147. 
9  Ed.  Ill,  st.  1,  c.  1,    152. 
25  Ed.  Ill,  st.  3,  c.  2,    152. 
27  Ed.  Ill,  st.  1,  c.  5,    130  n.  2. 
34  Ed.  Ill,  c.  18,    130  n.  1,  135,  147. 

34  Ed.  Ill,  c.  20,    135. 

37  Ed.  Ill,  c.  5,    131. 

38  Ed.  Ill,  c.  2,    131. 

2  R.  II,  st.  1,  c.  1,    152. 

17  R.  II,  c.  7,    136,  137,  216  n.  3. 
15  H.  VI,  c.  2,    137. 

20  H.  VI,  c.  6,  137. 
23  H.  VI,  c.  5,  138. 
27  H.  VI,  c.  3,    148. 

3  Ed.  IV,  c.  2,    148. 

25  H.  VIII,  cc.  1,  11,    138. 
25  H.  VIII,  c.  2,    132  n.  8,  138,  139 
n.  4,  226  n.  6,  230,  231. 
5  and  6  Ed.  VI,  c.  14,    131, 153, 157, 

227  n.  3. 
1  and  2  P.  and  M.,  c.  5,    139,  231. 
1  Eliz.,  c.  11,   50  n.  4,  130  n.  1,  140, 

231. 
1  Eliz.,  c.  18,    153. 
5  Eliz.,  c.  5,  133  n.,  139  n.  4, 140,  231. 
5  Eliz.,  c.  12,   154,  183  n.  3,  227  n.  3. 
13  Eliz.,  c.  13,    141,  231,  235,  236. 
13  Eliz.,  c.  25,    153,  154. 

35  Eliz.,  c.  7,    142,  231,  232  n.  1. 

39  Eliz.,  c.  2,    142. 

1  Jac.  I,  c.  21,    159. 

1  Jac.  I,  c.  25,    142,  232  n.  1. 

3  Jac.  I,  c.  11,    142. 

21  Jac.  I,  c.  28,    135,  136,  142,  148, 
232  n.  1. 

3  Car.  I,  c.  5,   142, 143, 154, 155,  232 
n.  1. 
Law  of  1650,    155. 
Law  of  1656,    143,  155. 
12  Car.  II,  c.  4,    143,  251. 
12  Car.  II,  c.  18,    148,  251  n.  1. 
15  Car.  II,  c.  7,    132,  143,  149,  156, 
251,  252  nn. 

22  Car.  II,  c.  13,    143,  149,  251. 
25  Car.  II,  c.  1,    145. 


1  Jac.  II,  c.  19,    150. 
1  W.  and  M.,  c.  12,    144. 

12  Geo.  Ill,  c.  71,    132,153. 

31  Geo.  Ill,  c.  30,    150. 

44  Geo.  Ill,  c.  109,    143. 
Statutes  of  the  Realm,  130  n.  1,  145. 
Steelyard,  194  n.  1,  324,  332. 
Steffen,  G.  F.,  36  n.  2,  38  n.  3. 
Stendal,  177. 
Stettin,  90,  93,  94. 
Steuart,  James,  12  n.  1. 
Stevenson,  W.  H.,  8  n.  3. 
Stockfish,  172. 

Stockfish  mongers'  mystery,  169,  421. 
Stockholm,  115  n. 
Stockton,  106,  145  n.  4,  466. 
Stoke,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Storing  corn,  72  n.,  76,  93,  199,  248. 
Stourbridge,  40. 
Stow,  John,  66  n.  3,  67  n.  5,  79  nn.,  148 

n.  1. 
Straits,  116  n.  5. 
Strange  corn  mongers,  165. 
Strassenzwang,  90. 
Strike,  132,  371  f. 
Sturt,  Anthony,  196,  197. 
Subsidy  accounts,  166  n.  2. 
Suffolk,  8  n.  2,  21,  36  n.  5,  47,  48,  50,  63, 

64,  105  n.  1,  106, 107,  128,  139,  175, 

232. 
Suffolk  area,  East,  41  f.,  121,  122. 
Sugar,  148  n.  4,  191. 
Summagium,  7  f. 
Surplus.    See  corn,  surplus  of. 
Surrey,  5,  52. 
Sussex,  49,  54,  105,  106,  107,  125,  166, 

224  n.  1,  234,  240,  404  f. 
Sussex,  deforestation  of,  127. 
Sutton,  5  n.  1,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Sweyneston,  382. 
Sword-blades,  190. 

Tailors,  203. 
Tallow,  191,  192,  193. 
Tangiers,  116. 
Tanners,  166,  203. 


Tar,  140  n.  2,  148  n.  4, 
Taunton,  261  f.,  370  f. 


192,  441. 


INDEX 


497 


Tavemer,  177,  178. 

Taverns,  239. 

Tawney,  R.  H.,  219  n.  3,  221. 

Tenant,  6  f.,  216,  218. 

Tenant,  customary,  18,  19,  25  f.,  63. 

Tenant  farmers,  45. 

Tenant,  free,  19,  30. 

Terceira,  191. 

Terminology,  157,  158. 

Thames,  48,  52,  105  n.  1. 

Thames  area,  Lower,  41  f.,  107, 121,  122, 

166. 
Thames  area,  Upper,  41  f.,  107,  109,  121, 

122,  125. 
Thorpe,  B.,  8  n.  3,  67  n.  6,   131  n.  3, 

132  n.  3. 
Thread,  192. 

Thiinen,  J.H.  von,95f.,i23n.  1,126, 128. 
Ticheburn,  371  f. 
Tilers,  203. 
Tillingham,  6  n.  4. 
Timber,  129  n.  3,  148  n.  4,  190. 
Time  production,  199. 
Tin,  191,  192,  442. 
Tisted,  375  f. 
Toll,  18,  20  n.  1,  27  n.  2,  78, 99, 131,  211, 

212.    See  customs  duties. 
Toll-corn,  377. 
Torrens,  R.,  206. 
Tory,  254  n.  1. 
Toulouse,  192. 
Town,  viii,  16,  27  f.,  33, 68  f.,  89  f.,  163, 

258. 

,  agricultural  market,  89. 

,  central,  90,  95  f.    See  metropolis. 

,  commercial  and  industrial,  89, 166. 

,  decay  of,  75. 

economy,  viii,  89  f .,  188,  203,  257  n. 

1. 

farm,  28,  29. 

ordinances,  65  f.,  128, 176, 177, 181, 

182. 

policy,  201. 

Trade,  177. 

,  coast,  297  f. 

,  corn,  local,  59  f. 

,  cosmopolitan,  34,  129. 

,  decay  of,  256. 


Trade,  inter-area,  63,  64,  171,  172,  177. 

ordinances,  233. 

,  restraint  of,  59  f .    See  restraint  of 

grain,  commission  for  the. 
Trade  and  Plantations,  Committee  for, 

88  n.  3. 
Transportation,    208,    216,    236.      See 

trade. 
,  coast,  50,  61,  128,  195,  219,  220, 

297  f.,  461. 

,  cost  of,  126,  129. 

,  land,  6,  20,  50,  61,  97,  124  n.,  211, 

220,  256  n.  2. 
,  river,  48  f.,  98,  124  n.,  128,  223  n. 

1,  456. 

,  stages  in,  127  f. 

,  water,  128. 

Trent,  51. 

Trent  area,  41  f.,  121,  122. 
Trent  valley,  124. 
Tripoli  in  Syria,  191. 
Trowys,  183  n.  2. 
Tunis,  103  n.  3. 
Turgot,  A.  R.  J.,  204. 
Turkey,  99  n.  1,  256  n.  2. 
Twyford,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Unearned  increment,  16. 
Unwin,  G.,  168  nn.,  177  n.  3,  258  n.  1. 
Upplande  Whete,  331. 
Usher,  A.  P.,  98,  122  n.  2,  124  n.  2,  129 
n.  3. 

Veal,  138. 

Velde,  Peter  van,  195. 

Velvet,  191. 

Venice,  116,  163,  191. 

Vetches,  38  n.  1,  266,  269. 

Victuallers,  203,  215  n.  5. 

Victuals,  68,  138,  139,  148  n.  2,  151,  152, 
154,  167,  172,  174,  179  n.  3,  181  n.  1, 
192,  217,  4ss,  456,  461. 

Village  economy,  257  n.  1. 

Villain,  ch.  I,  passim.  See  tenant,  cus- 
tomary. 

Vinegar,  148  n.  4. 

Vinogradoff,  P.,  5  n.  1,  8  n.  2,  91111.,  18 
n.  3,  26  n.  2. 


498 


INDEX 


Vintners,  I77"i79»  202,  42i,  423  »•,  458, 

466. 
Virginia,  115  n.  1,  116. 
Vivolde,  A.,  78  n. 

Wages,  28,  96. 

Wales,  4  n.  2, 41  f.,  107,  121,  122,  21,511.  2. 

Walsingham,  Little,  401. 

Waltham,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Waltham,  Bishop's,  38  n.  1. 

Waltham,  North,  263  f.,  370  f. 

Waltham,  St.  Lawrence,  263  f. 

Ware,  66. 

Warehouses,  155,  186  n.  2.  See  Bridge- 
house,  Bridewell,  and  granaries. 

Warehousing,  171. 

Wargrave,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Warwickshire,  46. 

Waste,  239. 

Waterford,  115  n.  1. 

Wax,  191-193. 

Wax-chandlers,  342,  360,  421,  424  f., 
458,  466. 

Wayn-silver,  7. 

Weavers,  177. 

Welch,  Charles,  81  n.  1. 

Wells,  22,  50,  106,  312,  313. 

Wendover,  Roger  of,  23  n.  1. 

Wesenham,  John  de,  173. 

West  Indies,  191. 

Westmorland,  403,  404. 

Weymouth,  106. 

Wheat,  n  f.,  15,  21,  35  f.,  41,  80  n.  5, 
81  nn.,  82  n.  3,  83,  86,  91  n.  3,  116 
n.  7,  117  f.,  132,  137,  139  f.,  161  n.  4, 
190-193,  216  n.  1,  221  n.  7,  224  n.  4, 
227  n.  4,  230,  251-254,  261,  263,  267, 
324  f.,  370  f.,  4091-,  424,  429,  43°, 
432,  438,  441,  447,  457,  462. 

Wheat  Books,  105. 

Wheat,  red,  401,  463. 

Wheat,  white,  463. 

Whigs,  254  n.  1. 

Whitby,  106. 

Wholesale,  166,  171,  176,  177,  181,  198, 
199,  248.    See  price,  wholesale. 

Wholesaler,  170,  172-174,  199,  200,  206. 

Wich,  23  n.  5. 


Wickstead,  P.  H.,  34  n.  2. 

Wield,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Wiener,  Leo,  158  n.  2, 160  n.  3, 163  n.  3. 

Wight,  Isle  of,  49. 

William  the  Conqueror,  32,  33  n.  1. 

Wills,  Calendar  of,  165. 

Wiltshire,  49. 

Winchelsea,  61. 

Winchester,  bishopric,  estates  of,  3  n.  1, 

4  n.  1,  7,  12,  14  n.  3,  21,  37,  44,  216, 

369,  370. 
Winchester,  bishopric,  Pipe  Roll  of,  7  n.  4, 

10  n.  11,  14  n.  1,  15  n.,  i5  n.,  35,  39. 
Winchester,  20  n.  3,  370  f. 
Winchester  House,  79. 
Wine,  6  n.  1,  116  n.  6,  138  n.  2,  148  n.  4, 

151,  177,  190,  191,  192,  193,  430  f. 
Wire,  gold  and  silver,  152. 
Witney,  48  n.  5,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Wives  bread,  37  n.  2. 
Woad,  191,  192,  193. 
Wolvesey,  263  f.,  386  f. 
Wood,  127,  139,  174,  191. 
Woodbridge,  106. 
Woodhay,  261  f.,  370  f. 
Woodhay,  Totnes,  373. 
Wool,  6,  20  n.  2,  29,  51,  151,  172,  174, 

192,  218,  221,  460. 
Woolmen,  71  n.  1,  423  f. 
Worcester,  32,  181  n.  1. 
Worcestershire,  46,  213  n.  2. 
Worsted  makers,  203. 
Wotes  (oats),  345. 
Wycombe,  165,  261  f.,  370  f. 

Yare,  50. 

Yarmouth,  21,  102,  106,  107,  in,  112 
n.  2,  113,  280,  294-296,  313,  314,  466. 
Yaxley  (Jakesle),  33,  62,  174  n.  3,  175. 
Yeomen,  196,  357. 
York  area,  41  f.,  121,  122. 
York,  city  of,  92  n.  1,  169  n.  1. 
Yorkshire,  4  n.  1, 8  n.  3,  53, 105  n.  1, 107, 

359- 
Young,  A.,  98, 99, 125, 150  n.  3,  254  n.  1. 
Ypres,  90. 

Zante,  116. 
Zealand,  172,  173. 


10U5 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

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